July Fourth long made me uncomfortable with my Jewish heritage and its connection to Israel. I wondered how the notions of Zionism and Jewish solidarity I was raised with fit in with my American identity.
Ever since childhood, I have revered the ideals of freedom, justice and equality expressed in our Declaration of Independence. Although we are far from the “more perfect union” envisioned by the Constitution, seeing the Stars and Stripes flapping in the wind evokes the sense of playing a role in Lincoln’s “last best hope of earth.”
Israel’s flag also stirs my emotions. Earlier this year while visiting my wife’s Israeli family, I saw thousands of people waving blue-and-white flags while protesting their far-right government. The crowd’s love of country was palpable. The sea of flags elicited pride in the vision of Zionism that the flag wavers and I shared. That vision, of a nation promising “complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, sex or race,” was articulated in giant copies of Israel’s Declaration of Independence that protestors signed during the rallies.
I visit my Israeli relatives often. Once a group of cousins, knowing I had written opinion pieces about Israel, approached me over lunch.
“When you go back home you have to tell them what we face here,” one cousin insisted.
“Tell them about how I work in hospitals with Arab doctors,” another said.
“Tell them about the terrorism,” someone added.
I mumbled something about trying to be an even-handed reporter. They were active in organizations that criticized their government’s restrictive refugee policy and campaigned for politicians that opposed the West Bank settlements. Yet they were desperate to have their country bathed in a positive light.
My cousins’ sensitivity towards portrayals of their country reflects a sense of unity that comes with being a Jew in the Jewish State. America has no equivalent bonding agent.
As Michael Walzer notes in his book “The Struggle For A Decent Politics,” American patriotism revolves around universal ideals of democracy and justice, which has encouraged us to export those ideals abroad. But our notion of nationalism revolves around multiculturalism — the hyperawareness of race, religion, ethnicity, and sexual orientationthat define our identities.
Regarding myself as a Jewish-American has allowed me to find my space within the American landscape. I regularly attend a Conservative synagogue, send my daughter to a Jewish day school, and am active in Zionist organizations. Expressing my religious heritage corresponds with my bedrock belief that respect for minorities is an ethical imperative, necessary to complete the unfinished American project.
My connection to Israel rests both on family and the tribalism that ties me to the Promised Land. I also grew up with the belief that Jews have a natural connection with each other. But a shared religious heritage is no guarantee of a shared worldview.
Most of my Israeli relatives speak excellent English and echo my disgust with the occupation. But our commonality has limits.
One time I debated a cousin about Israel’s bombing of Gaza. I saw it as unduly harsh, while he found it justifiable.
“We see ourselves as being on the defensive,” he explained, placing his hands as if to shield his face. “We are always on alert.”
The sense of danger my relatives live with was encapsulated for me during a video-call. Hamas was attacking Israel.
“We hear missiles buzzing over our house,” my sister-in-law said.
“We haven’t slept in days,” my brother-in-law added.
They were visibly exhausted and uncharacteristically frazzled. This, I realized, is what it is like to be Israeli.
My younger relatives are proud of their IDF service. Their sense that Israel is under siege acts as a glue that I have no reference for. Despite my unfamiliarity with living in a society intertwined by religion and military service, Israel has added a previously untapped dimension to my religious identity.
In Jerusalem or Tel Aviv I feel a lightness that is unobtainable in New York. I shed the weight of America’s historical complexities and ethnic rivalries, and exist just as a Jew.
In Jerusalem or Tel Aviv I feel a lightness that is unobtainable in New York. I shed the weight of America’s historical complexities and ethnic rivalries, and exist just as a Jew.
Yet if I were to become an Israeli, rather than just a Jewish visitor, I would have to navigate a social code where religion, ethnicity, history and national identity play a far different role than they do in the United States.
In America I know my place in the cultural landscape. I can translate the relationships between races, and political loyalties into a language I speak. None of this translation is possible for me in Israel.
At my core I am an American, specifically a Jewish-American. By encouraging my hyphenated identity, my country has helped facilitate my attachment to Zionism, even as I have come to realize how much I differ from Israelis.
Ben Krull’s work has appeared in The New York Times, Washington Post, New York Daily News and other publications.
Red, Blue and White
Ben Krull
July Fourth long made me uncomfortable with my Jewish heritage and its connection to Israel. I wondered how the notions of Zionism and Jewish solidarity I was raised with fit in with my American identity.
Ever since childhood, I have revered the ideals of freedom, justice and equality expressed in our Declaration of Independence. Although we are far from the “more perfect union” envisioned by the Constitution, seeing the Stars and Stripes flapping in the wind evokes the sense of playing a role in Lincoln’s “last best hope of earth.”
Israel’s flag also stirs my emotions. Earlier this year while visiting my wife’s Israeli family, I saw thousands of people waving blue-and-white flags while protesting their far-right government. The crowd’s love of country was palpable. The sea of flags elicited pride in the vision of Zionism that the flag wavers and I shared. That vision, of a nation promising “complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, sex or race,” was articulated in giant copies of Israel’s Declaration of Independence that protestors signed during the rallies.
I visit my Israeli relatives often. Once a group of cousins, knowing I had written opinion pieces about Israel, approached me over lunch.
“When you go back home you have to tell them what we face here,” one cousin insisted.
“Tell them about how I work in hospitals with Arab doctors,” another said.
“Tell them about the terrorism,” someone added.
I mumbled something about trying to be an even-handed reporter. They were active in organizations that criticized their government’s restrictive refugee policy and campaigned for politicians that opposed the West Bank settlements. Yet they were desperate to have their country bathed in a positive light.
My cousins’ sensitivity towards portrayals of their country reflects a sense of unity that comes with being a Jew in the Jewish State. America has no equivalent bonding agent.
As Michael Walzer notes in his book “The Struggle For A Decent Politics,” American patriotism revolves around universal ideals of democracy and justice, which has encouraged us to export those ideals abroad. But our notion of nationalism revolves around multiculturalism — the hyperawareness of race, religion, ethnicity, and sexual orientationthat define our identities.
Regarding myself as a Jewish-American has allowed me to find my space within the American landscape. I regularly attend a Conservative synagogue, send my daughter to a Jewish day school, and am active in Zionist organizations. Expressing my religious heritage corresponds with my bedrock belief that respect for minorities is an ethical imperative, necessary to complete the unfinished American project.
My connection to Israel rests both on family and the tribalism that ties me to the Promised Land. I also grew up with the belief that Jews have a natural connection with each other. But a shared religious heritage is no guarantee of a shared worldview.
Most of my Israeli relatives speak excellent English and echo my disgust with the occupation. But our commonality has limits.
One time I debated a cousin about Israel’s bombing of Gaza. I saw it as unduly harsh, while he found it justifiable.
“We see ourselves as being on the defensive,” he explained, placing his hands as if to shield his face. “We are always on alert.”
The sense of danger my relatives live with was encapsulated for me during a video-call. Hamas was attacking Israel.
“We hear missiles buzzing over our house,” my sister-in-law said.
“We haven’t slept in days,” my brother-in-law added.
They were visibly exhausted and uncharacteristically frazzled. This, I realized, is what it is like to be Israeli.
My younger relatives are proud of their IDF service. Their sense that Israel is under siege acts as a glue that I have no reference for. Despite my unfamiliarity with living in a society intertwined by religion and military service, Israel has added a previously untapped dimension to my religious identity.
In Jerusalem or Tel Aviv I feel a lightness that is unobtainable in New York. I shed the weight of America’s historical complexities and ethnic rivalries, and exist just as a Jew.
Yet if I were to become an Israeli, rather than just a Jewish visitor, I would have to navigate a social code where religion, ethnicity, history and national identity play a far different role than they do in the United States.
In America I know my place in the cultural landscape. I can translate the relationships between races, and political loyalties into a language I speak. None of this translation is possible for me in Israel.
At my core I am an American, specifically a Jewish-American. By encouraging my hyphenated identity, my country has helped facilitate my attachment to Zionism, even as I have come to realize how much I differ from Israelis.
Ben Krull’s work has appeared in The New York Times, Washington Post, New York Daily News and other publications.
Did you enjoy this article?
You'll love our roundtable.
Editor's Picks
Israel and the Internet Wars – A Professional Social Media Review
The Invisible Student: A Tale of Homelessness at UCLA and USC
What Ever Happened to the LA Times?
Who Are the Jews On Joe Biden’s Cabinet?
You’re Not a Bad Jewish Mom If Your Kid Wants Santa Claus to Come to Your House
No Labels: The Group Fighting for the Political Center
Latest Articles
‘As a Jew’ Jews—Shut Up!
Steve Ballmer and the Ecstasy of Hubris
Repair the World and Hillel International Engaging 800+ College Students in 9/11 Volunteer Program
Jim Joseph Foundation Releases Unprecedented Research on Jewish Young Adults
‘The Bridge’ Between Rock Music and Healing
Know Before Whom You Stand — A poem for Parsha Nitzavim-Vayeilech
A Statement About Donald Trump’s Apocrypha
A Moment in Time: Rosh HaShanah – We Ascend
A Bisl Torah — All Over Again
Repenting includes examining and admitting our mistakes. Seeking forgiveness. Determining to do better. Being better. Every single day.
Print Issue: AKLA Rises | September 4, 2026
A local teen initiative to build Jewish pride expands to other cities and shows the enduring power of curiosity and Jewish identity.
New Book, ‘Digital Warrior,’ Goes Inside Israel’s Message War
Lester brings the reader into the communications operation during the war: the videos, arguments, mistakes, debates over what to post and the race to respond to events moving faster than any communications office could control.
Love, Drugs and Prison: The True Story Behind ‘10 Kilos’
Hanging Out at the Jewish American Summit
Among the speakers, Adam Milstein, a real estate investor, philanthropist and co-founder of the fast-growing Impact Forum, urged attendees to frame antisemitism as an American issue and not just a Jewish issue.
Eyal Shani’s Recipe for Kosher Cuisine: Wild, Bold and Full of Life
The Beverly Hills menu features some of Malka’s best-known dishes, including the Queen Malka Schnitzel, Branzino Hraime, onglet served with roasted white peaches and Israeli-style hummus.
A Festive French Roast
One of my favorite things to cook for the Jewish holidays is a beautiful French roast. It’s so very festive and is perfect to feed a hungry crowd.
Table for Five: Nitzavim-Vayelech
Hidden and Revealed
The Genius of the Marx Brothers
Like the greatest satirists, such as Jonathan Swift and Mark Twain, they chose comedy over accusation to mock the folly of society and add levity to dark times. But their aim was not levity alone.
AKLA Rises
From a Local Experiment to a National Program: AKLA Expands Its Vision for Jewish Teens
Rosner’s Domain | What Do You ‘Know’ About Altalena?
The Altalena was a munitions ship fired upon and sunk by the newly formed Israel Defense Forces in 1948.
“The Star on the Grave”
Better Kisser Than a Cook
Sometimes love arrives ahead of you, in spite of you. Cooking slowly became a way of being there for the people I love. A wordless language that says: I see you. I hear you. You’re worth the onion-chopping.
Israel’s Brain-Drain Debate Is Asking the Wrong Question
If an experienced professional with rare expertise leaves Israel, the impact cannot be understood simply by adding another person to a brain-drain statistic. The more relevant question is how many people with comparable experience remain, how essential that expertise is and how easily it can be rebuilt.
Conspiracy Theories Have Never Been Good for the Jews; They Won’t Be Good for Israel
Conspiracy theories and antisemitism do have an affinity and important features in common, including the tendency to frame accusations in such a way that refutation does not affect the accuser. Having suffered from this for centuries, do we really want it in our public life?
I Am an American, a Jew, and a Progressive Democrat. Can I Still Be All Three?
Any Democrat seeking to lead the party in 2028 should embrace the politics of addition by subtraction and reject any movement seeking to end all aid to Israel and replace America’s constitutional order.
Apprenticeship in Mystery: Working the Infinite into the Ordinary
We live in an age with zero patience for uncertainty. We have answers for everything, almost magically. And somehow, we still seem to know nothing about what it means to be here.
Deuteronomy’s Directions for America
Moses’ speech was addressed to people standing on the threshold of a new chapter. The American story is similarly turning a new page.
More news and opinions than at a Shabbat dinner, right in your inbox.