For those who remember the April 2002 Jenin “massacre” hoax, the whirlwind of accusations of genocide, starvation and mass killings in Gaza are familiar. Then, as now, there is very little verifiable information, but, relying on Palestinian “sources,”with their UN and NGO industry allies, Israel is again pronounced guilty.
The events of April 2002 should serve as an object lesson for how a concerted campaign can turn propaganda and lies, parroted in a closed echo chamber, into unquestioned fact. In that incident, Israeli forces were accused of a large-scale massacre in the Jenin refugee camp on the West Bank. Operation Defensive Shield targeted the center of the Palestinian terror network located in a dense urban area that had carried out mass bombings, including a Passover night attack in Netanya that killed 30 Israeli civilians (a real massacre). Israeli casualties numbered hundreds of dead, and thousands with major injuries.
Immediately after IDF forces entered Jenin, Palestinian officials and NGO “experts” rushed to appear on the BBC and CNN, where they authoritatively declared that Israeli forces killed 500 or even 1,300 civilians. Citing Palestinian hospitals and anonymous “eyewitnesses”, they described IDF tanks allegedly bulldozing homes and executing civilians. Derek Pounder, from Amnesty International, told the BBC that he had direct first-hand knowledge to verify these atrocities. But Pounder was nowhere near Jenin, as was the case for all the other “independent sources.”
Similarly, Ken Roth, the long-time leader of Human Rights Watch with a well-known hostility towards Israel, condemned the “disproportionate use of force” – an easily manipulated term which lacks a consistent definition in urban counterterror conflicts. In press releases, statements and reports, Roth repeated the mantra, and echoing “trusted NGO experts,” media headlines featured words like massacre and war crimes.
In parallel, the UN Human Rights Commission (as it was known then) held an emergency session to demand that Israel open the area to “international observers.” The NGOs lobbied intensively for the creation of an “independent investigation commission” to examine the evidence of Israeli war crimes. (The hundreds of Israeli victims of the Palestinian mass bombing campaign, known as the “second intifada,” were of no interest to these human rights stalwarts.)
But it was all a lie, and the massacre myth began to disintegrate. Only around 50 confirmed names of dead Palestinians were published (most affiliated with the terror groups ), and videos showed staged funerals in which “victims” accidentally fell to the ground, and the bodies miraculously sprang to life and run away. Accounts by Israeli troops were publicized, including the activities of the IDF medical team headed by Dr. David Zangen, and the non-combat related care they provided to Palestinians, including children, while in Jenin. In the fighting, 23 Israeli soldiers were killed by explosives in the booby-trapped buildings of the refugee camp.
But the false accusations and demonization were not erased, and remained ready to be amplified in the next round. There were no consequences for the journalists, UN or NGO officials who spread the lies and added to anti-Israel hate propaganda. In the absence of penalties or even mild censure for violating basic professional standards, this behavior became the norm.
All of this is entirely relevant to the storm regarding the food distribution process in Gaza. This one features the same combination of unverified claims and the central role of NGOs like Amnesty International and HRW in spreading the myths.
Now, as in 2002, the stakes in the propaganda battle are very high. Hamas and its allies give highest priority to preventing the alternative Gaza Humanitarian Foundation from replacing the UN agencies and NGOs that are closely allied with the terror organization. The Hamas support network is using all available political and media assets to promote the accusations of wanton deaths and starvation, media platforms and feel-good politicians in Europe and elsewhere are eager to lend their assistance.
As in Jenin, it could take months to discern and separate the facts in Gaza from the lies. Until that stage is reached, it is important to acknowledge the uncertainty, while maintaining a healthy skepticism regarding unverified rumors.
Gerald M Steinberg is professor of politics at Bar Ilan University and President of the NGO Monitor research institute in Jerusalem
Gaza Starvation and the Jenin Massacre Hoax
Gerald M. Steinberg
For those who remember the April 2002 Jenin “massacre” hoax, the whirlwind of accusations of genocide, starvation and mass killings in Gaza are familiar. Then, as now, there is very little verifiable information, but, relying on Palestinian “sources,”with their UN and NGO industry allies, Israel is again pronounced guilty.
The events of April 2002 should serve as an object lesson for how a concerted campaign can turn propaganda and lies, parroted in a closed echo chamber, into unquestioned fact. In that incident, Israeli forces were accused of a large-scale massacre in the Jenin refugee camp on the West Bank. Operation Defensive Shield targeted the center of the Palestinian terror network located in a dense urban area that had carried out mass bombings, including a Passover night attack in Netanya that killed 30 Israeli civilians (a real massacre). Israeli casualties numbered hundreds of dead, and thousands with major injuries.
Immediately after IDF forces entered Jenin, Palestinian officials and NGO “experts” rushed to appear on the BBC and CNN, where they authoritatively declared that Israeli forces killed 500 or even 1,300 civilians. Citing Palestinian hospitals and anonymous “eyewitnesses”, they described IDF tanks allegedly bulldozing homes and executing civilians. Derek Pounder, from Amnesty International, told the BBC that he had direct first-hand knowledge to verify these atrocities. But Pounder was nowhere near Jenin, as was the case for all the other “independent sources.”
Similarly, Ken Roth, the long-time leader of Human Rights Watch with a well-known hostility towards Israel, condemned the “disproportionate use of force” – an easily manipulated term which lacks a consistent definition in urban counterterror conflicts. In press releases, statements and reports, Roth repeated the mantra, and echoing “trusted NGO experts,” media headlines featured words like massacre and war crimes.
In parallel, the UN Human Rights Commission (as it was known then) held an emergency session to demand that Israel open the area to “international observers.” The NGOs lobbied intensively for the creation of an “independent investigation commission” to examine the evidence of Israeli war crimes. (The hundreds of Israeli victims of the Palestinian mass bombing campaign, known as the “second intifada,” were of no interest to these human rights stalwarts.)
But it was all a lie, and the massacre myth began to disintegrate. Only around 50 confirmed names of dead Palestinians were published (most affiliated with the terror groups ), and videos showed staged funerals in which “victims” accidentally fell to the ground, and the bodies miraculously sprang to life and run away. Accounts by Israeli troops were publicized, including the activities of the IDF medical team headed by Dr. David Zangen, and the non-combat related care they provided to Palestinians, including children, while in Jenin. In the fighting, 23 Israeli soldiers were killed by explosives in the booby-trapped buildings of the refugee camp.
But the false accusations and demonization were not erased, and remained ready to be amplified in the next round. There were no consequences for the journalists, UN or NGO officials who spread the lies and added to anti-Israel hate propaganda. In the absence of penalties or even mild censure for violating basic professional standards, this behavior became the norm.
All of this is entirely relevant to the storm regarding the food distribution process in Gaza. This one features the same combination of unverified claims and the central role of NGOs like Amnesty International and HRW in spreading the myths.
Now, as in 2002, the stakes in the propaganda battle are very high. Hamas and its allies give highest priority to preventing the alternative Gaza Humanitarian Foundation from replacing the UN agencies and NGOs that are closely allied with the terror organization. The Hamas support network is using all available political and media assets to promote the accusations of wanton deaths and starvation, media platforms and feel-good politicians in Europe and elsewhere are eager to lend their assistance.
As in Jenin, it could take months to discern and separate the facts in Gaza from the lies. Until that stage is reached, it is important to acknowledge the uncertainty, while maintaining a healthy skepticism regarding unverified rumors.
Gerald M Steinberg is professor of politics at Bar Ilan University and President of the NGO Monitor research institute in Jerusalem
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