After twelve years in power, Netanyahu as head of the opposition is now a possibility. In fact, it is a likelihood more than a possibility. Prime Minister of Israel Benjamin Netanyahu has two weeks to form a coalition before his mandate expires, and his options are: let someone else from within his own camp be the prime minister, or become the head of the opposition. Forming a coalition and a government no longer seems a realistic option.
Can you believe it? You’d have to get used to it, but for Netanyahu this will be his third time as head of the opposition. He was there when Prime Ministers Yitzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres ran the country in the early nineties. He was there when Prime Minister Ehud Olmert ran the country until 2009. He might have to readjust to this position, this time while standing trial.
For Netanyahu this will be his third time as head of the opposition.
How did this happen? The election forced Netanyahu to find more partners than his usual camp of supporters. He needed to recruit Naftali Bennett’s Yamina party — when Bennett was running to replace him. He needed to retain the support of the hawkish Religious Zionist party. And he needed Islamist Raam to get to more than 60 seats. The short story is that the Religious Zionist party refused to sit with Raam. Netanyahu tried to lure the New Hope party in as substitute, but this also failed. He then floated a new idea: a quick special election only for the job of prime minister. But on Monday, Netanyahu’s bloc was ambushed by the “camp of change” and lost control of forming Knesset committees. Raam closed a deal with opposition leader Yair Lapid and voted against Netanyahu.
That was a final reality check. Netanyahu does not have a majority and is unlikely to have one in the next two weeks. If he does nothing, the other camp will get a shot at forming an uneasy coalition of rivals. Hawkish Bennett and Gideon Saar, centrist Yair Lapid and Avigdor Lieberman, leftist Labor and Meretz and, finally, Islamist Raam. This will be a narrow coalition and one that is ideologically incoherent. Its goal would be to unseat Netanyahu and focus on uncontroversial policies. It might be formed or it might not; it might survive for more than a few months or it might not. Bennett would likely start as the prime minister, followed by Lapid after two years, if the coalition doesn’t collapse under its own weight. Netanyahu is going to blast it daily, calling it a left-wing coalition, denigrating it as illegitimate (Bennett, with seven seats, as the prime minister? It’s not illegitimate, but it is slightly weird).
Netanyahu’s other option is to hand someone else in Likud the key to forming a coalition. But he is smart enough to know that this key will not be easily returned. He is also smart enough to know that being the leader of the opposition is not as powerful a position as being the prime minister. If a Bennett-Lapid government survives for more than a few months, the grumble of Likud members could lead to revolt against him.
Then again, his cards are few and weak. For now, he will prepare for the following scenarios:
Best case (for him): The other coalition also doesn’t form, and Israel goes to a fifth election.
Second best: A coalition forms but collapses after a short time, when Netanyahu still controls Likud.
Third option: Netanyahu is the head of the opposition and has to fight against his rivals’ government, the prosecutors at the court and a revolt within Likud.
Netanyahu, Head of the Opposition?
Shmuel Rosner
After twelve years in power, Netanyahu as head of the opposition is now a possibility. In fact, it is a likelihood more than a possibility. Prime Minister of Israel Benjamin Netanyahu has two weeks to form a coalition before his mandate expires, and his options are: let someone else from within his own camp be the prime minister, or become the head of the opposition. Forming a coalition and a government no longer seems a realistic option.
Can you believe it? You’d have to get used to it, but for Netanyahu this will be his third time as head of the opposition. He was there when Prime Ministers Yitzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres ran the country in the early nineties. He was there when Prime Minister Ehud Olmert ran the country until 2009. He might have to readjust to this position, this time while standing trial.
How did this happen? The election forced Netanyahu to find more partners than his usual camp of supporters. He needed to recruit Naftali Bennett’s Yamina party — when Bennett was running to replace him. He needed to retain the support of the hawkish Religious Zionist party. And he needed Islamist Raam to get to more than 60 seats. The short story is that the Religious Zionist party refused to sit with Raam. Netanyahu tried to lure the New Hope party in as substitute, but this also failed. He then floated a new idea: a quick special election only for the job of prime minister. But on Monday, Netanyahu’s bloc was ambushed by the “camp of change” and lost control of forming Knesset committees. Raam closed a deal with opposition leader Yair Lapid and voted against Netanyahu.
That was a final reality check. Netanyahu does not have a majority and is unlikely to have one in the next two weeks. If he does nothing, the other camp will get a shot at forming an uneasy coalition of rivals. Hawkish Bennett and Gideon Saar, centrist Yair Lapid and Avigdor Lieberman, leftist Labor and Meretz and, finally, Islamist Raam. This will be a narrow coalition and one that is ideologically incoherent. Its goal would be to unseat Netanyahu and focus on uncontroversial policies. It might be formed or it might not; it might survive for more than a few months or it might not. Bennett would likely start as the prime minister, followed by Lapid after two years, if the coalition doesn’t collapse under its own weight. Netanyahu is going to blast it daily, calling it a left-wing coalition, denigrating it as illegitimate (Bennett, with seven seats, as the prime minister? It’s not illegitimate, but it is slightly weird).
Netanyahu’s other option is to hand someone else in Likud the key to forming a coalition. But he is smart enough to know that this key will not be easily returned. He is also smart enough to know that being the leader of the opposition is not as powerful a position as being the prime minister. If a Bennett-Lapid government survives for more than a few months, the grumble of Likud members could lead to revolt against him.
Then again, his cards are few and weak. For now, he will prepare for the following scenarios:
Best case (for him): The other coalition also doesn’t form, and Israel goes to a fifth election.
Second best: A coalition forms but collapses after a short time, when Netanyahu still controls Likud.
Third option: Netanyahu is the head of the opposition and has to fight against his rivals’ government, the prosecutors at the court and a revolt within Likud.
Did you enjoy this article?
You'll love our roundtable.
Editor's Picks
Israel and the Internet Wars – A Professional Social Media Review
The Invisible Student: A Tale of Homelessness at UCLA and USC
What Ever Happened to the LA Times?
Who Are the Jews On Joe Biden’s Cabinet?
You’re Not a Bad Jewish Mom If Your Kid Wants Santa Claus to Come to Your House
No Labels: The Group Fighting for the Political Center
Latest Articles
Print Issue: The Silent Boycott | August 21, 2026
Jacob and Esau Clash on the Cross Bronx Expressway in New Book
Israeli Rom-Com ‘Bloody Murray’ Balances
Elon Gold’s ‘The Wedding Entertainer’ Up for Best Film at 2026 Ophir Awards
The Bad Data Behind the ‘Genocide’ Charge
In This Season: Renewing Our L.A. Jewish Community
There’s a Leek in the Bureka
Deliciously flaky and crispy with a satisfying creamy filling, these burekas are really easy to prepare.
Table for Five: Ki Teitzei
A Lost Sheep
The Silent Boycott
How Israeli Academics Are Being Shut Out of the International Academic World
Hit the Pause Button
The pause isn’t the absence of action; it’s a sanctuary in time.
Rosner’s Domain | The Repressed Question of Judea and Samaria
It is a challenge for which various solutions have already been tried and failed. Most of all, it is a challenge that doesn’t seem to have any prospect of being addressed anytime soon in a way that leads to a final resolution.
Presidents Have Always Lied — When Threatened by Assassins
Presidential security machinations, like presidential vacation time and decorating budgets, often serve as partisan Rorschach tests: rivals mock, while supporters defend.
Why I’m No Longer a Democrat
It is about refusing to allow partisan loyalty to make us silent when our own community is threatened.
Why I’m Staying in the Democratic Party
Nowhere is it written you have to agree with every position taken by every candidate running as a member of your party.
We Must Fight Antisemitism By Solidifying Our Connection to America
America needs the Jews as much as the Jews need America.
Debunking the Lie of the Century
Investigative journalist and bestselling author Gerald Posner offers a primer to debunk the “genocide” libel against Israel.
Leaning Toward Love: Expanding What Counts as a Jewish Home
Maximizing Jewish life, learning, practice and belonging remains nonnegotiable. However, when a halakhic ruling fails to achieve its purpose, we must reexamine the ruling.
Seeking the Sanhedrin and What It Means to Be a Rabbi
Sitting on a Three-Legged Chair
Every morning I convince myself that if I could just find the right system, the right schedule, everything would finally balance.
A Minyan in a Garage
The minyan included mechanics, replete with the mandatory oil-stained hands and grime beneath their fingernails.
Trump vs. Harvard
Trump’s administration has been conducting a multi-front war against America’s oldest university, freezing previously approved federal research grants, restricting international student visas, and targeting the school’s tax-exempt status.
Entryism and Jew Hatred: The Case of Doctors Without Borders
MSF’s governing structure has been manipulated by individuals who refashioned MSF into a vehicle for anti-Israel, anti-Western, and often antisemitic propaganda.
Habibi City’s SWANA Isn’t a Region. It’s a Loyalty Test.
SWANA is not a description of a region’s peoples. It is a membership test, and the price of admission is agreement on Jews and Israel.
Jewish National Fund-USA Marking 125 Years of Impact with San Diego Global Conference
The Global Conference for Israel will both celebrate the organization’s 125-year milestone and highlight discussions regarding what lies ahead for it, as well as for Israel’s future.
The Golden Age of Political Profanity
Many political animals behave like animals when it comes to making their opinions known—regardless of party.
Disarm, Verify, Withdraw. The Only Path Forward for Gaza
This is not a call for endless war. It is a call for realism.
More news and opinions than at a Shabbat dinner, right in your inbox.