Donald Trump is the media gift that keeps on giving. For four years, he was the erratic U.S. President that Israelis grew to appreciate. At times, he was almost too good to be true. So it was easy for them to forget, or ignore, his many deficiencies. He was unserious – but it worked to Israel’s benefit. He was unlearned – but on our side. He was blunt and unpredictable – but Israel was mostly in the camp that gained when Trump would shock the world with another abrupt policy shift.
He was a dangerous bully, but Israelis often ignored this fact, because of his tendency to be our dangerous bully in a region full of Israel-hating bullies. When the U.S. is Israel’s protector, you might want it to be a bully. Joe Biden is not a bully. That’s bad – but has its advantages. It’s bad because Iran is not afraid of him. It’s good because Israel doesn’t need to fear his wrath. Biden is predictably reliable, and is unlikely to surprise Israel with a move that will dramatically alter the current trajectory of world trends.
Last week, an interview in which Trump bashed former Prime Minister Netanyahu was published in Israel and was quoted around the world. As is the usual Trump tradition, the former President was all over the place, contradicting himself at times, contradicting reality at times, and rambling freestyle.
Two headlines got the main attention of those who bothered to read the interview. Trump said that Netanyahu’s congratulatory message to Biden, when Biden was elected president, came too quickly after the election. “He was very early. Like earlier than most. I haven’t spoken to him since. F**k him,” Trump told his interviewer, journalist Barak Ravid. Trump also said that Israel did not want peace as much as he expected. “I [had] thought the Palestinians were impossible, and the Israelis would do anything to make peace and a deal. I found that not to be true”.
His first assertion is simply not true. Netanyahu was hardly the first world leader to congratulate Biden. In fact, he was criticized at the time for waiting too long. In making such a claim in such a manner, what Trump really did was to reaffirm Netanyahu’s instinct to go slow – and then make a decisive, congratulatory move. He needed to go slow, because the worst possible scenario would be an erroneous congratulation to Biden if Trump ultimately won. He then needed to congratulate Biden because, well, does that really need an explanation?
The other feature of Trump’s tirade is more important. It will be used by those who tend to argue that the absence of peace is Israel’s fault. You see, it isn’t just suspicious figures such as Jimmy Carter and Barack Obama who make Israel seem guilty of rejectionism. Now it is Israel’s best friend making this accusation.
It was good for Israel to have Trump as an ally in the White House, but there was always a measure of uneasiness about this friendship.
That’s the price of playing with fire, or, in this case, playing with erratic arsonists. It was good for Israel to have Trump as an ally in the White House, but there was always a measure of uneasiness about this friendship. Israelis could see that he wasn’t the most knowledgeable leader. They could see that he is the kind of man who can easily flip, for no clear reason, or because of personal grievances. Was it worth it? Well, neither Israelis nor their government had much choice. Trump was president, and Israel is not in a position to refuse the friendship of a U.S. President, and certainly not his advantageous policies.
As for the rest, what Trump truly did is help Netanyahu prove two things.
First, Netanyahu was hardly in Trump’s pocket. Netanyahu is presented in the interview as someone who often rebuffed the President’s ideas, dragging his feet and becoming noncommittal. True, this happened when Netanyahu wanted to prevent certain advancements in the diplomatic process with the Palestinians, and you might be one who thinks such advances are necessary. But the point is that Netanyahu was not doing Trump’s bidding. He was doing Israel’s bidding. He worked closely with the US President to advance Israel’s interests and was shrewd enough to be able to stop when Trump had ideas that Netanyahu felt were inconsistent with Israel’s interests.
Second, Netanyahu did not tie Israel to Republican party causes, as some people accuseUS Presidentd him of doing. Did he prefer Trump over Biden? Sure. Did he wait cautiously to congratulate Biden when the US election was still contested? Yes, he did. Did he follow Trump into the rabbit hole of conspiracy and chaotic behavior? No, he didn’t. Netanyahu has his own full sack of negative traits, but he is no Trump.
Something I wrote in Hebrew
Last week we asked why many Israelis no longer see Tanach as a vital component of the high-school curriculum. This week we discovered that Tanach isn’t alone:
Tanach is not the only profession on which many would give up. Many more would give up literature – you know, Agnon, Dostoevsky, “War and Peace,” Alterman, all those who are not on Netflix (Jane Austen is probably the exception). Respondents to our survey allocated an average of nearly two hours to Tanach. What the seculars reduced, the religious added. But literature does not have protection. Religious people do not particularly want literature. Secularists do not particularly want literature. So if you are looking for a profession whose main characteristic is not polarization but attrition in all sectors – a profession that many Israelis do not understand why you need to study – literature is a better example than the Bible.
A week’s numbers
Last week we asked why many Israelis no longer see Tanach as a vital component of the high-school curriculum. This week we discovered that Tanach isn’t alone:
A reader’s response:
I keep getting questions about Israel and Iran. Here’s one from Andy Brower: “What’s the difference between Netanyahu and the new Prime Minister on Iran?” My answer: both see Iran as a dangerous threat; both see American policy as naïve and problematic; both do not have a clear path forward if the talks fail to produce a positive result. So – not much difference.
Shmuel Rosner is senior political editor. For more analysis of Israeli and international politics, visit Rosner’s Domain at jewishjournal.com/rosnersdomain.
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