If you thought that the adoption of “liberated” ethnic studies in California was bad for Jews, the latest mutation of this ideology coming out of Canada, “anti-Palestinian racism,” should have you worried. Like a virus, these radical pedagogies know no boundaries. What began in Canada is spreading throughout the United States. First stop, I predict: the Golden State.
On June 20th, the Toronto District School Board (TDSB) incorporated the term “anti-Palestinian racism” in its “Combating Hate and Racism Student Learning Strategy” as well as professional development seminars for school administrators and educators.
What is “anti-Palestinian racism?” Well, the TDSB did not bother to define it. However, the framework of “anti-Palestinian racism (APR)” has been most fully expressed by the Arab Canadian Lawyers Association (ACLA), which originally promulgated the curriculum.
According to ACLA, APR “silences, excludes, erases, stereotypes, defames or dehumanizes Palestinians or their narratives.” This may be done by denying the “Nakba” (the supposed catastrophe of Israel’s creation), “justifying violence against Palestinians,” “defaming Palestinians and their allies with slander such as being inherently antisemitic, a terrorist threat/sympathizer or opposed to democratic values,” and denying Palestinian indigeneity to “occupied and historic Palestine.”
ACLA is careful to state that the definition they provide is not exhaustive. In other words, APR is a broad tent under which every possible grievance might find a home.
Yet even this “non-exhaustive” list has horrifying implications. Take, for example, “Nakba Denial.” For ACLA, “Nakba Denial” includes “claims that there are no such people called Palestinians or no state of Palestine exists … denial that Palestinians were ethnically cleansed (along with accompanying crimes) to create the state of Israel; rejecting the inalienable rights of Palestinian refugees including the right of return.”
Under such a framework, teachers will be obligated to ignore the multi-causal factors that led to Arabs leaving Israel before and during 1948. Teachers will be obliged to recognize the “right of return”—the right of all Palestinians to immigrate to Israel even though the “right of return” has never been included in any contemplated peace deal, as it would mean the end of Israel as a Jewish state. It will prevent teachers from talking about the failed peace initiatives between Israel and the Palestinians. And it will preclude Jewish students from expressing their views about the right of Jewish self-determination in our ancestral homeland.
And it will preclude Jewish students from expressing their views about the right of Jewish self-determination in our ancestral homeland.
ACLA argues that “equating the oppressed with the oppressors or blaming the oppressed for the actions of the oppressor or rationalizing the use of violence against Palestinians” is APR. This understanding of APR minimizes, legitimizes and rationalizes the history of Palestinian terrorism while viewing any response to Palestinian terror and violence as illegitimate. How might a teacher lead a discussion on the Israel-Hamas war, for example, and how might students feel free to craft arguments or express themselves if the fear of accusations of racism loom over them?
Like so much radical ideology in schools, the framework of “anti-Palestinian racism” is something that activists sneak in through the back door by first normalizing the term and then insisting that everyone must agree with the entire framework. And as with so much of the radical ideology, claims of “anti-Palestinian racism” will be used as yet another weapon in the arsenal to influence curriculums across the country.
And normalization of APR has begun. Rashida Tlaib accused Donald Trump of engaging in “anti-Palestinian racism” for his comments about Joe Biden in the debate. This year alone, the San Diego State University Senate passed a resolution condemning instances of APR, the San Francisco Bay Area office of the Council on American-Islamic Relations used the term in its press release on the Department of Education investigation into the Berkeley Unified School District, and the Massachusetts Teachers Association, through their anti-racism taskforce, held a webinar on “anti-Palestinian racism.”
The implications for the Jewish community, freedom of expression and the quality of education are staggering.
What happened in Toronto was just the trailer—it’s coming soon to a theater near you. We’ve seen this film, and we don’t want to sit through it again. Push back hard now or we’ll be stuck with “Liberated Ethnic Studies: The Sequel.”
Mika Hackner is the Senior Research Associate at The Jewish Institute for Liberal Values.
“Anti-Palestinian Racism” Is Coming Soon to a School Near You
Mika Hackner
If you thought that the adoption of “liberated” ethnic studies in California was bad for Jews, the latest mutation of this ideology coming out of Canada, “anti-Palestinian racism,” should have you worried. Like a virus, these radical pedagogies know no boundaries. What began in Canada is spreading throughout the United States. First stop, I predict: the Golden State.
On June 20th, the Toronto District School Board (TDSB) incorporated the term “anti-Palestinian racism” in its “Combating Hate and Racism Student Learning Strategy” as well as professional development seminars for school administrators and educators.
What is “anti-Palestinian racism?” Well, the TDSB did not bother to define it. However, the framework of “anti-Palestinian racism (APR)” has been most fully expressed by the Arab Canadian Lawyers Association (ACLA), which originally promulgated the curriculum.
According to ACLA, APR “silences, excludes, erases, stereotypes, defames or dehumanizes Palestinians or their narratives.” This may be done by denying the “Nakba” (the supposed catastrophe of Israel’s creation), “justifying violence against Palestinians,” “defaming Palestinians and their allies with slander such as being inherently antisemitic, a terrorist threat/sympathizer or opposed to democratic values,” and denying Palestinian indigeneity to “occupied and historic Palestine.”
ACLA is careful to state that the definition they provide is not exhaustive. In other words, APR is a broad tent under which every possible grievance might find a home.
Yet even this “non-exhaustive” list has horrifying implications. Take, for example, “Nakba Denial.” For ACLA, “Nakba Denial” includes “claims that there are no such people called Palestinians or no state of Palestine exists … denial that Palestinians were ethnically cleansed (along with accompanying crimes) to create the state of Israel; rejecting the inalienable rights of Palestinian refugees including the right of return.”
Under such a framework, teachers will be obligated to ignore the multi-causal factors that led to Arabs leaving Israel before and during 1948. Teachers will be obliged to recognize the “right of return”—the right of all Palestinians to immigrate to Israel even though the “right of return” has never been included in any contemplated peace deal, as it would mean the end of Israel as a Jewish state. It will prevent teachers from talking about the failed peace initiatives between Israel and the Palestinians. And it will preclude Jewish students from expressing their views about the right of Jewish self-determination in our ancestral homeland.
ACLA argues that “equating the oppressed with the oppressors or blaming the oppressed for the actions of the oppressor or rationalizing the use of violence against Palestinians” is APR. This understanding of APR minimizes, legitimizes and rationalizes the history of Palestinian terrorism while viewing any response to Palestinian terror and violence as illegitimate. How might a teacher lead a discussion on the Israel-Hamas war, for example, and how might students feel free to craft arguments or express themselves if the fear of accusations of racism loom over them?
Like so much radical ideology in schools, the framework of “anti-Palestinian racism” is something that activists sneak in through the back door by first normalizing the term and then insisting that everyone must agree with the entire framework. And as with so much of the radical ideology, claims of “anti-Palestinian racism” will be used as yet another weapon in the arsenal to influence curriculums across the country.
And normalization of APR has begun. Rashida Tlaib accused Donald Trump of engaging in “anti-Palestinian racism” for his comments about Joe Biden in the debate. This year alone, the San Diego State University Senate passed a resolution condemning instances of APR, the San Francisco Bay Area office of the Council on American-Islamic Relations used the term in its press release on the Department of Education investigation into the Berkeley Unified School District, and the Massachusetts Teachers Association, through their anti-racism taskforce, held a webinar on “anti-Palestinian racism.”
The implications for the Jewish community, freedom of expression and the quality of education are staggering.
What happened in Toronto was just the trailer—it’s coming soon to a theater near you. We’ve seen this film, and we don’t want to sit through it again. Push back hard now or we’ll be stuck with “Liberated Ethnic Studies: The Sequel.”
Mika Hackner is the Senior Research Associate at The Jewish Institute for Liberal Values.
Did you enjoy this article?
You'll love our roundtable.
Editor's Picks
Israel and the Internet Wars – A Professional Social Media Review
The Invisible Student: A Tale of Homelessness at UCLA and USC
What Ever Happened to the LA Times?
Who Are the Jews On Joe Biden’s Cabinet?
You’re Not a Bad Jewish Mom If Your Kid Wants Santa Claus to Come to Your House
No Labels: The Group Fighting for the Political Center
Latest Articles
A Plea to Pope Leo: Condemn the Antisemitism of Candace Owens
Silence Is Complicity: The Rot at the Heart of Jinsta Influence
Rabbis of LA | 40 Years Down and Many to Go for Rabbi Muskin
AJRCA Accreditation, Autism in Entertainment, iCenter Workshop
Athens, Sparta and Jerusalem: Why Netanyahu’s ‘Super Sparta’ Shouldn’t Surprise Us
Shofar Blowing in the Wind
This Rosh Hashanah, Synagogues Should Stick to Judaism
If people can give up their cellphones, soda, football and stock trades, they can give up politics for 50 hours.
Rebuilding Lives with Dignity: Ogen’s Lifeline for Israelis in Crisis
For more than 30 years, Ogen, Israel’s trusted nonprofit social lender, has provided families, entrepreneurs, and nonprofits with economic stability, financial guidance, and the tools to rebuild with dignity.
Book of Life – A B’Sefer Chayim Poem
I know about books…
Raphael Lemkin Coined the Term “Genocide.” Now, His Family Says, the Term Is Being Distorted
Kimmel Is Out, But Intifada Is Still In: Hollywood’s Hypocrisy on Political Violence
Free expression is essential in a democracy. No one should call for the censorship of ideas. But there must be accountability when speech crosses into incitement of political violence.
When Good People Do Something
Ari Fuld’s heroism is evident because rarely does the victim become the savior.
A Tale of Two Sunday Evenings in California
While Bill Maher and John Fetterman demonstrated an understanding of Jewish values, across town at the Emmys we saw just the opposite, delivered with the hollow prefix “as a Jew.”
Fallujah and Gaza City: Why Israel Cannot Stop Short of Victory
As Gen. Petraeus warned, “Half-measures in urban warfare do not save lives. They only postpone defeat.”
SNL’s Bowen Yang Has a Genocide Problem
Why is Saturday Night Live star Bowen Yang falsely accusing Israel of genocide, while ignoring the confirmed genocide perpetrated against Muslim Uyghurs in China?
The UN’s War on Israel — and on the Meaning of “Genocide”
It’s hard to overstate how reckless, unserious, and corrosive this claim is — not just for Israel, but for the meaning of the word “genocide” and the principle that nations have a right to defend themselves.
Rosh Hashanah and the American Dream
In reviving this dream, Milken’s center is reviving something even more vital– our faith in life. It is that very faith in life, that force that drove our ancestors, where we can find our optimism as we enter the Jewish new year.
A Moment in Time: “What Does it Take to Awaken Us?”
A Bisl Torah — Seasons of Change
Change begins with changing yourself.
Print Issue: Rosh Hashanah and the American Dream | September 19, 2025
We will begin again when we open our hearts to compassion, lovingkindness, appreciation and the good will of those who are standing right beside us — whether they be near or far, Jew or gentile, human or Divine.
Tashlich Is a Year-Round Practice at Beit T’Shuvah
At its core, the synagogue treats recovery itself as much of a spiritual practice as they do Torah.
Trisha Pérez Kennealy: Puerto Rican Jewish Heritage and Mofongo and Matzo Ball Soup
Taste Buds with Deb – Episode 125
Versatile Muffins for a Sweet New Year
Hannah Sattler’s honey-glazed caramel apple muffins are the High Holy Day value-add you didn’t know you needed.
Apples and Honey and Chicken, Oh My!
Pam Stein’s honey glazed, air-fried chicken thighs with apples and onions is a flavorful and symbolic entree.
Challah with a Twist for the High Holidays
To mix up your regular holiday challah routine, here are two fun options to try.
Countless Blessings: A Rosh Hashanah Couscous
For me, the ultimate food for any celebration is couscous.
More news and opinions than at a
Shabbat dinner, right in your inbox.
More news and opinions than at a Shabbat dinner, right in your inbox.