fbpx

Outrage Is a Test

Are we moved to protect girls, or by the ease of condemning the correct villain?
[additional-authors]
February 10, 2026
aofujimaki/Getty Images

There is, and should be, enduring outrage over Jeffrey Epstein.

A man with extraordinary access used that access to abuse underage girls while circulating among presidents, prime ministers, princes, financiers, and intellectuals. Institutions meant to protect the vulnerable proved permeable. People who might have intervened found reasons not to. Power performed its oldest service: it protected the predator.

The disgust is real. It should be.

But outrage is not self-justifying. It demands something from the people who carry it. Above all, it asks whether it is a rule or a ritual.

Rules travel. Rituals stay home.

And when the spectacle thins — when the documentaries end and the podcasts move on — the Epstein affair leaves a question behind like a fingerprint on glass:

Are we moved to protect girls, or by the ease of condemning the correct villain?

Because if we mean what we say, the moral language summoned in Epstein’s name should echo in places far less comfortable to discuss.

Epstein required darkness. Secrecy was infrastructure. So was the decision not to know. The shadows were part of the design.

Elsewhere, similar harm moves not through shadows but through paperwork. It passes desks. It gathers stamps. It is explained, justified, normalized.

In Iran, a girl may legally be married at thirteen, and younger with judicial approval. The system does not hide this; it records it.

In Egypt, despite prohibitions, female genital mutilation remains the experience of most girls. The practice did not retreat. It adapted. It is often carried out by medical professionals, before many girls reach their teens.

In Yemen, thin legal barriers have long allowed girls to be married off while still children, and poor records help obscure how many.

In Pakistan, minority families continue to allege daughters taken, converted, married, and then sealed behind rulings that can turn terror into legality.

This is not conspiracy talk.

It is the daily work of lawyers, activists, and parents.

And yet — beside Epstein — the volume falls almost to silence.

We are told not to compare.

But refusing comparison is how inconsistency survives.

If influence magnified Epstein’s crimes, why would state sanction not magnify others? If abuse of a minor is intolerable, why would miles make it milder?

The pattern is familiar. Those who can detect injustice in a careless phrase grow restrained when the injustice is structural.

Not because they misunderstand.

Because they understand the price.

What makes the quiet harder to defend is that the call for clarity comes most urgently from inside these societies.

From the women of Iran who flooded the streets after the killing of Mahsa Amini.

From Egyptian reformers who have risked livelihoods and safety to call mutilation what it is.

From Pakistani families who enter courtrooms fearing the paperwork more than the abductors.

They understand the danger perfectly. What they cannot understand is the restraint abroad.

Epstein is easy. The villain is famous, the righteous outrage preloaded. One can thunder without consequence.

But if he is only a spectacle, he will evaporate like one.

If he is a standard, then standards require repetition. They require application where applause is uncertain and backlash guaranteed.

They ask whether we intend to keep our promises — to all victims.

Selective outrage leaves injuries of its own.

It abandons reformers.
It reassures regimes.
It tells millions of girls that universality comes with conditions.

It builds a hierarchy of empathy — precisely what the language of human rights was meant to undo.

The Epstein story will keep producing revelations. It will fuel films, threads, and endless reuse. It will tempt people to make suffering serve other narratives.

That temptation will win more often than it should.

But beneath it lies something sterner.

If we mean what we say about protecting children, then we must mean it everywhere.

If we do not, the boundary we have located is not geographic. It is moral.


Micha Danzig served in the Israeli Army and is a former police officer with the NYPD. He is currently an attorney and is very active with numerous Jewish and pro-Israel organizations, including Stand With Us and the FIDF, and is a national board member of Herut North America.

Did you enjoy this article?
You'll love our roundtable.

Editor's Picks

Latest Articles

The Sweet Song of Survival

There is a second form of sacred survival: to survive as a nation. And that too takes precedence over everything.

Print Issue: Iran | March 5, 2026

Success in the war against Iran – which every American and Israeli should hope for – will only strengthen the tendency of both leaders to highlight their dominant personalities as the state axis, at the expense of the boring institutions that serve them.

In a Pickle– A Turshi Recipe

Tangy, bright and filled with irresistible umami flavor, turshi is the perfect complement to burgers, kebabs and chicken, as well as the perfect foil for eggs and salads.

Who Knows?

When future generations tell your story and mine, which parts will look obvious in hindsight? What opportunities will we have leveraged — and decisions made — that define our legacy?

You Heard It Here First, Folks!

For over half a decade, I had seen how the slow drip of antisemitism, carefully enveloped in the language of social justice and human rights, had steadily poisoned people whom I had previously considered perfectly reasonable.

More news and opinions than at a Shabbat dinner, right in your inbox.