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November 9, 2022

Want to Be Pro-Israel? Support Iranians

His name was Ehud Goldwasser, though everyone called him “Udi.” Before the Second Lebanon War, he was a graduate student at the Technion, living in Nahariya. On July 12, 2006, Udi was serving compulsory reserve duty along the Israel-Lebanon border when Hezbollah kidnapped him and another soldier named Eldad Regev during a cross-border raid. That day, the Second Lebanon War erupted. 

Udi and his wife, Karnit, had only been married a few months when he was abducted by Hezbollah. For the next two years, she visited various countries and begged for the release of Udi, Regev and an IDF soldier who had been abducted into Gaza named Gilad Shalit. In a heartbreaking exchange in 2007, Karnit confronted then-Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in New York at a press conference following his incendiary speech at the United Nations General Assembly. Karnit and the tyrant locked eyes, and then she said, “Hello, my name is Karnit, the wife of Ehud Goldwasser, the soldier who has been held captive for over a year. Since you are the man that is behind the kidnapping due to the aid you grant Hezbollah, why don’t you allow the Red Cross to visit the two soldiers?” 

Ahmadinejad’s response? “Next question.”

The Jewish world held its breath and prayed for Udi and Regev to come home safely. But in July 2008, Udi’s body, along with the remains of Regev, were returned to Israel as part of an exchange deal with Hezbollah.

Sixteen years later, a courageous anti-regime revolution is sweeping across Iran, the world’s largest state-sponsor of terror. A UN official told CNN that over 14,000 Iranians have been arrested, while the NGO Iran Human Rights reports that over 300 have been killed, including women and young girls. Protestors are posting on social media that plainclothes police are standing in the middle of crowds at protests and stabbing people; ambulance drivers are promising to take severely injured people to hospitals, but instead are driving them straight to detainment centers. A mother was shot in the head as she stood on a rooftop; a middle school girl was beaten to death for having torn-up pictures of Ayatollah Khomeini in her school book; and an eight-year-old girl was shot to death while walking to school. We can’t even imagine what Iranians are enduring at this moment. 

Iranians deserve our support because their revolution stands on its own merits, but I want to offer a plea that’s self-evident, but still overlooked: If you’re pro-Israel, you must unequivocally support Iranians who are seeking regime change today.

Again, lest anyone accuse me of offering conditional support that only considers Israel’s well-being, Iranians deserve to be supported on their own merits. But I believe that the second most grateful recipients of a free Iran (after Iranians themselves) will be those who support Israel.

I blame Iran for almost every death, injury and carnage inflicted upon Israelis in the last 43 years, whether in northern Israel, Jerusalem, Sderot or the Sinai Peninsula. My reasoning is simple: Iran founded Hezbollah in the early 1980s and has armed and funded these terrorists ever since. According to YNET.com, the regime transfers $1 billion to Hezbollah annually. You read that correctly: $1 billion. 

But that’s not all. I also blame Iran for most of the Palestinian terror attacks against Israelis (and in some cases, Jews worldwide). The regime transfers $100 million to Palestinian terrorists annually; $70 million is sent to Hamas and $30 million to Islamic Jihad, both in Gaza. 

It’s no secret that Iran is Israel’s greatest existential threat. That’s also true for the Saudis and all of the Persian Gulf states. A Middle East without the Iranian regime would halt the country’s nuclear weapons’ ambitions, limit Iranian interference in Iraq and Afghanistan, lessen the spread of fanaticism in parts of Africa and Latin America, and bankrupt Hezbollah, Hamas and Islamic Jihad. If you’re pro-Israel, I’ve just described a seemingly impossible dream.

If you’re concerned about antisemitism, you must support Iranian protestors because the regime that is currently butchering them in the streets also poisons minds against Jews, and is the worst state purveyor of Holocaust denial in the world. 

But there’s more: If you’re concerned about antisemitism, you must support Iranian protestors because the regime that is currently butchering them in the streets also poisons minds against Jews, and is the worst state purveyor of Holocaust denial in the world. 

Pooya Dayanim, a Los Angeles-based Iran policy watcher and former principal liaison between various Iranian pro-democracy groups and the administrations of Bill Clinton and George W. Bush, believes that anyone who is pro-Israel must support Iranians. “Once the Islamic regime is gone, Iran will become a source of stability in the Middle East,” he told me. “And it will become a supporter of peace between Israel and Arab states (The Abraham Accords), and will sign its own normalization agreement with Israel, which Iran enjoyed under the Shah, that will be called the Cyrus Accords.” What an amazing prospect. 

Dayanim continued, “If you care about freedom, democracy, peace and stability and if you care about religious freedom, women’s rights and the rights of all minorities, then you must support the revolution taking place in Iran. A free Iran will be the best friend of the U.S. and Israel in the Middle East.”

And not surprisingly, anyone who defends the Jewish people must also support Iranians. If the regime falls, Jews around the world will be safer. It was Iran that worked with Hezbollah to mastermind the AMIA Jewish Community Center in Buenos Aires, Argentina in 1994, killing 85 and injuring over 300. And Iran continues to put Jewish and Israeli lives in danger. In June, Israeli and Turkish spy agencies revealed that Iranian agents were following Israelis on vacation in Turkey and plotting to kidnap and even kill them. Thankfully, the plot was foiled. 

October 29 marked Cyrus the Great Day, an unofficial holiday celebrated by millions in Iran and abroad to honor the leader’s legacy of religious and ethnic tolerance. True to form, last year, police in Iran barred anyone from entering Cyrus’s mausoleum to pray tribute to the devout Zoroastrian founder of the ancient Persian Empire. In 2017, the Farhang Foundation gifted the City of Los Angeles a large replica of the famous “Cyrus Cylinder,” the earliest-known charter of human rights. Hundreds of activists have hung headscarves, shawls and ribbons on the monument in Century City. The Farhang Foundation recently declared, “Iran is the birthplace of human rights.”

How’s that for an anomaly? But it’s true. Cyrus the Great’s realm, the bedrock of human rights, is now one of the world’s leading human rights violators. But it doesn’t have to be this way for much longer. 

There are many ways for Americans to support Iranians seeking regime change, but Dayanim suggests the following: “First,” he said, “contact your representatives in the House and the Senate and ask them to commit to supporting freedom and democracy in Iran by using this easy to navigate website: www.freeiranfreeworld.com.” Second, “support pro-democracy activists working on a transition to a future free Iran by supporting: www.cyrusforum.org.” Third, “the Iranian regime indirectly lobbies in the U.S. through oil companies, NGOs, academia and think-tanks,” said Dayanim. “Support pro-democracy organizations such as NUFDI [National Union for Democracy in Iran] who lobby for freedom and democracy: www.nufdiran.org.” Fourth, “follow journalists who have direct access to raw information and footage about what is going on in Iran by following them on social media. These include Masih Alinejad, Ahmad Batebi, Lisa Daftari, Hamid Esmaeilion. And follow the news on Iran International English.”

I’m aware that some celebrities are currently promoting an Amnesty International petition that calls on the United Nations to investigate Iran for “serious crimes,” but given the insidious antisemitism of both Amnesty and the UN in obsessively singling out Israel, and only Israel, for condemnation, I’ve lost complete faith in both of these supposed human rights protectors. 

And if you’re pro-Israel and still hesitant to take action in helping Iranians, remember Karnit Goldwasser’s words to a group of American Jews when she visited New Jersey’s Barnert Temple in 2007, a time when she hoped that Udi was still alive: “When I will meet my husband again — and I will do it — I will tell him about this place. And I hope that next time I am here, I will be with Udi and I will sit in the audience. And he will speak.”


Tabby Refael is an award-winning LA-based writer, speaker and civic action activist. Follow her on Twitter @TabbyRefael.

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Cheshvan: A Time to Be Still

The Jewish calendar is guided by the moon. Each month begins as a sliver, blossoms into fullness, and then wanes barely visible. It is marked by holy time based on a historical event or harvest festival. We are a people that remembers potent moments from the past and honors our beginning as agricultural beings. We seamlessly journey from one special moment to another preparing both through physical work and inner reflection. We value the preparation almost as much as the celebration itself. And yet one month lays empty and bare. Nothing historical or agricultural presents itself, giving us relief, a respite and time for a deep breath.

Like the bear who prepares to hibernate, we too pull in, find time and space in our homes to feed our souls. 

This month, Cheshvan, which began October 26, is an anomaly. It is not directed outward, demanding physical cleaning, shopping or ritual expression but is a time guided by change in temperature, shorter days and the desire to sit by the fireplace. It calls on us to focus inward. Like the bear who prepares to hibernate, we too pull in, find time and space in our homes to feed our souls. It is an auspicious time to nurture our inner landscape, to find peace and well-being through contemplation, meditation and study, especially through these early chapters of Torah. Torah begins with how the world and Judaism come to be. The birthing of creation and life as well as a new religion can inspire our own innovative pathways to change and growth. Perhaps you need time for deeper awareness of how to respond to either inner struggles or worldly demands. Maybe less time on social media and more on repose, immersed in peace, silence or a good book. One of the most important words in our tradition is Shma, listening. Unlike the capacity to hear, which is a physical act, listening is a conscious and purposeful practice. Being centered and quiet makes it possible to hear the many voices that exist within us.  

The Hebrew name Cheshvan has a two-letter root at the beginning that means silence and quiet. With devices constantly at our side—smart phone, Ipad, smart-watch, laptop, not to mention the constant lure of streaming entertainment on our larger-than-life TV screens—making space to be still is a challenge. Cheshvan, this unadorned gift of time and an invitation to be with one’s self, makes it possible to discover new aspects of both the hidden concerns of our lives as well as the deep well of gratitude with which we often lose touch. And quite serendipitous is that the holiday of Thanksgiving coincides with this treasured Jewish time that calls on us, despite the whirlwind of political and social insanity around us, to tap into the beauty, the grace, the people and perhaps even the Divine in our lives. 

Psalm 46:11 teaches, “Desist [from ongoing distractions] And You Will Know I am God.” It is a reminder that when we are still, when we’ve slowed down, and when we direct our attention within, we find goodness and divinity that are an essential part of our being and the very foundation of our lives. The noise, the chaos, the demands and the fears that often fester within and without prevent such a connection that can only be discovered in those tranquil moments that lay waiting for our attention. Through spiritual practice—meditation, yoga, focused walks, reading or study—we can become more steady, grounded and secure.

These weeks truly represent a darker time as our days shorten. It is the veiled time between the light of Torah and the light of the menorah. Like the negative space in a piece of art, this period is ripe for discovery and understanding. 

If you change the last letter of Cheshvan, then we have the word for dark and obscured. These weeks truly represent a darker time as our days shorten. It is the veiled time between the light of Torah and the light of the menorah. Like the negative space in a piece of art, this period is ripe for discovery and understanding. It is an opportunity for serenity and well-being in the small ways that really count. The numerical value of the word Cheshvan is 13, which stands for “love” “and peace,” that which feeds and nurtures. Hearken within to find this blessing.


Eva Robbins is a rabbi, cantor, artist and the author of “Spiritual Surgery: A Journey of Healing Mind, Body and Spirit.”

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Let’s Stop at “Worried”

If you’re worried about Israel’s future, stand in line. Many of us are worried too. 

If you feel that the old Israel is gone, and a new Israel was born last week, when a coalition of right-wing and religious parties won a majority, go back to square one. Obviously, you’ve missed more than a few developments that brought us to this point. 

If you think it’s time for sane Israelis to pack and leave, or time for American Jews to cut ties — you’re not a true Zionist. If Zionists were to pack and leave amid obstacles, Israel would never have made it to its current, more than solid, place among the nations. 

What happened last week? A small majority of Israelis, assisted by more than a few tactical mistakes of their political rivals, was able to form a majority that is likely to become a ruling coalition for the coming years. This majority has a coherent, if somewhat farfetched, story about its mission: Israel is under threat because of people who strive to erode its unique position as the only state of the Jewish People. Israel is under pressure because of a universalist, secular, progressive, unpatriotic zeitgeist. The majority must resist this pressure, lest Israel cease to exist as an enterprise worth keeping. Israel’s majority was galvanized by constant repetition of this narrative.

It is a false narrative, but Israelis, or Americans, who hasten to “pack their bags” or “cut their ties” or declare Israel a lost cause, as more than a few this this week, make it seem true. If losing an election fair and square, no trickery involved, no stolen ballots, no violence, no illegal maneuvers, is a cause for measures as drastic as jumping ship—well, that is a proof of something, ain’t it?

Election Day is not a day on which a country changes. Election Day is merely a day on which a change that already occurred manifests itself. 

There is no reason to ditch Israel today. No more than yesterday, or the day before, or the year before, or the decade before. Israel had indeed changed. It changed in the ’30s, when waves of middle-class city dwellers eroded the dream of an agricultural, socialist society. It changed in the ’60s, when Jews from Morocco immigrated to the country,  it changed in the ’70s, when the long rule of Labor ended. It changed in the ’90s, when Russian immigrants entered the country, and changed in the first decade of the 21st century, when Palestinian violence pushed the Jewish public rightward. And yes, it keeps changing. For good and bad. Election Day is not a day on which a country changes. Election Day is merely a day on which a change that already occurred manifests itself. 

What is the essence of this change? Two main features come to mind. 

One — polarization because of a personal question: whether Benjamin Netanyahu is a legitimate leader for Israel. In this election cycle, more than ever before, there were two camps in Israel with a Berlin Wall type state of mind separating them. The refusal of half the country to let its representatives sit under Netanyahu left him with little choice but to make use of whatever political maneuvers he could muster. This included the legitimization of the once-outcast Itamar Ben-Gvir. 

Two — the gradual growth in numbers and influence of the Haredi parties, and their strong alliance with the right-wing bloc. Of course, there is nothing new about this. It is true today as it was true since the collapse of the Ehud Barak coalition at the very end of the ’90s. In July 2000, Shas, the Sephardic Haredi party, abandoned Barak as he decided to go to Camp David for the miserable peace summit with Yasser Arafat.

So, if you’re surprised, or feel that the change was sudden, I have little sympathy for you. But if you’re just worried, I can certainly understand why. The polarization of Israel is both a political complication and an emotionally distressing phenomenon. The rise of a relatively radical right/religious coalition with no balancing force to tame its ambitions is troubling. It’s troubling, because such a coalition is going to feel the need to assert its presence by initiating reforms beyond what’s truly needed. It’s troubling because such a coalition will include members with little experience in running a country, who never tasted the bitter outcome of hasty, unmeasured decisions. It’s troubling because some members of this coalition seem to want to enrage the “other side” by making outrageous statements, more than they want to deal with problems. It’s troubling because this coalition is likely to further entrench the Haredi enclave that is a challenge, economic and cultural, to Israel’s future. 

So yes, I’m a little worried. It is appropriate to be a little worried. But for now, let’s stop at that.

Something I wrote in Hebrew

One more paragraph on the differences between Israel’s two political “blocs”:

One of the distinct differences between the right and the left (it’s mainly the center, but we’ll call it the left for convenience) lies in the fact that the right has a sort of plan that it strives to implement, and the left does not have an alternative plan that it strives to implement. The right makes promises and does not always deliver. The left does not even make promises, and therefore it has nothing to deliver. Think about the outgoing government. What was its big promise? To have a government without Netanyahu. That is not a plan for action, but a plan of inaction: what not to do. Now think about the incoming government. It makes so many promises (some reasonable, some kooky), that it becomes difficult to even count.

A week’s numbers

Fifth and last? (in this cycle…)

A reader’s response:

Michael Remler tweeted: “If Meretz, Balad and Jewish Home had participated in appropriate joint electro lists, then Netanyahu would have 60 seats.” True, but a similar mishap prevented Netanyahu from winning back in 2019 (that could have saved us four rounds of elections). 


Shmuel Rosner is senior political editor. For more analysis of Israeli and international politics, visit Rosner’s Domain at jewishjournal.com/rosnersdomain.

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Young Actress Juju Brener on Her “Hocus Pocus 2” Role

Imagine this: you are 10 years old and your face is plastered all over Times Square’s digital billboards. That’s what Juju Brener experienced during her last visit to New York, where she went for the premiere of “Hocus Pocus 2.” The young actress appears in the film playing the part of young Sarah Sanderson (portrayed as an adult by Sarah Jessica Parker). 

A few days later, at the premiere on September 27, Brener was overwhelmed to see a big crowd of fans, many dressed in the witches’ costumes. For the first time in her life, she signed autographs. She also got to meet the three big stars of the movie, Parker, Bette Midler and Kathy Najimi. 

“During filming we didn’t have any scenes together,” she told the Journal. “It was really exciting meeting Sarah Jessica Parker. She was very nice. We talked about how both of us decided not to watch the film before the release and wait for the premiere and watch it on the big screen.”

Although she had shared the screen with some big Hollywood names, such as Morgan Freeman and Ruby Rose in the movie “Vanquish” and danced in the Miley Cyrus music video “Younger Now,” this was, by far, her biggest movie role. The attention it received made the young actress an instant celebrity on the red carpet. 

Brener, whose birth name is Journey, is part of a third generation of actresses. Her grandmother is Israeli actress Smadar Brener, who appeared in the film “The Band” (1978); her mother, Shirly, starred in the Israeli series “Ramat Aviv Gimmel,” and “Righteous Kill” with Al Pacino and Robert De Niro.

Juju  made her debut in the Israeli docuseries “Mehubarim Plus” with her entire family, including her sister Mila, 17, also an actress, and her father, Bruce Rubenstein, an artist. The show featured Israeli celebrities documenting their daily life with a camcorder for a year. 

During the filming of “Hocus Pocus 2,” Brener traveled from Los Angeles to Rhode Island to shoot scenes.  “It was neat to have all the authentic New England locations,” she said. “They built the whole city of 1600’s Salem in Chase Park. Throughout the shoot I kept watching the original movie over and over and rehearsed nightly.”

The film was shot in October 2021 and left her with some fun memories. “In one scene we were supposed to start running away from some bad people,” she said. “We were on the east coast, the wind was blowing and it was raining hard, which made the ground muddy. Around us were some 200 extras, pigs and cows. I had period pilgrim shoes on, and when I ran I lost one of my shoes in the mud, and then we all tripped all over each other like a stack. It was all so funny that instead of looking scared, I burst out laughing and everyone (laughed) with me. Then the crew needed to go back and look in the mud for the missing shoe.”

Just 72 hours after it was released, “Hocus Pocus 2” became the most watched original film on Disney Plus since the platform launched in November 2019. The original “Hocus Pocus” became the platform’s second most-watched film. 

When she returned to LA, Brener got to work right away. In October, she launched her first jeans line, called Juju x YMI. 

“My sister Mila used to model for (YMI) and we kept in touch over the years with the owner, David Vered,” she said. “I have been co-designing the line, which includes jeans, pants and jackets, alongside the company’s creative team.”

Brener also just wrapped filming on “Born Again,” the sequel to “Born in East LA,” produced by and starring Paul Rodriguez. 

“I have another film set to be released soon, my first starring role,  ‘The Furry Fortune,’ based on the children’s book by the same name,” she said. “It’s about twins Zoey and Dax who are growing apart and discover their pet rescue dog is shedding money.”

Brener, who is a true animal lover, was inspired to rescue a dog and now is the proud owner of a female Chihuahua mix named Pixie.

The actress concluded her very busy month by visiting Disneyland with her family. “It was so much fun,” she said. “We saw entire families dressed as the characters from the movie, including an 80 year-old grandma.” 

People who recognized her asked to take a photo together, and she gladly obliged. She’s a true Hollywood star all the way.

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5 Quick Takeaways for American Jews From the 2022 Midterm Elections

(JTA) — The overarching narrative from Tuesday night’s pivotal midterm election slate was clear by Wednesday morning: the Republican Party’s hopes of a sweeping red wave have been dashed.

But how did the issues and candidates that Jewish Americans were watching most closely fare? Here are our initial insights from the first rounds of results.

We’ll plan to dig in in more depth in the coming days, so if there’s anything you want to know, feel free to let us know.

1. Most of the Republican candidates who drew attention for their ties to or even embrace of right-wing extremists fell short at the ballot box.

Doug Mastriano, who ran for governor in Pennsylvania and used Gab, the social media platform owned by an antisemite, to reach potential voters, lost decisively — to an observant Jew named Josh Shapiro. Kari Lake, running for governor in Arizona and Blake Masters, running for Senate, are trailing the Democratic incumbents they hoped to unseat. So were Republicans running for attorney general and secretary of state who unsettled Jewish Nevadans. Even Lauren Boebert, a Christian nationalist who is one of the most extreme members of Congress and who infuriated Jewish groups by comparing coronavirus restrictions to the Holocaust, could still be knocked out of her reliably red congressional seat in Colorado — by a self-described “moderate, pragmatic Jew,” Adam Frisch. Far-right incumbents prevailed in most cases, but for the most part the candidates seeking new positions who were most discomfiting to the majority of American Jews fell short on Election Day.

2. American voters are aligned with American Jews when it comes to abortion rights.

Exit polls showed that the Supreme Court’s reversal of Roe v. Wade had galvanized voters, and in five red states where reproductive rights were on the ballot, voters backed measures to make abortion more accessible. Measures upholding abortion rights passed in Michigan, Vermont and California, while voters in Kentucky — which otherwise trended conservative — defeated a measure that would have made the procedure illegal. That means voters sided with the predominant Jewish sentiment: American Jews favor abortion rights, more reliably so than any other religious group, according to public polling.

3. Florida’s Jewish voters are headed for the spotlight.

While Republicans didn’t post the red wave many expected across the country, Florida was one clear bright spot for far-right candidates on election night, where Anna Paulina Luna cleanly defeated Jewish Democrat Eric Lynn. The results in the state shows that Republicans are ensconced in power there — and that Gov. Ron DeSantis, who waltzed to reelection, would be a formidable contender for the GOP presidential nomination in 2024. The growing number of Orthodox Jews in the state, who tend to vote Republican, likely contributed to his margin of victory. Now, as all eyes turn to 2024, those Jews and how they vote will be a focus for political analysts.

4. Money matters until it doesn’t.

The American Israel Public Affairs Committee got involved this year for the first time directly in funding races, setting up a conventional political action committee and a Super PAC, which allows unlimited giving. It used the latter, the United Democracy Project, to raise tens of millions of dollars, and did well in primaries, winning almost every race it was involved in. But in the general election, UDP focused only on one race, trying to defeat Democrat Summer Lee in the Pittsburgh area — where she won handily. In New York, Lee Zeldin, a Jewish Republican who left Congress to run for governor, raised enough money from big givers like World Jewish Congress Chairman Roanld Lauder to give incumbent Democrat Kathy Hochul a scare — but not a big enough scare. Hochul won by a significant margin.

5. A breakout star of this cycle is a Jewish day school dad.

Pennsylvania is a deeply purple state, perhaps best exemplified by the very close Senate race between John Fetterman and Mehmet Oz — which the Democrat Fetterman eked out a win, flipping the seat from red to blue. Governor-elect Josh Shapiro is a self-described moderate Democrat and he has never lost: He represented Pennsylvania’s 153rd District in the state’s House of Representatives from 2005 to 2012; served on the board of commissioners for Montgomery County outside of Philadelphia from 2012 to 2017, helping wrest it from longtime Republican control; and before Tuesday night’s comfortable win, was elected the state’s attorney general in 2016 and again in 2020. It’s a formidable record, and Politico isn’t the only publication predicting that Shapiro could be the nation’s first Jewish president. Through it all, Shapiro wears his Jewishness on his sleeve, and as his opponent in the governor’s race flirted with multiple antisemitism controversies, Shapiro leaned into that identity instead of shying from it. Thanks to Shapiro’s own campaign ads and speeches, along with words from the Mastriano side, voters were well aware that Shapiro is a kosher-keeping, observant Jewish dad who sends his kids to a Jewish school. And it resonated in purple Pennsylvania.

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Which Bibi Will We Get?

Last week in this space, we asked the then-seminal question “To Bibi Or Not To Bibi?”.  Now we turn to an even more complicated query: “Which Bibi?” (or even more precisely “Bibi… And Who Else?”).

Now that Netanyahu has claimed a decisive victory in the most recent Israeli elections, speculation turns to what type of government he will form. Given his alliance with a bloc of ultra-religious and ultra-right parties that was necessary to achieve a majority in the Knesset, most observers assume that the once and future prime minister will turn over key cabinet positions to those party leaders and give them great leeway in fashioning his government’s policy agenda. Netanyahu has always been careful not to allow himself to be outflanked to his right, and with polling that shows the Israeli electorate continuing to move in that direction, his most obvious next steps would be to cement those relationships.

Bibi has been here plenty of times before and he knows that a government held hostage by the Religious Zionist Party would not be a particularly pleasant experience for him. 

But Bibi has been here plenty of times before and he knows that a government held hostage by the Religious Zionist Party (RZP) would not be a particularly pleasant experience for him. It would be enough to allow him to escape his legal difficulties – and that might be all he needs or wants – but Israeli voters have moved rightward primarily as a reaction to the Hamas uprising last year and the subsequent upsurge in violent terrorism. It’s not clear whether a voting majority is on board with some of RZP’s other goals, and so it’s entirely possible that Netanyahu might look elsewhere when forming his governing coalition.

This is where his former allies Benny Gantz and Gideon Sa’ar may come back into the picture. Both Gantz and Sa’ar were longtime Netanyahu allies who parted ways with him not over policy differences but because of his legal troubles. They have already announced that their National Unity Party would stand in opposition to Netanyahu’s anticipated alliance with the religious parties. But Netanyahu surely recognizes that a unity government could either exclude the religious bloc altogether or more likely provide a limit on their power within the government. Their most extremist demands would be less likely to sway Netanyahu if Bibi knew he was not completely reliant on their votes to remain in office.

The question is what Netanyahu could offer Gantz and Sa’ar and their followers in exchange for their support, given their strong disapproval of his efforts to avoid judicial consequences for his past actions. But the additional sweetener of limiting the RZP’s influence on Israeli society, combined with significant policy concessions and political opportunities for the two men themselves, could create an opportunity for an implausible but mutually beneficial partnership.

The fork in the road for Netanyahu is not nearly as dramatic as choosing between left and right. For all practical purposes, with the failure of the Meretz Party to win any seats in the new Knesset and the near-irrelevance of the once-powerful Labor Party, there is no meaningful political left remaining in Israel. 

So the choice for Bibi is instead between center-right and ultra-right. While the religious parties have brought him to this position, their goals may not reflect the thinking of the broader Israeli public. The broad center-right of Gantz, Sa’ar, Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid may not inspire as much passion from their supporters as does Itamar Ben-Gvir and his RZP colleagues, but they might offer Netanyahu stability that would be helpful to him going forward. Netanyahu knows that he can still inspire, but the center-right establishment offers him a sustainability that he might not be able to achieve without them.

Netanyahu will ultimately make this decision based on whether his long-term aspirations outweigh his more immediate needs. He is already Israel’s longest-serving Prime Minister but has yet to achieve the iconic status of some of his predecessors. Part of him is extremely motivated to play for history, to be remembered as Israel’s greatest leader rather than the polarizing figure as many people now regard him.

But he also wants to avoid a conviction and stay out of jail. Which means the history books might have to wait for now.


Dan Schnur is a Professor at the University of California – Berkeley, USC and Pepperdine. Join Dan for his weekly webinar “Politics in the Time of Coronavirus” (www.lawac.org) on Tuesdays at 5 PM.

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The Jewish Studies Professors Who Traffic in Antisemitism

This was a tough week for “Liberal Zionists” in the diaspora, a category that is admittedly becoming devoid of meaning as Israel’s successive rightwing governments increasingly shift further rightward. We who have hoped against hope for a two-state solution ever since that historic handshake on the White House lawn in 1993 have little reason to be optimistic today.

But I have not written this piece to express my disgust with the Jewish state, nor to renounce my affiliation with it, much as Professor Hasia Diner did with zeal in 2016 calling herself “an American Jewish historian … [who has] left Zionism behind.” Nor will I decry Bibi’s “return to power with a coalition of racists” as “appalling,” claiming the moral high ground as UCLA Professor David Myers and Daniel Sokatch of the New Israel Fund did this week. I am a Zionist, committed to supporting the Jewish people’s right to self-determination in our ancestral homeland, and determined to ensure that American Jews have the right to express affiliation with the Jewish state as a core component of their identity. Israel has every right to exist as a Jewish state for the simple fact that it has existed as one since 1948 and it is nobody’s business, other than Israelis themselves, to chart their future course. This is the definition of national self-determination. In 1948, Jews decided to realize their right to statehood, much as dozens and dozens of other ethno-national communities have done since the Napoleonic era.

Unfortunately, we have reached a low point in the lengths to which Jewish studies scholar-activists are willing to go to throw Israel and its supporters under the bus, signing on to the blatant antisemitism being propagated by faculty (who are far more activists than scholars) in middle eastern studies, ethnic studies, communications, women and gender studies, and other academic disciplines whose mission is to achieve “social justice” rather than promote critical inquiry and education. Such anti-Zionist faculty in these fields have centered the liberation of Palestine (and the erasure of Israel) in their politics, in their scholarship, and even in their classrooms. Jewish studies professors have not only opted to look the other way, but have even endorsed the project of dismantling Israel, irrespective of what it may mean for its Jewish citizens, approximately half of the world’s Jewish population. The left’s obsession with achieving the goals of Palestinian nationalism supersedes any commitment to the welfare of the Jewish people, or at least the Jewish people who are unwilling to renounce Zionism.

Their goal is to sabotage the right of Jews to express their identity as Zionists in the diaspora, lest it makes Palestinian activists feel uncomfortable.

“Jewish studies you have failed,” I wrote in May 2021, and I continue to stand by this statement today. Why? because Jewish studies faculty continue to live up to this failure, ignoring one antisemitic incident after another on college campuses, such as the exclusion of “Zionists” from some Berkeley law clubs in recent months, or the ongoing harassment of Jewish students at the University of Vermont. Most recently, 128 Jewish studies faculty have implored the United Nations to reject the IHRA Working Definition of Antisemitism, which has already been endorsed by numerous organizations, institutions and governments, including the American State Department. Their goal is to sabotage the right of Jews to express their identity as Zionists in the diaspora, lest it makes Palestinian activists feel uncomfortable.

What is particularly disturbing is the fact that Jewish studies scholars have no compunction in deploying antisemitic tropes to further their agenda. Myers and Sokatch write: “The apparent return of Benjamin Netanyahu to power in Israel is a gut punch to people concerned about the state of democracy and the rule of law in the world. Netanyahu has been a key pillar in the global movement of illiberal leaders who have taken control and altered the rules of the democratic game—including in Turkey, Hungary and the United States in the Trump era.” While at first glance such a statement may seem little more than an anti-Netanyahu screed for his dictatorial propensities and underhanded machinations (which to be fair, is not unreasonable), a closer reading of this op-ed’s opening salvo reveals its perniciousness, the antisemitic trope embedded in their choice of words. Suggesting that Israel is a “key pillar” in a “global movement” to subvert democracy implies that the tiny Jewish state exerts disproportionate power in world affairs and it is exercising such power through collusion with actors who seek to enshrine white supremacy (or a local variation of fascism) in their own domains. Interestingly enough, they do not impugn Russia, China, Saudi Arabia or Iran, who are regional hegemons, in a manner that little Israel could never be, except in the minds of those who have read the “Protocols of the Elders of Zion.” The wording is subtle yet clear, hiding in plain sight, echoing fantasies of Jewish power that have led to unimaginable violence against Jews in modern history.

Less subtle is the use by some Jewish studies scholars of the term “Jewish supremacy.” Professor Joshua Shanes of the College of Charleston has repeatedly used it in his op-eds and public Facebook posts. Although he is applying this phrase to the land “between the River and the Sea” and not to any global Jewish conspiracy, the very construction of this locution is antisemitic, insofar as it was a staple piece of Nazism and continues to be used by David Duke  and others today (I invite readers to Google “Jewish Supremacy” and examine the results). “Jewish supremacy” is idiomatic and by definition it evokes images of the racial war between the Jews and Western civilization forewarned by Wilhelm Marr, Houston Steward Chamberlin and, of course, Adolf Hitler. However oppressive Israel’s policies vis-à-vis the stateless Palestinians may be, using this slogan to describe it is irresponsible and endangers the security of diaspora Jewry.

What’s even worse is that uttering “Jewish supremacy” today inexorably leads one to think of “white supremacy.” This is no accident, insofar as the Jewish people have been branded as white adjacent and even “hyper-white,” enjoying all the benefits of (and complicity in) whiteness while simultaneously claiming to be an oppressed minority. The centering of the Palestinians as the universal victim in the social justice movement has necessarily led to the branding of the Jews as a global oppressor. Paradoxically, “Jewish supremacy” marks the Jew as a racial scourge upon the world in addition to being an extension of the white European imperialists who not only enslaved Africans and decimated Native Americans but also committed history’s most systematic genocide against these very same Jewish people.

Myers and Shanes are professors of Jewish studies. They have written and taught extensively on the history of antisemitism. They cannot but know that their choice of words is pleasing to the ears of antisemites, all across the political spectrum. The people who hate the Jews, whether attendees at a neo-Nazi rally in Charlottesville or eminent academics like Marc Lamont Hill who celebrate Palestinian terrorists, yearn for confirmation of their fantasies of Jewish power. For if the leading Jewish experts insist that the world’s only Jewish state is a key pillar in the global campaign to subvert democracy in order to institute Jewish supremacy at home, then their fantasies cease to be illusions, and their struggle against us becomes defensible. As such, liquidating “Jewish power” becomes a matter of ethical urgency.


Jarrod Tanny is an associate professor and Charles and Hannah Block Distinguished Scholar in Jewish History at the University of North Carolina, Wilmington. He is the author of “City of Rogues and Schnorrers: Russia’s Jews and the Myth of Old Odessa” (Indiana University Press) and the founder of the Jewish Studies Zionist Network.

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Et Tu, Brooklyn? Why This Should Be the Last Place for Jew Hatred

Of all the wasted breaths these past few weeks devoted to Kyrie Irving’s tirade against the Jewish people—”Did he take responsibility?”; “Why is he acting like the victim?”; “Was the released statement actually written by him?”; “Should the NBA have acted more quickly and decisively?”—the one item that has not been mentioned, but that may be the most important indictment against this morally obtuse and ignorant point guard, is that such vile Jew-hatred cannot, must not, be allowed in Brooklyn.

Indeed, of all the cities in America, and all its sports franchises, Brooklyn is the most identifiably Jewish, with the richest Jewish history, and where Judaism itself is most devoutly practiced. The Fairfax District of Los Angeles, the suburb of Skokie in Chicago, the cities of Miami Beach and Boca Raton, the Shaker Heights community of Cleveland, the town of Merion outside of Philadelphia, the Brookline neighborhood of Boston—all are notable places of Jewish distinctiveness and vibrancy, but they are not comparable in conjuring the Jewish imagination.

Had Irving behaved this way when he played for the Boston Celtics and Cleveland Cavaliers, the insult to Jews, while still abhorrent, would not have been as egregious.

Brooklyn is, and has always been, the hub of Jewish life in America. That’s why Irving’s open hostility to Jews is especially galling, so unconscionably disrespectful to his own local fanbase. No apology should be accepted, not that one seems to be forthcoming. 

Here’s the relevant box score: One in four residents of Brooklyn are Jewish. New York City is home to the most Jews in the United States, but Brooklyn easily surpasses the other boroughs in Jewish population density. There are 600,000 Jews living in Brooklyn. (In the 1940s, there were an astounding 900,000.) Brooklyn serves as the worldwide headquarters of the Hasidic movement—with the Chabad-Lubavitch, Satmar, and Bobover dynasties spread across Williamsburg, Crown Heights and Boro Park. 

Given that Jews first settled Brooklyn in the mid-17th century (a Sephardic Brazilian can lay claim to being the first Brooklyn Jew), even Tel Aviv has not had a more sustained cultural influence.

Think I’m trying to sell you the Brooklyn Bridge? Hardly. Barbra Streisand, Carol King, Neil Diamond, Lou Reed, Woody Allen, Mel Brooks and Ruth Bader Ginsburg were all Brooklyn born and bred—and that’s just the Brooklyn B Team! Yes, Brooklyn is also responsible for Bernie Sanders, Barbara Boxer and Chuck Schumer, but let’s lay that aside for now.

Chaim Potok’s “The Chosen” is set in Brooklyn—reversing the Covenant and redrawing the map of the Promised Land, locating it on Lee Avenue. Isaac Bashevis Singer deployed the iconic Ferris Wheel in Coney Island to depict the dizzying decisions a Holocaust survivor refused to make in “Enemies, A Love Story.” William Styron made great use of post-Holocaust Brooklyn in “Sophie’s Choice.” 

It was over the Williamsburg Bridge, built in 1903, that the immigrant Jews of the Lower East Side escaped from their teeming tenements over into Brooklyn. Meanwhile, there is no bridge in Israel, Europe or the United States that is as evocative of crisscrossing Jews as are the stone towers and spider-like cables of the Brooklyn Bridge.

Brooklyn is more than just a place—it’s a valentine to Jewish life in America. And now the people most associated with the borough have received an indecent drubbing from a foul-mouthed, double-dribbling idiot.  

Brooklyn is more than just a place—it’s a valentine to Jewish life in America.

At a time when derogatory nicknames and mascots, misappropriated from Native Americans, are being abolished by college and professional sports teams, and with cultural sensitivity the new ethic, Irving took this moment to spew ancient blood libels against the Jewish people. And while he was at it, deny the Holocaust, too. 

The repulsive documentary that he endorsed through social media only intensified the fraying bonds between the two largest communities in Brooklyn, and former national allies—Blacks and Jews. This at a time when so many young Black Americans have heard similar slurs and stereotypes about Jews from Black athletes, rappers and clergy.

This is the example Irving has set—damning one quarter of the local population, displaying his flashy moves in distributing poison all over the court.

It’s worth remembering that Brooklyn was the birthplace of one of America’s greatest athletes, who just happened to be Jewish—Sandy Koufax, arguably Major League Baseball’s most dominant all-time pitcher. Koufax reached stardom with his hometown Brooklyn Dodgers before the team decamped for Los Angeles in 1957, taking their ace with them.

There was no finer symbol of Brooklyn’s athletic excellence than Koufax, who not only was the best player of his era, but also was known for his sportsmanship, self-discipline, integrity and community involvement.

Do any of those qualities describe Irving, arguably Brooklyn’s best athlete now?

It should also not be forgotten that in signing Jackie Robinson, the Brooklyn Dodgers became the first Major League team to integrate the sport with a Black baseball player. During Robinson’s playing days, he was beloved by Brooklyn’s Jewish community, who at the time comprised half the population. Jews were integral in helping Robinson cope with the pressures of breaking the color barrier. 

In return, after Robinson’s retirement, he repeatedly condemned antisemitism within the Black community—most memorably in an incident involving the Apollo Theater in Harlem, and its Jewish owner.

Given the widespread admiration for Robinson, and his friendship with and gratitude he exhibited toward Jews, how can Brooklyn accept Irving’s coarseness knowing that Robinson would have publicly rejected him? 

This is, after all, not Irving’s first foul off-the-court. Self-sabotage is apparently a prominent feature of his skill set. He fancies himself as a contrarian who can dish both basketballs and “truth” equally well. 

But anti-vax and antisemitism are two entirely different antagonisms, posing dissimilar risks to the public. The coronavirus can be quarantined; antisemitism, however, is a global contagion that has proven itself, time and again, to be impervious to cure.

If Irving wished to tempt fate and expose himself to COVID, that’s his right so long as he didn’t endanger others. His most recent actions, however, have most certainly caused irreparable harm. 

The defamation of Jews is Brooklyn’s business. And for that, he doesn’t deserve to don the Nets’ jersey. Having so maliciously stained the streets of this Jewish stronghold, his comeuppance should be banishment from Brooklyn. Permanent exile from the Barclay Center. Bounced forever from the borough.


Thane Rosenbaum is a novelist, essayist, law professor and Distinguished University Professor at Touro University, where he directs the Forum on Life, Culture & Society. He is the legal analyst for CBS News Radio. His most recent book is titled “Saving Free Speech … From Itself.”

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