November 2, 2021

Harlem is a place known for its rich history—from Black music, literature, and culture, to Jewish artistry and community. On these streets walked Langston Hughes, James Baldwin and, once upon a time, more than 175,000 Jews—the third largest Jewish neighborhood in the world, coming close behind Warsaw and the Lower East Side (my current abode.) Those numbers dwindled significantly as the twentieth century dragged on, but one could still find clues as to just how many storm-tossed Yiddish-speaking immigrants once called Harlem home by the sight of shuttered synagogues and delis scattered throughout. And yet, a heart of Jewish culture still beats, not comprised of Jews and made for Jews, but of the diversity of modern Harlem. Harlem Hebrew Language Academy is the quintessential example of this diversity: a majority Black school nestled in between soul food restaurants and jazz clubs that mandates its students study Hebrew and the State of Israel. 

Naturally intrigued, I hopped on the nearest uptown train to see for myself. 

Upon entry, HHLA looked and felt like a normal K-8 school. There were children in the gymnasium dancing to “Can’t Stop the Feeling,” there were children on the basketball court, there were children in math class writing in their notebooks. But upon venturing into hallways,  I noticed each classroom was named after a different Israeli city, complemented by student work and projects written in Hebrew decorating the walls. My guide, an administrator named Valerie, told me that since the school opened in 2013, another grade of students has been added each year, the entire class ready to learn how to write and speak modern Hebrew and become literate on Israeli culture and society. 

All students study Hebrew for forty-five minutes per day in a completely secular environment. The school is “for those who want diversity, who are interested in Israel as a pluralistic society, with no religious inclusion.” I asked how it was that six-year-olds, who obviously are not expressing a passion for Hebrew, find themselves enrolled in such a place. “There is no one right answer,” I was told. “One, is that if you live in the South Bronx, this is a better option than any public school in your area. So, you’re willing to put your kid on a bus because it’s simply a better choice. Some families want a foreign language education to open their child’s mind. And some families specifically want Hebrew. We, as Jews, are so surprised, but I hear often that Israel is a startup nation, and so parents want their children to have the opportunity to work in Israel because it’s such an innovative place. Next, we have a religious group, who believe that if their children learn Hebrew, they can better read the Bible. And then, we have families who want their children in a diverse socio-economic environment. ”

The goal of Harlem Hebrew is not to indoctrinate students into a specifically pro-Israel political mindset, but rather to illuminate one corner of the earth as a “case study” for how the rest of the world operates.

As I walked past ceilings covered in the flags of the world, I learned that the goal of Harlem Hebrew is not only to instruct in modern Hebrew, but also to shape “global citizens of the world,” hoping that through Israel education, children will be exposed to environments outside their own and become more worldly, more curious and more inclusive in their thinking. Packed into lessons throughout the day are units on Israeli singers, Israeli religious minorities, Israeli food, Israeli geography and more. The goal of Harlem Hebrew is not to indoctrinate students into a specifically pro-Israel political mindset, but rather to illuminate one corner of the earth as a “case study” for how the rest of the world operates.

“We are not representatives of the State of Israel,” said one administrator I met on my tour. “We are here for our community, we are here for our kids. When we teach about Israel, we don’t say ‘We Celebrate Hanukkah!’ We say there are people who celebrate Hanukkah in Israel, and others who celebrate Ramadan, and others who celebrate Christmas. From a young age, these kids know that Israel is a complicated place with many different people, not so different from any other country in the world. ” 

Each year, students from the eighth grade class venture to Israel—a trip that for some will be their first time on a plane, and for some others, their first time out of New York City. “For these kids to hike Masada or Mount Carmel is a huge milestone,” Valerie tells me. “I see kids come out of the hiking experience a completely different person, because they know they can actually do it—they’re exposed to something they’ve never done before.” Valerie added how impressed many Israelis are upon discovering these young, American, non-Jewish young people can speak Hebrew so well, which does well to boost the student’s self-confidence.

Like New York City, Israel is constantly reinventing itself, constantly birthing new ideas for the rest of the world to use. 

Once a year, the school holds an “Israel day,” where classrooms are turned into shuks and restaurants one could find in Tel Aviv, and several months later is “Harlem Day,” where students are immersed in the character and history of their current stomping grounds. Holidays like Rosh Hashanah and Tu Bishvat are discussed, but not celebrated, so as to not distract from HHLA’s central mission. Through their programming, curriculum and field trips, Harlem Hebrew perfectly amalgamates the spirit of Israel with the spirit of New York City—spirits I believe to be kindred. Like Israel, New York City is a tapestry of immigrants from all corners of the earth. Like New York City, Israel is constantly reinventing itself, constantly birthing new ideas for the rest of the world to use. 

One of my final questions was how the community of Harlem responded to this cultural addition to their neighborhood. “We only go into a community that wants us,” I was told. “And if we’re here, that means we’re welcomed here.” 

I thanked my tour guides, smiled at various students and teachers, and stepped back into the world of New York. I picked up a cup of coffee at Columbia University, a petri dish of anti-Israel ideology that sits on the border of Harlem, knowing that many of the busy students walking past me were convinced that Israel was an apartheid and racist entity. I wondered how many were aware that a community that resembles all they claim to champion—diversity, equity, inclusion—was celebrating Jewish self-determination in their ancestral homeland just blocks away.

Blake Flayton is New Media Director and columnist at the Jewish Journal.

Many years ago, a good friend attended the 100th anniversary of a synagogue in a small town in Canada. It was a festive occasion with much fanfare and celebration. Local people were joined by other community members and Jews from around the country. My friend returned to Toronto and was elated.

That synagogue is now on life support. He recently reflected that what he witnessed was not a celebration but an obituary.

His experience reflects the situation in many towns in Canada. In the U.S., the Conservative movement has gone from a majority of American Jews to only 18% in one generation. In Canada, Conservative Jews are the majority, but very large synagogues are in merger talks in order to cope with dwindling numbers. The difference between large cities and small towns is only a matter of scale.

In times of disruptive change, it is instructive to look to our past. In the first Book of Kings, the prophet Elijah exposes the prophets of the god Ba’al as frauds by way of a test. Each side prepares an offering, and the one to Baal is left intact, rejected by God, while Elijah’s offering is consumed by a heavenly flame in a dramatic affirmation of Elijah as a real prophet. In spite of Elijah’s great feat, the Jewish idol-worshipping king Ahab and his queen, the notorious Jezebel, threaten Elijah’s life and he flees.

In one of the most thought-provoking episodes of the Hebrew Bible, God then instructs Elijah to bear witness as He has a powerful wind smash mountains, followed by an earthquake and then a great fire. After each one, He tells Elijah that God is not in the wind, not in the earthquake and not in the fire. He resides, instead, in the still, small voice.

The great spectacle of Elijah’s offering may have been awe-inspiring in the moment, but, in the end, it was fleeting. The king and the people reverted to idol worship because, like all spectacles, it was an external show that did not engage the inner self, the soul.

Elijah was dejected after the failure of his grand gesture, because he knew that his victory was short-lived, and he had lost the battle for the future. He was forced to realize that the only transformative experience of the Divine that can be sustained is one that involves an internal encounter with the still, small voice of God.

The “Elijah Problem” is the challenge that Jews and people of all religions face today. How can the religion of the past become the religion of the future?

The “Elijah Problem” is the challenge that Jews and people of all religions face today. How can the religion of the past become the religion of the future? All “outreach” organizations would give anything to be able to answer that question. Young people, now mesmerized by modern culture, do not turn to religion for stimulation or engagement or meaning. In Elijah’s time, God makes him aware of the need to cultivate an inner quest to seek a personal connection with the Divine. But where is that still, small voice today? Who is guiding people toward an inner search for the sublime and the ineffable?

There was no solution to Elijah’s problem then, but society carried on with periods of renewal and rededication. They, too, had their challenges, but the culture was essentially religious.

The modern age is a secular one and organized religion may be facing its greatest crisis in history. The distractions of our age have driven most people to opt out of religion, often by default. In the “sound and fury” of our era, it is increasingly hard to hear the still small voice of God, or even to know that it is there waiting, if sought. You cannot find what you’re not looking for.

Dr. Paul Socken is Distinguished Professor Emeritus and founder of the Jewish Studies Program at the University of Waterloo.

Last week the Israeli Ministry of Defense designated six Palestinian NGOs as terrorist organizations. The internet immediately exploded with articles and tweets accusing Israel of trying to criminalize Palestinian civil society, while antisemitic activists like Rep. Ilhan Omar and Rashida Tlaib called for “immediate consequences” for the Jewish State.

Even the State Department jumped on the empty virtue signaling bandwagon, with spokesperson Ned Price claiming, “We believe respect for human rights, fundamental freedoms, and a strong civil society are critically important for responsible and responsive governance,” before adding that the U.S. will “be engaging our Israeli partners for more information regarding the basis for these designations.” For the record, Israel also believes in respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, which is why they made these designations in the first place.

For the record, Israel also believes in respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, which is why they made these designations in the first place.

The six NGOs were included on the list because of their strong ties to the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, a U.S., EU, Canada and Israel designated terrorist organization. Among the problematic ties, these organizations have employed PFLP terrorists, diverted humanitarian funds from European donors to the PFLP, recruited members to the terrorist group, and hosted meetings for senior leadership including actual convicted terrorists. Far from being hidden or classified, much of the evidence is readily available, compiled over years by organizations like NGO Monitor, and it is important to note that the PFLP has not even bothered denying these connections.

Here is a small sample of that evidence: On August 23, 2019, PFLP terrorists detonated a roadside bomb and murdered innocent 17-year-old Rina Shnerb while she was hiking with her father and brother, who were also injured. Shortly thereafter, three PFLP members were arrested; all three were employed in senior financial roles at the Union of Agricultural Work Committees, one of the newly designated NGOs. In an official statement, the PFLP referred to one of those terrorists, who had led the operation, as a “commander, comrade, and hero.” The Bisan Center, another of the newly-designated NGOs, was headed by another one of the operatives on that very attack. As to the other organizations: Three Addameer employees appeared on the PFLP’s 2021 election slate; Defense for Children-Palestine is headed by two senior PFLP members; Al-Haq by a third (and a convicted terrorist to boot); and the Union of Palestinian Women’s Committees Vice President openly refers to it as the PFLP’s “feminist framework.”

Israeli law allows the Minister of Defense to declare an association a “terrorist organization” if it is: perpetrating or intentionally promoting the perpetration of terrorist acts; conducting training or providing guidance for executing terrorist acts; engaging in a transaction involving a weapon with the goal of perpetrating terrorist acts; or assisting or acting with the goal of advancing the activities of such a group.

It is hard to imagine that anyone is truly baffled by the idea that a humanitarian NGO—which may legitimately do some very good things­—could also be engaged in providing some material support for terrorists on the side. It is especially surprising for the State Department to express confusion about such a determination, given the nature of their own obligations under U.S. counterterrorism law. Moreover, 8 U.S.C. §1189 authorizes the Secretary of State to designate foreign terrorist organizations as such if they engage in terrorist activities. The statutory definition of “engage in terrorist activity” includes affording material support to a terrorist or terrorist organization even if such support is confined to non-terrorist activities. In addition, under 18 U.S.C. §2339, it is a federal crime to “knowingly provide material support or resources to a foreign terrorist organization”—even if you happen to be a human rights organization that also does some good. Sadly, that happens not infrequently, and in 2014 the Financial Action Task Force, an inter-governmental money laundering and terror financing watchdog, issued a report specifically warning against the special risks proposed by non-profit organizations in this context. In fact, the leading U.S. case in this area, Holder v. Humanitarian Law, is literally and explicitly about human rights groups providing material support to terrorist orgs.

Price also claimed that Israel did not give the U.S. advance warning of the changes, but Israeli officials dispute this, saying they did give the Biden administration notice and proof, and are happy to do so again, with Israeli officials preparing to fly to Washington with evidence including “footage and receipts.”

The evidence that these six NGOs (at the very least) provided material support for terrorism is readily available and yet to be refuted; tellingly, none of the statements released by the various NGOs and activists condemning Israel bothered to actually address the underlying issue.

To recap: The evidence that these six NGOs (at the very least) provided material support for terrorism is readily available and yet to be refuted; tellingly, none of the statements released by the various NGOs and activists condemning Israel bothered to actually address the underlying issue. Despite how it is being painted by reflexively anti-Israel groups and activists, including some members of Congress, the legal process Israel followed is not in any way unique. In fact, it is very similar to our own well-established practice. And if any of these organizations really do believe that a mistake has been made, there is an appellate procedure available, with claims to be submitted to the Advisory Committee regarding designations on Terror Organizations. Not surprisingly, none of the groups has yet appealed.

In the meantime, if all of those wringing their hands at the thought of these poor NGOs getting in trouble are really that concerned about their welfare, or even about human rights generally, there is one ready solution. The quickest way to solve this problem would be to stop focusing on how these groups ended up getting caught, and start pressuring them to actually stop supporting terror.

Dr. Mark Goldfeder, Esq. is Director of the National Jewish Advocacy Center. He served as the Founding Editor of the Cambridge University Press Series on Law and Judaism.