For 2000 years, the Jewish People did not have a state to run. That is, until Israel was established. For 2000 years and then some seventy more, the Jewish People did not have to worry about a Prime Minister who wants to observe the Shabbat according to halachic rules. That is, until Naftali Bennett became our PM.
The meaning of Shabbat in a Jewish State is an issue Israel deals with on a constant basis. Should stores be opened, should we have public transportation, should Shabbat be just a day of rest or maybe a day of rest with an extra meaning. The government is not supposed to work on Shabbat, except when it’s necessary. Well, what do we mean by necessary? In the mid-seventies, the first government of Yitzhak Rabin crumbled when F-15 airplanes arrived at Israel and were received by officials, including the PM, on a Friday after sundown. The religious party Mafdal used this opportunity to abandon the coalition. A few months later, a historic election planted Menachem Begin at the PM’s office and strengthened the power of the religious and traditional sectors of Israel’s Jewish society to make rules.
How Shabbat is supposed to be in a Jewish State is a serious question, and a challenging one, as there is no precedent to follow. And no less challenging is the question about the PM’s mode of operation. Last week, Bennett was criticized by opponents from the religious-right for “desecrating shabbat”. He was in the situation room to follow the forces that were hunting six Palestinian terrorists who fled from an Israeli prison in a daring escape.
Did he have to be there? That’s one question Orthodox Israelis began debating. A Haredi commentator, Israel Cohen, argued that “Bennett did not have to command any operation. He was literally desecrating the Sabbath.” The Minister of Religious Affairs, Matan Kahana, who is Orthodox and a Bennett ally, responded by saying that “a religious prime minister and a Sabbath-keeper must be in charge of the operation on Shabbat or any other day of the year.”
Of course, this dispute was first and foremost political and, in many ways, silly. Bennett’s opponents weren’t worried about his conduct – they just saw an opportunity to attack his behavior and portray him as not loyal to his camp and ideology. And to be honest, I was also not convinced that it was truly essential for Bennett to be in the situation room when the race to capture the fugitives was under way. I assume they would have been captured without him.
And yet, the questions are real and interesting. An Orthodox PM of a secular state must grapple with it. Let’s examine a few options: One: Bennett says “I do not have to be here, and it’s Shabbat, so I’m going home.” Is that a proper way for a PM who cares about the Shabbat to handle himself – leaving other people to work on Shabbat while he gets to rest? Two: Bennett says, “I don’t have to be here, but since you’re here I’ll also be here.” Is this not basically saying that as long as one person must work on Shabbat the PM also must work on Shabbat? Three: the PM calls a rabbi and asks “should I stay here for Shabbat?” – do we really want to add this to the already-complicated governmental process? And what if one rabbi says yes and one says no? Does it have to be the Chief Rabbi – whose relations with Bennett’s party are quite shaky – or can Bennett call a rabbi more to his liking?
Clearly, there are at least two issues at play here. One concerns the role of the PM as a public servant, the other one concerns the personal tendencies of a certain religious person who must decide how to navigate his life. In many cases, the result will be clear-cut: If there’s an all-out war, the PM is needed in full capacity, and no one is going to say otherwise. But in many other cases, it will be vague and more open to interpretation.
All previous PMs were secular, or traditional – not observant Orthodox – and thus didn’t have to worry neither about appearances (do I seem hypocritical) nor about personal conflicts (do I behave properly). They just needed to make sure that they did not cross a line that could annoy religious coalition partners (the way Rabin did with the F-15 crisis).
Bennett is navigating in unchartered territory. He must prove that an Orthodox leader can run a country.
Bennett is navigating in unchartered territory. He must prove that an Orthodox leader can run a country. He must prove that a leader of a country can keep being Orthodox. He must do both without any precedent, without clear instructions, to guide him. Add this to his long list of challenges.
Something I wrote in Hebrew
Here I will share paragraphs from what I write in Hebrew (mostly for themadad.com). Last week, I wrote on the state’s request of the Court for another six-month grace period before razing the illegal Bedouin village of Khan al-Ahmar.
Former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu repeatedly postponed the excavation of the Khan al-Ahmar archaeological site. His critics on the right have attacked him for this, and that includes the leader who currently serves as Prime Minister. Considering his current move, his past critique seems a bit hollow and a bit shabby. Never mind: It’s better to look a little stupid, than to make a stupid move.
A Week’s Numbers
We were somewhat surprised to see these numbers from a poll by the themadad.com. In Israel we tend to think about “right” and “left” not as camps divided by economic agenda but rather divided by issues such as the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, or Supreme Court authority. But as you can see here, right and left in Israel are (also) much like right and left all over the world. Just take it with a grain of salt. Israelis aren’t Americans, and when right-wing Israelis say “less” they don’t intend to go as far as no-national-health-care.
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