In April, he’s heading out again. Likely southward, but who knows? In today’s reality, every date is tentative, every destination tentative, every plan tentative. For now, it’s April. And May. And June. All of June. Or maybe nearly all of June. Seventy days, 80 days, 90 days. One member of this generation of reservists. Some juggle their studies in uniform. Some understand that career advancement is currently unavailable for them. Not when they’re so often absent.
Next week, a new IDF Chief of Staff, Eyal Zamir, will assume his role. Many expectations hang on him, for rejuvenation, innovation and a proper prioritization of means and objectives. Civilians have hopes — they wish to feel secure, they yearn to turn a page. Soldiers have hopes too. The burden on them is heavy. The impact of their service on their lives is significant. Most of them, unlike Zamir, didn’t choose a career in uniform. He needs to remember that. Their commitment to service inspires awe and wonder. His commitment to them should evoke a similar wonder. It must be visible and palpable.
This means taking them into account when announcing new missions, complex tasks, fresh objectives. The Chief of Staff will be there whether Israel fights or not. The reservists will be there if Israel fights, and they can return home if it does not. The Chief of Staff will show up in uniform each morning regardless of how much the IDF is utilizing its recruitment potential. The soldiers will show up more if the IDF isn’t fully utilizing its recruitment potential, and less if it is. It’s his duty to fight not only so that Israel may prevail, but also so that they — the soldiers — can return to their routines, to their studies, to their jobs, to their families, to the careers they chose for themselves, which are not military careers. It’s his duty to convince them that when he calls on them, it’s because there is no other choice.
It won’t be easy, for several reasons. The first — because the objectives of the war have become murky. Is maneuvering in Gaza justified because Israel has a clear mission to complete, or because Israel has no way to end the war, so it simply keeps maneuvering until a new idea emerges?
And there’s a second reason — it won’t be long after the Chief of Staff’s inauguration before the Knesset must pass a budget, against the backdrop of a somewhat vague promise to pass updated exemption laws that will allow tens of thousands of young Haredim to avoid service. One can imagine the soldier called up for 80 days in April, gauging his readiness to enlist now, and imagining if, in late March, just weeks before he’s due to report, an exemption law passes. In surveys we’ve been conducting we can see the continued increase in the share of soldiers saying their motivation will be damaged if such law passes. In December 2024, 40% said their motivation would be significantly affected. Only a quarter responded that their motivation would not be affected at all (27%).
If there’s reason to be optimistic about Israel in 2025, after seven years of political upheaval, more than two years of social upheaval, and a year and a half bloodied by war — it’s the servicemen and women, in regular and reserve duty. From the day of the massacre, when they all reported for duty, through the long months of battles in the south, then the north, in the first, second, third, and fourth rounds of reserve duty. In a display of determination, of seriousness, of responsibility.
The Defense Minister said this week, at the end of an officer training course, “I have instructed the IDF to prepare for a prolonged stay in the [refugee] camps that were cleared.” It might be the right directive, but it’s important to remember its implications. A prolonged stay means manpower, it means more days of service. In December we asked those already serving how many days it would be “reasonable” to call them up in 2025. Few said it was time to stop calling them. They’ve had enough. That won’t happen. About a quarter said up to 30 days. That won’t happen. And slightly more than a quarter said up to 60 days. That won’t happen either. It’s already clear that the few who bear most of the burden — while most of us do much less — are going through another tough year.
The outgoing Chief of Staff said at that same ceremony, “The clear security need obligates us to recruit as many [soldiers] as possible.” This is a narrowing formulation — the need is not just because of security needs. It’s economic, it’s societal. And yes, that too is a task for the incoming Chief of Staff. So next week, when Eyal Zamir shoulders the responsibility for Israel’s security, he must also feel the responsibility to preserve the fine spirit of serving Israelis. Without that spirit, it would be much harder to remain optimistic about Israel’s future.
Something I wrote in Hebrew
Writing with Ukraine’s Zelensky in mind:
There’s a new geopolitical reality. Do Israelis understand it? It’s not certain that they are paying it enough attention, but even if they are, they would struggle to determine what it portends. First possibility: Trump is shaking up everything he does not favor in the world — but Israel is a country he likes, for reasons not necessarily important to define, and so he will not shake it. He may be a dangerous bully, but he’s the dangerous bully on our side. Second possibility: Trump shakes up whatever he feels the need to at any given moment, and Israel’s turn could certainly come. A dangerous bully has no friends, only fists. Israel will need much cunning to dodge them.
A week’s numbers
South, north – and now east … (an i24News survey).
A reader’s response
Shahar Kleme asks: “Do you think the resettlement plan for Gazans is still what Trump wants?” Answer: Since he said ‘I’m not forcing it’ I guess the answer is no. When he really wants something, he does tend to force it.
Shmuel Rosner is senior political editor. For more analysis of Israeli and international politics, visit Rosner’s Domain at jewishjournal.com/rosnersdomain.
