fbpx

April 10, 2019

Honeymoon Ending? How Israel Could Turn on Trump, and Vice Versa

When Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu asserted during a recent visit to the White House that the Jewish state had “never had a better friend” than United States President Donald Trump, most citizens back home nodded in agreement. In fact, the U.S. leader’s approval rating is higher in Israel than anywhere else in the world.

Trump has done what most Israelis never imagined possible, foremost by recognizing Jerusalem as Israel’s capital and then moving the U.S. Embassy to the holy city. During Netanyahu’s most recent trip to Washington, Trump officially recognized Israeli sovereignty over the parts of the Golan Heights captured from Syria in the 1967 war.

Equally critical is that, unlike the Obama administration, Trump’s hard-line approach to Iran dovetails with that of the government of Israel, and especially Netanyahu. To this end, the president withdrew from what he called the “disastrous” 2015 nuclear accord aimed at barring Tehran from developing nuclear weapons, and reimposed economic and diplomatic sanctions on the Islamic Republic.

Trump also has implemented financial penalties on Hezbollah, the Iranian proxy in Lebanon that effectively paralyzes that country’s government, while now, the State Department designated the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps a terrorist organization. 

U.S.-Israeli military relations, meanwhile, are at an all-time high, underpinned by a 10-year memorandum of understanding granting the Jewish state over $3.8 billion in yearly funds (although the lion’s share must be spent in the U.S.). The two countries regularly conduct joint exercises and last month, for the first time, the U.S. military’s European Command brought with it the THAAD missile-defense system.

In this vein, Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC), a close Trump ally, announced his intention to formalize a mutual defense agreement that he said would demonstrate to the international community that “an attack against Israel would be considered an attack against the United States.”

Perhaps most important to Israelis is that after 25 years of rejection by the Palestinians, most notably by turning down three comprehensive Israeli peace offers, Trump is holding Ramallah to account. He cut hundreds of millions of dollars in humanitarian aid to the West Bank and Gaza Strip after Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmoud Abbas imposed a boycott on all U.S. officials in the wake of Trump’s decision on Jerusalem. Trump also shuttered the Washington mission of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), which dominates the PA and still views itself as the official voice of the Palestinian people.

Similarly, Trump has little patience for UNWRA, the United Nations agency responsible for looking after Palestinian refugees. Many view the body as perpetuating, rather than solving, the refugee problem by financing generations of Palestinians from cradle to grave instead of integrating them into their resident countries. (The U.N. agency also happens to be stacked with employees of Hamas, the terrorist group that runs the Gaza Strip, something that amounts to tacit support for one of Israel’s most brutal enemies.)

In response to the financial cutoffs — coupled with the perception that Trump is biased toward Israel — Palestinian politicians and journalists have slammed the president’s point men on negotiations. Senior White House adviser Jared Kushner, international negotiator Jason Greenblatt and U.S. Ambassador to Israel David Friedman have been referred to, respectively, as naive and inexperienced; a “Mongoloid”; and a shill for the “settler” movement.

“The possible demise of the “bromance” between Netanyahu and Trump would definitely harm the interests of both countries while empowering their enemies.”

While the disrespect is mainly explained by Trump having done more than any other U.S. leader to endear himself to Israelis, the White House’s soon-to-be-released peace plan could end the honeymoon with Jerusalem by sparking a major government and public backlash — to which Trump might, characteristically, respond impulsively and with fury.

In reality, Israelis and Palestinian remain so far apart on the core issues of the conflict that it is almost inconceivable that peace talks can be jump-started.

First, Israel considers the division of Jerusalem — the eastern part of which the Palestinians claim for the capital of a future state — as an absolute nonstarter. This is largely predicated on the political supremacy of the Israeli right and a majority of the population that deems Jerusalem the Jewish people’s “eternal and undivided” capital (although rumors have circulated that Trump will offer the Palestinians control over various suburbs on the outskirts of the city).

So, too, there is exactly zero chance that some 5 million Palestinian refugees will be allowed the right to return. (Notably, only about 750,000 were displaced or left voluntarily from Israel during the 1948 war, meaning that the vast majority of these people are the offspring of those who actually fled.)

Former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert in 2008 reportedly offered to absorb 10,000 of these people every year for a decade in return for peace, but the Palestinians never responded. His proposal also included Israel handing over about 95 percent of the West Bank and the formation of an international body to oversee holy sites in Jerusalem. (The Gaza Strip had been relinquished in 2005 by his predecessor, Ariel Sharon.)

The thorniest issue may be the future status of the West Bank, where approximately 500,000 Israeli citizens live in scattered communities. On April 6, Netanyahu added fuel to the fire by affirming that “all the settlements, without exception, regardless of the blocs, must remain under Israeli sovereignty.”

More specifically, the prime minister stressed that on his watch, not a single Israeli would be uprooted from the West Bank and that there would be no discussion about peace whatsoever if Trump even suggested this.

Then, the next day, Netanyahu went a step further by saying “a Palestinian state will not be created, not like the one people are talking about. It won’t happen.”

Normally, pundits would attribute such statements to election rhetoric, but Netanyahu claimed that he conveyed these non-negotiable conditions to Trump during their March meeting. The prime minister also told the president that Israel demanded “continued control of all the territory to the west of the Jordan” River in order to secure the nation.

This revelation caused yet another uproar in Ramallah, with top-ranking PLO official and longtime peace negotiator Saeb Erekat suggesting that “Israel will continue to brazenly violate international law for as long as the [global] community … reward[s] it with impunity.” He added that the Palestinians would “pursue [their] rights through international forums, including the international criminal court, until we achieve our long overdue justice.”

Erekat was implying that the PA was committed to achieving statehood, although not through a U.S.-mediated initiative, which it has repeatedly shot down out of hand.

No amount of Israeli politicking is likely to moderate the PA’s intransigence, but there is still a chance that to get a better deal. That said, recent reports suggest that the most Trump would be willing to offer is minor interim steps focused on economic development, which in turn might improve Palestinian lives and thus make them more amenable to compromise.

Alternatively, the most unpredictable American president in history could drop a bombshell on Israel and follow his predecessors’ lead by endorsing the two-state formula with associated stipulations. This potentiality stems from an understanding that the PA, along with Arab nations, would never countenance an accord that offers fewer benefits than previous ones.

Therefore, if the White House is serious about presenting a proposal that will not be pronounced “dead on arrival,” it would have to contain various elements to entice the Palestinians to return. 

Therefore, Trump’s “deal of the century” could put him on a collision course with what is liable to be a government headed by Netanyahu, and parliamentarians who are even more nationalistic. If so, their respective constituencies could force the coalition’s hand, prompting angry reactions that quickly overshadow, and possibly undo, much of the good will.

The possible demise of the “bromance” between Netanyahu and Trump that plays out in the media would definitely harm the interests of both countries while empowering their enemies.

Honeymoon Ending? How Israel Could Turn on Trump, and Vice Versa Read More »

The Miserable Side of Dining Out

Dining out always has cost a lot more money than eating at home, but these days, it could cost a small fortune. I can make myself a dinner at home for about $2 or $3. At a restaurant, it might cost me $30 or more. 

Recently, I was in a vegan restaurant and ordered a buckwheat shake and cage-free melon. When I got the recycled paper check, I wanted to start eating meat again. 

For me to take my family out to dinner at an upscale kosher restaurant, I must either start a Go Fund Me page or call my broker to sell some stock. I’m waiting for the day that they tell me that the meal is over my credit card limit. 

I figured with all the money I’ve spent in kosher restaurants, I could have installed an Olympic-size pool in my backyard. That’s if I had a backyard. But I live in the Pico-Robertson area of Los Angeles, so what I have is a few blades of grass and concrete. I once timed a fly going from one end of my yard to the other. Three seconds and it wasn’t even out of breath. 

Going to restaurants has gotten so complicated. You used to walk in and a server set glasses of water on the table. But in 2015, because of the long-running drought, it became against the law for restaurants to provide diners glasses of water if they didn’t ask for them.

And now, if you ask for a plastic straw, you’re labeled a porpoise killer.

I don’t remember anyone ever dying from drinking tap water in a restaurant, but I’m sure there have been plenty of heart attacks when the bill came.

Today, if you order tap water, they make you feel like you’re drinking water out of a rat-infested sewer filled with muck, slime and bubonic plague. “Tap water? I hope you’re not planning to have more children. May I suggest some bottled water?” And of course, it’s $8 for a bottle of water; $10 if you want sparkling water. It’s cheaper to get a 2-year-old with a plastic straw to blow bubbles into your water. And you can’t take the water bottle home with you if you don’t finish it. “I’ll have a to-go cup for my water.” It sounds so cheap. 

Some of these upscale joints have a different person just for drinks. “Hi, I’m Ed. I’ll be taking your drink order.” 

“I figured with all the money I’ve spent in kosher restaurants, I could have installed an Olympic-size pool in my backyard.”

My wife might order a glass of wine. Most places used to have a “house” wine. Now, if you order the house wine, they treat you like you’re some wino derelict who doesn’t care if you destroy your liver. “Oh, the house wine? I’ll go out back into the alley and grab the bottle from the homeless guy in his tent. I’ll be right back.” 

And whatever you do, don’t ever ask them to recommend a wine. That’s like asking a dog to recommend a nice steak. Once the waiter says to you, “We have a lovely …”, the word “lovely” means expensive.

Why not just be honest with us? “We have a very, very expensive Cabernet Sauvignon, which you can get by the glass.” Which is a lie. You never get a full glass of wine. Restaurants sell it by the thimble. Maybe a third of a glass, if you’re lucky. They pour it like it’s liquid gold. This will ensure you’ll need another three ounces in the next minute and a half. 

I don’t know about your family, but when mine knows I’m paying for dinner, suddenly everyone acts as if they’ve just ended a 12-year hunger strike. They want soup and salads and appetizers. They walk around the restaurant to see what other people are having so they can order that.

Going out with my family is like going out with a family of chimpanzees. They sit with the menu in their hands, jumping up and down, making sounds. Bring on the bananas.

Then when the appetizers come, if I try to take one, they look at me as if I’ve lost my mind. I recently had to beg them for a lettuce wrap.

I get nauseous listening to them order, “I’ll have two of these and three of those” while I sit there adding up the bill in my head. By the time the waiter is ready for my order, I’ve lost my appetite.

Worst of all, when we get outside, they want me to pay for valet parking. I give up.


Mark Schiff is a comedian, actor and writer.

The Miserable Side of Dining Out Read More »

Can We Separate the Soul of Israel From Its Politics?

Several of my close friends’ children who are in their late 20s and early 30s — graduates of day schools; alums of Jewish camps, Israel trips and junior years abroad at Tel Aviv and Hebrew Universities; former Birthright trip leaders; recipients of every scholarship, funded journey, fellowship and grant the Jewish community bestowed upon Generation Next — claim they will not set foot in Israel because of the Palestinian conflict, the occupation and the government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. My friends, who are very committed Zionists, are sad that their Jewishly educated children have become self-imposed exiles from the Zionist project, but they remain supportive of their children and the choices those children have made. 

I, too, am a liberal thinker who believes in a two-state solution and who has great difficulty with Netanyahu’s policies. I’m also sad. But I’m sad because my friends express so much understanding for and acceptance of this naive and dangerous attitude held by their adult offspring, many of whom are now raising children of their own. 

Yes, I said “naive.” Not naive politically, as my more conservative and right-wing friends like to say about my own leanings, but naive about Israel and who the country really is. 

Around our dining room table recently, when one of these friends was relating his married daughter’s position, I gave him an example of discussions I had with my Muslim students at USC. I explained that it was the same discussion I would have with my three adult children if they voiced the protest his daughter did. 

I have a close relationship with the Muslim students. A few years ago, I was the faculty representative for both the Israeli students and the Muslim students on campus. I even brought together the leaders of their respective organizations for brunch at my home. And when my father died two years ago, Muslim students came as a group to shivah one night, knowing the tradition and the right thing to do. These students knew I was a proud activist Jew and Zionist who often traveled to Israel. So every semester, a few of them, comfortable with the openness we shared, would ask how I could be such an ardent Zionist? 

“Israel and the conflict are filled with paradoxes. This conflict is exceedingly complex, rooted in and nuanced with histories, events, spiritualities, rights, wrongs, cultures, mysticisms, prayers, gods, wars, terrors, truths, lies, value systems, lands, territory, powers, money, business, hates and loves.”

I tell them that, aside from recognizing and sympathizing with their plight — understanding how the conflict has displaced them, the injustice they have suffered — my Zionist philosophy is only one of the faces of Israel. I explain that there are a whole lot of other faces of the country and Zionism that have absolutely no relationship to the conflict and exist completely independent of it. In other words, I say to them, as hard as this is to articulate, there is much that I cling to in Israel that is not all about you folks.

There is the ingathering of the Jewish people from the four corners of the Earth that has brought us back together as a family and a people, even though we are not always so good to one another. There is the re-creation of our language, which has led to a common tongue between Jews in Israel and all over the world, and hence, a new culture of music, poetry, literature, dance, food and other manifestations that we all relate to and embrace. There is the creative and business output of the country in so many different arenas. The conflict is aside from all this Jewish progress that has been made and is thrilling to us. I know they feel, how can anything in Israel not relate to them when all these accomplishments have been built upon what they consider to be the land and country that was stolen from them.

Lastly, I tell them that, as a Jew, I consider myself indigenous to the Middle East, having been taught since birth that our history and holy books tell us we are connected to Jerusalem and the Land of Israel, and our liturgy and ceremonies have always talked of our return to that land. Further, I tell them that each time they invite me to their weddings, holidays, Ramadan meals and rituals, and Id festivals, I can see a connective tissue between our traditions that indeed speaks to me of how we are related to one another, emerging from the same place. 

I know all of this, when stirred together, is a great moral paradox. But nothing is black and white, and life is filled with paradoxes we have to learn to balance. When we don’t balance them, we become extremists of either right or left. And for liberals of any stripe, extremism is dangerous. 

Israel and the conflict are filled with paradoxes. This conflict is exceedingly complex, rooted in and nuanced with histories, events, spiritualities, rights, wrongs, cultures, mysticisms, prayers, gods, wars, terrors, truths, lies, value systems, lands, territory, powers, money, business, hates and loves. For anyone — including the new generation, the media, the universities and the politicians — to draw black-and-white conclusions and believe that if Israel or the Palestinians would just do “this” (whichever “this” that may be) and these deeply rooted problems would be solved, demonstrates a lack of both knowledge and the ability to deal with complexity, paradox and balance.

I ask my friends, “Are your children going to view the conflict as black and white, and hence alienate themselves from this extraordinary Jewish progress, which goes beyond anything produced in the Jewish Diaspora in thousands of years? Can they not handle life’s paradoxes? Can they not balance? Are they encouraging leftist extremism? Is their view not a naive view of the totality of Israel?” The conflict is not the only face of the country. 

I further point out that Israel has seen a proliferation of dynamic and creative social justice organizations filled with great young people committed to building a more just society. Do my friends’ children want to telegraph to these social justice activists that they don’t support their efforts and that, because the activists live in Israel, their children won’t come and work in the country with them? 

Of course, I have a bias. I relate significantly to the life in Israel. For me, Israel is an intensely riveting country — its people; its challenges; its achievements; its many cultures, including its constantly evolving Hebrew culture; its Middle Eastern atmosphere; its struggle to create an identity; its streets, markets, cafes, restaurants and festivals; its business and nonprofit sectors; its hot-and-cold relationship to Judaism as we Americans like to define it; the depth, texture and intimacy the country breeds in its familial and social relationships; its fragile democracy; and yes, even its conflict with the Palestinians and its proximity to the Arab world. Most interesting to me is when Judaism meets Israelism in all its permutations; when the constructs that Diaspora Jews brought to the country are thrown into the air and come apart, with some disappearing but with all of the remaining influences re-forming as something totally different and, for me, far more expansive. I find all of it more dynamic and engaging than anything we are building as a tiny minority Jewish community in the United States. 

My perspective on Israel doesn’t mean that I don’t find America intensely dynamic, interesting and engaging. I do. But that’s all of America, beyond its Jewish community. 

Three events I attended — two in Tel Aviv and one in Jerusalem — crystallized my understanding of Israel’s evolving and thrilling Jewish identity. They are like three pinpoints on a big map: 

The first event was an evening in 2013 at the Tel Aviv Opera House for the 65th anniversary of Israel’s renowned Batsheva Dance Company. Batsheva’s then-artistic director, Ohad Naharin, one of the most influential choreographers of modern dance in the world today, presented onstage his piece “Echad Mi Yodea.” Based on traditional Jewish text and melody — the same one we sing at the Passover seder — it told a Jewish, Israeli and human story. This was Judaism meeting Israeli excellence to become a world-class performance. (Indeed, the piece has captured worldwide acclaim.) Such a work of art could not be generated from American Jewish institutions (note that I am not saying from individual Jews in America, but American Jewish communal institutions), because they are not competing on the world stage, as Israel is. They are not pushed to achieve the same level of excellence as Israel is, as a country, when competing against the world’s best. I realized at that moment how Israel’s existence has presented a challenge that has elevated Jewish creativity to a level never seen before. 

The second event was a night at a cultural center on Tel Aviv’s Rothschild Boulevard, where Israel’s new generation of leading authors, poets and songwriters assembled before an audience of about 100 people. I came at the invitation of my good friend, Eshkol Nevo, one of Israel’s new generation of celebrated authors and whose accomplishments have made him my hero. (I had met Nevo about 20 years earlier, when he was a young copywriter in a Tel Aviv ad agency where I was asked to deliver a lecture. At that time, Nevo told me he would someday be a famous author.) This event was one of several times a year when Nevo and other Israeli writers came together just to tell stories about their families. That’s all.

“Three events I attended — two in Tel Aviv and one in Jerusalem — crystallized my understanding of Israel’s evolving and thrilling Jewish identity. They are like three pinpoints on a big map.”

As I listened to their stories, not one mentioned the word “Jewish” and Judaism was never a topic. Yet, through their tales, I recognized Jewish characters, Jewish dilemmas, Jewish values and a whole lot of Jewish hysteria. They were all Jewish stories, but I realized that these Israelis didn’t have the need to identify them as such, like we American Diaspora Jews do. These were simply the stories of their lives in the place where they lived. In Israel, their Jewish identities had melded with the fabric of the country, freeing them from a constrictive need to point it out. Their inner Jewish identity was expansive and not pushed into a box. Jewish identity was taking on a new form. 

The third event was my yearly attendance at Jerusalem’s Mekudeshet Festival this past August and September. Mekudeshet is an extraordinary, three-week cultural festival in which the most unexpected and thrilling immersive performances are presented in spaces all over the city. It can include listening to percussive sounds while lying on the floor of the Jerusalem forest, jumping into the YMCA pool at midnight as part of the conclusion to a performance, dancing on the tables of the Machane Yehuda shuk, listening to lectures in an East Jerusalem Sufi mosque, and taking in 3 a.m. concerts in David’s Tower.

I attended during the final week, which features sacred/world music and an event called Kulna, attended by thousands, that brings together Jewish and Palestinian musicians. Mekudeshet has begun to create a Middle Eastern Jerusalem culture, voice and sound that are distinctive from Tel Aviv and all other Israeli cities. It’s a fusion of Jewish and Arab; of Ashkenazic, Sephardic and Mizrachic; of Orthodox and secular; of Western and Middle Eastern; of the holy and everyday. It’s all shaken together and then poured out as something extraordinary, staged with the fanaticism of excellence.

Because the organizers are friends of mine, I am privileged to attend the small dinners and intimate discussions between the organizers and performers of every background. I listen as these integrated voices of Jerusalem share their struggles, the tensions between them, their discoveries from getting to know one another, and their joys in what they are achieving. 

I have had another exposure to Israel’s Jewish identity during the past year, helping the emerging leaders of Jerusalem’s Secular Yeshiva with their communications and marketing. From them, too, I am seeing the next stage of the evolution of an experimental Israeli-Jewish identity. These leaders are all graduates of Jerusalem’s Modern Orthodox Jewish high schools, growing up in observant families with a Torah-based Jewish identity. However, several of them have stepped away from traditional Orthodox observance, raising their own families while maintaining their love of and commitment to Jewish texts and learning.

The yeshiva’s participants are young business, academic, nonprofit and creative professionals committed to Jerusalem, who are standing up for the city’s once-again flourishing liberal, creative community, which is struggling to maintain and grow a population balance in Orthodox-leaning Jerusalem. As Jerusalemites, they realize the city’s Jewish identity is far more complex and conscious than for people living in Tel Aviv. They have become leading thinkers, with serious text background, about Jewish identity and their relationship to other Israelis and global Jewry.

Hundreds of people are now involved. But here, too, what is emerging is not the same as Diaspora Jewish identity. Its members are not necessarily seeing, expressing and developing their identity in a religious sense, but in an authentic national one from an Israeli perspective. Their central meeting, lecture and study ground is the bar at the Hansen House, a former leper colony turned restaurant and museum, that has become one of the hippest venues in Jerusalem. One of their most active members owns the bar. I am thoroughly convinced that the thirty-something founders of the Jerusalem Secular Yeshiva will one day emerge as Israel’s national leaders, as well as respected leaders of the global Jewish community. They have their fingers on the pulse of the entire Jewish world, understanding what animates Israel and Diaspora Jewry, and what the conflicts and commonalities are between us and them. 

These are the kind of examples that I would explain to my children if they had determined that, through their liberal American Jewish sensibilities and political correctness, they would not set foot in Israel now. I would ask them if their political awareness and activities were a deeper and more meaningful Jewish expression than what is transpiring in this Zionist country they want to abandon. Many of the Israelis I have mentioned share their political sentiments. But they have remained in Israel, creating as well as struggling to make change. Do they want to separate from these people as well? 

I would also ask them if their political commitments were more important than learning Hebrew to a level of excellence, so they could immerse themselves more organically into the Israel they are so passionately abandoning by attending events in Hebrew and understanding what the country is really all about. You can’t really get the depth of the place without the language. 

I know that day schools and Jewish camps have been challenged to teach American youth how to learn and use an everyday second language, in this case Hebrew. I know that our young people are angry at their day schools, camps and Birthright for immersing them in only one narrative of Israel, not exposing the realities, complexities, paradoxes and balances of its conflicts. I know they feel that in being taught how to defend Israel, they were fed lines of propaganda without considering the legitimacy of the other side. But also, they were not taught about the soul of Israel that is emerging today. A soul that has taken years to develop. To understand it requires this new generation to take up some new education and exposure to balance the time they are giving to their political activities.  

I can identify with these children of my friends. I was an early member of Americans for Peace Now and eventually became a member of its national board. I still believe in a lot of things that the organization stands for. But at a certain point, as I worked as a consultant with Israel’s nonprofit sector, I found myself immersed in an Israel with many, many other issues and efforts to build its society. I realized that political immersion and addressing the conflict was only one way to understand Israel. There was a lot more to which I was not paying attention. 

I remember these same friends of mine, during those years when our kids were little, being aghast at my political beliefs and my involvement in Peace Now. They were further taken aback that my wife and I brought our kids to Peace Now events in the United States and Israel. Today, through their children, my friends have opened their minds. But at the same time, in order to embrace their children, they are also embracing their naiveté. Abandoning Israel for committed Jews is not an option.

There is a new, captivating Israel emerging — still complex and nuanced. We all need to balance and tune in.


Gary Wexler is an adjunct professor in the master’s in communication program at the USC Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism.  

Can We Separate the Soul of Israel From Its Politics? Read More »

Remember: Pesach Is a Blessing

Every year, about a month before Pesach, I start to see the anxious updates from friends on my newsfeed. “I have sooo much cleaning to do,” they say, or “Pesach is so expensive,” or “I wish I could afford a Pesach resort and leave this all behind!” 

I get where they are coming from. I’m sure, especially when you have kids, that it’s extremely tough to find the time to clean the entire house and the money to afford expensive Pesach groceries. It’s stressful to host dinner parties while still looking fabulous and getting to shul on time. I hear many people say that they feel like slaves to the holiday, which completely defeats its purpose. 

When I’m purchasing overpriced Pesach salad dressing, hauling in the special dishes from the garage, scrubbing down the countertops or finishing my tenth hour of cleaning, I do start to get wound up. If I decide to combine my Pesach cleaning with my spring cleaning or I forget to take breaks, I get very overwhelmed. 

But then I take a step back and focus on what I love about it. Pesach has always been my favorite holiday. It was the first Jewish holiday I ever celebrated, in high school, years before I converted. I enjoyed sitting around the table with my high school boyfriend’s family and learning about this fascinating part of Jewish history. 

Today, I love being at the meals with my own family and friends, hearing the amazing story of our Exodus and tasting that incredible first bite of the Hillel sandwich. When my husband gets so much joy out of that special lamb dish I make for him once a year, it makes me happy. I love inviting over a bunch of our secular friends to experience the joy of Judaism, and taking sunny walks around the neighborhood, because when else do I have the time? I fully take in the prayers at synagogue and this different way of existing, if only for a few days. 

“I connect with the story of Pesach on a metaphorical level, because I believe that we still are not free.”

I connect with the story of Pesach on a metaphorical level, because I believe that we still are not free. We are not free from society’s expectations of us and anti-Semitism, which seems to be prevalent more and more lately. Our bank accounts and our mobile devices and our fears and our stress are traps. Thankfully, Pesach shows us that no matter if we’re experiencing slavery on a literal or a metaphorical level, we can break free from it. 

If you’re getting anxious just thinking about the holiday, keep in mind that Pesach only happens once a year, and it usually goes much faster than we expect. We spend so much more time worrying about it and building it up in our heads than actually experiencing it. 

We have to remember that this holiday is a blessing. It’s when God directly intervened to free us and ensure we could reach our potential and become the Jewish nation. That wasn’t the only miracle of Pesach. It’s also the most celebrated Jewish holiday, and even the most disconnected Jews go home to their families to sit around the seder table and learn a little bit of Torah. 

This holiday, when you’re disgusted by dusting, moping while mopping or trying to hold back your discomfort at the checkout line, keep in mind the positive parts of the holiday. As soon as it starts, it’ll be over, and you’ll be eating another slice of pizza again in no time. You won’t have the opportunity to do Pesach for another 12 months. Soak in the time with God and the experiences with loved ones. Cherish the cleaning. Be delighted by the delicious food. 

After all, next year you might not even have the opportunity to clean your home or invite people over. You very well may be in Jerusalem, dancing in the streets with your fellow Jews and celebrating the arrival of peace around the world.

Chag sameach.

Remember: Pesach Is a Blessing Read More »

Vote Is a Fresh Start

And the results are … confusing! Israel’s election day ended with no clear indication of who would be the country’s next prime minister and what the balance of power in the Knesset might look like.

Even if Benny Gantz’s victory declaration was premature — as of the Journal’s press time, we didn’t know the outcome — the impressive showing of his Blue and White Party signaled the arrival of a major centrist force in Israeli politics.

However the results play out, Netanyahu — who also declared victory — continued to enjoy support from about 30 percent of the electorate. So, “Mr. Security” survived again. He was threatened with indictment; he had three IDF chiefs of staff speak out against him; he had a submarine scandal that could have torpedoed him, but Bibi maintained his base — as did the right-wing bloc.

For an overwhelmingly liberal American Jewish community, the confusing outcome is confounding. Most American Jews cannot fathom how any Israeli can tolerate a leader who bonds with President Donald Trump, flirts with Kahanists, demonizes Arabs and blusters about annexing the West Bank.

I have problems with Netanyahu, too. But abandoning the people of Israel because the nation of Israel has trouble disentangling from this admittedly charismatic and surprisingly successful leader is not just unfair but spoiled. The Blue and White Party’s results show that Bibi’s Israel is only one of many Israels that exist. If you’re disappointed, acknowledge the disappointment, fight to improve matters, but also view this one leader in a broader context.

“Regardless of who governs Israel, American Jews should seek other sources of leverage to strengthen Israel-Diaspora relations and advance their agenda.”

Considering Israel as a Jewish Democratic State — the Jewish national homeland — offers four lenses for viewing the campaign and its outcome:

Israel as a Jewish state: The election raised a red flag — the state’s Jewishness must not become right-wing property. Judaism is not the opposite of democracy — nor, as American Jews would testify, is Judaism hostile to liberalism. Shame on right-wingers for trying to monopolize the Jewishness issue, and shame on left-wingers for abdicating on it. Fortunately, as true centrists, Blue and White leaders integrated the word “Jewishness” into their vocabulary as a spur to morality, outreach and democracy.

Israel as a democracy: Critics will deem every vote for Bibi as a vote against democracy. I disagree. Instead, we should salute the Middle East’s only free and functional democracy — and the world’s 10th oldest continuous democracy — for another peaceful election. Add props to Blue and White for making democracy and the fight against corruption a centerpiece of its campaign.

Israel as a state: Bibi’s sweet spot. Even Blue and White admitted that Netanyahu has been effective diplomatically, economically and existentially. Those disappointed with Bibi’s survival should recognize that Bibi’s supporters are not dupes — they figured that prime ministers are not popes. They respect his accomplishments.

Israel’s Diaspora: Many American Jews are left wondering how their feelings were so irrelevant despite polls showing that 95 percent of Israelis value Diaspora relations. Israelis’ concern for the Diaspora doesn’t affect electoral outcomes for the same reason that many American Jews will vote against Trump despite his support for Israel. Most American Jews don’t vote pro-Israel; they vote anti-Trump or pro-choice and social justice. It doesn’t make them anti-Israel, just more concerned with domestic issues when voting — which requires you to choose one person or party. Similarly, Israelis don’t vote peoplehood but statehood — especially security.

Israel will survive and thrive. The Israel-Diaspora relationship should survive and thrive. But regardless of who governs Israel, American Jews should seek other sources of leverage to strengthen Israel-Diaspora relations and advance their agenda. And they should reach out to Israelis who care about their brothers and sisters abroad, but who feel they have to vote to keep the state alive first.


Gil Troy is a distinguished scholar of North American history at McGill University in Toronto and author of the recently released “The Zionist Ideas.”

Vote Is a Fresh Start Read More »

GOP Has Little Hope of Gaining Jewish Majority

The ghost of President Warren G. Harding was in Las Vegas the first weekend of April. So was President Donald Trump. Both were at the annual meeting of the Republican Jewish Coalition (RJC), where 2,000 attendees heard Trump make the case that the GOP’s strong support for Israel should lead to increased support from Jewish voters. 

Harding was the last Republican presidential nominee to win the Jewish vote, when he captured a 43% plurality of Jewish support in a three-way race in his 1920 election. It’s now been more than 30 years since a Republican nominee has attracted even one-third of the Jewish vote.

Trump and his supporters believe they can reverse this trend, based partially on Trump’s actions but mostly on the growing anti-Israel sentiment among a young generation of Democratic leaders. That belief is based on two faulty premises, both of which will make the Republicans’ effort to coax Jews away from the party of Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.) and Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) difficult to achieve.

The first false assumption is that the choice between the two parties is a choice between absolutes. Even American Jews who oppose the Iran nuclear agreement and support moving the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem do not see one party as completely bad for Israel and the other as absolutely good. Rather, they see their choice as between one party that is very, very good for Israel, and another that is very, very, very good. 

That one extra Republican “very” is not sufficient to balance off the advantages that Democrats hold with most Jewish voters on abortion rights, climate change, immigration reform and many other domestic policy priorities. While most American Jews see individual lawmakers like Tlaib and Omar as unacceptable, the continued support for Israel among most Democratic leaders still leads to overall positive feelings toward the party among large majorities of Jewish voters. The challenge for Democrats is to prevent the spread of Tlaib’s and Omar’s attitudes in the party’s ranks. But barring the emergence a Jeremy Corbyn-esque presidential nominee, the Democrats have more than enough influential leaders whose strong support for Israel makes this a decidedly uphill fight for the GOP.  

[Netanyahu’s] focus on evangelical supporters of Israel reflects his realization that Jewish voters in the U.S. alone do not provide him with a sufficient base of support.

The second problem with this argument is that it assumes the majority of American Jewish voters make Israel their top priority at the ballot box. But American Jews have shifted their focus to domestic policy. A 2016 Ruderman Family Foundation study found that Israel was no longer among the top five issues influencing American Jewish voters, continuing a long-term trend. 

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu may not understand many things about American politics, but his focus on evangelical supporters of Israel reflects his realization that Jewish voters in the U.S. alone do not provide him with a sufficient base of support. Netanyahu’s approach has polarized American Jews, further blurring the definition of support for Israel among many left-leaning Jewish voters, even while evangelical voters have become more motivated. 

At the RJC meeting, some wealthy Trump supporters shared their plans to spend more than $10 million next year to persuade Jewish voters to support the president’s reelection. While they almost certainly understand that winning the Jewish vote in 2020 is impossible, a targeted effort aimed at sizable Jewish populations in swing states like Florida, Pennsylvania and Nevada could affect the razor-thin margins that will determine how those states cast their electoral votes.

As anti-Israel sentiment hardens among young progressives, leaders such as Tlaib and Omar can be expected to frequently cross the line between anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism. But until those attitudes become more pervasive in Democratic circles — and until Republicans distance themselves from equally intolerant voices of nationalism and xenophobia — a sea change in Jewish partisan voting is not in the offing anytime soon.


Dan Schnur is a professor at USC’s Annenberg School of Communication and Journalism, UC Berkeley’s Institute of Governmental Studies and Pepperdine University.

GOP Has Little Hope of Gaining Jewish Majority Read More »

I Worry About Lori

I worry about Lori Gottlieb, which makes no sense in the public scheme of things.

My neighbor and occasional colleague has become both a famous author and advice columnist since her first hit book, “Marry Him: The Case for Settling for Mr. Good Enough,” in 2010. Her hot new book, “Maybe You Should Talk to Someone,” likely also will become a best-seller. Her “Dear Therapist” column in The Atlantic has become a conversation piece among friends. She is scaling a steep career trajectory gracefully while remaining a good daughter, single mother, writer and psychotherapist. (Disclosure: I recently coached her son for his bar mitzvah and he seems to be thriving amid his mother’s success.)

But when I read “Marry Him” almost a decade ago, I feared for her romantic life. The very title made me cringe. How might the right guy regard a woman who measured men in this way? Admittedly, the painful search and self-assessment that ensued in the book, her self-reckonings at the hands of coaches and counselors, redeemed the protagonist for this reader. I recommended the book to many successful single girlfriends who were starving for an elusive, most desirable “one.” And controversy certainly enhanced her book sales.

Now, after reading “Maybe You Should Talk to Someone,” its writing precipitated by a romantic heartbreak, I fear for her career as a therapist. Gottlieb has created a page-turner about a therapist in therapy in the first person, making it memoir-esque, with all the names changed except her own and her son’s. These patients agreed to have their tales told, merged, telescoped and dramatized, and I assume Gottlieb has done the same with her own. Her story, dovetailing throughout the book with her clients’ stories, is a hybrid of factual and fictional, too. The self-exposure in her new book seems curated, studied, perfected. This persona self-deprecates, is unconditionally loving, confesses to blind spots and realizations, making the book feel vulnerable, human, accessible, heroic. It’s a terrific characterization.

“Certainly, patients and therapists are guilty of Googling one another all the time, but knowing too much about your therapist is a little like reading the last page of a mystery thriller before you’ve read the rest of the book. “

But I’m not sure I would want to confide in a therapist who liberally used my pain as fodder for her books or who was a famous character in her own notable books. Certainly, patients and therapists are guilty of Googling one another all the time, but knowing too much about your therapist is a little like reading the last page of a mystery thriller before you’ve read the rest of the book. I’d prefer my therapist’s outer life not contaminate the evolution of our shared inner life within our sessions. I’d want to know my therapist is smart, but his or her notoriety could be a deterrent to my surrender, to my transference. I prefer a greater degree of tabula rasa an old-school psychotherapist presents so that I can see my own mechanisms in progress. After her current press swing, Gottlieb will be far from anyone’s blank page. And some potential clients might prefer her renown to her anonymity.

In the new book, like the renegade magician who explains the classic tricks of the trade, Gottlieb demystifies the genius of her profession, the tricks behind her sleight of hand. Unflappable, she allows patients’ often insulting projections onto her, while noticing she’s projecting onto her own therapist. For those considering therapy, her book is very educational, moving, inspiring and entertaining. For those considering Lori Gottlieb, it could be a problem.


Melanie Chartoff has acted on Broadway and television, and is featured in the book “Chicken Soup for the Soul: My Crazy Family.”

I Worry About Lori Read More »

The Power of Cool

It’s been a surreal couple of weeks. Nearly every day there’s been jaw-dropping news — from the Harvard Undergraduate Council’s decision to fund “Israeli Apartheid Week” to the New York City Council’s decision to remove Councilman Kalman Yeger from an immigration committee because he tweeted a fact: “Palestine does not exist.”

However much we may know intellectually, that the rise of anti-Semitism on the left is superficial — part of a status-obsessed trend to virtue signal “progressive” cool-kid politics — we can easily be forgiven for feeling depressed, since we know what such trends have led to throughout Jewish history.

With a somewhat heavy heart on the Shabbat morning of April 6, I took my 9-year-old son, Alexander, to see rap artist Young Gravy — aka Noah Shufutinsky — who was performing at our temple, Park Avenue Synagogue. Shufutinsky, 19, a sophomore at George Washington University, where he’s majoring in Judaic Studies, has become the face of Jewish rap with his song “Diaspora.” After the song was released in January, I sent the program directors of Park Avenue’s congregational school a link to its video (shot in Israel). They immediately contacted the rapper and invited him to perform. 

Before Young Gravy’s visit, Alexander and I listened to “Diaspora” over and over again.

I’m a proud part of the diaspora

In my heart I hold Jerusalem and Africa

Kicked us out of our land and started gassin us

‘Til we put our foot down cuz we had enough

Check out the flag that I’m waving

Two blue stripes and a huge Star of David

Check out the flag that I’m waving 

Keep shooting rockets but you never gon’ take it

Young Gravy had performed for the synagogue’s teens the evening before; his show this Shabbat morning was for the younger kids. He rapped two songs before “Diaspora”: “American Dream,” which tears apart the victim narrative of identity politics; and “Never Again,” which entwines Jewish and black historical persecution in a way that would give Linda Sarsour palpitations. 

Never again, will I let you be my slaver

Never again, will we end up in gas chambers

I was just a kid when I saw my first skinhead

With a SS jacket and some Nazi tattoos

Blaming all his problems on Black thugs and dirty Jews

“Young Gravy should be performing at synagogues, community centers and college campuses around the world.”

With their black Sephardic mother and Soviet Ashkenazi father, Shufutinsky and his older brother, Dmitri Shufutinsky — who recently earned a master’s degree in international peace and conflict resolution and blogs for The Jerusalem Post and The Times of Israel — undercut intersectionality’s erasure of black-Jewish relations.

“Be proud of who you are,” Young Gravy told the young crowd at our synagogue, “no matter what anyone says.”

I introduced Alexander to Young Gravy before the performance. He was excited to meet his first “celebrity” — a young black man with a chai necklace who rapped about gas chambers, swastikas and slavery — but he had his chill veneer firmly in place. Young Gravy broke through that attitude immediately. Although his lyrics are hard-hitting, he is sweet, warm and engaging.

Throughout Alexander’s 9 years, I have tried to make the Maccabees cool. Young Gravy did it in an hour. He reinterpreted Jewish history and made being Jewish a source of pride.

The next day at the park, Alexander pointed out to me all of the kippahs and tzitzit; we talked about what it meant to hold Jerusalem in our hearts. We also talked about leaders and followers, individualism and conformity. Doing or saying what everyone else is doing is never cool — I’ve told Alexander variations of this since he was old enough to understand. For the first time, after hearing Young Gravy, the embodiment of cool, convey that lesson, I think Alexander truly understood it.

We’re riding a very dark wave right now, and leftist rabbis, writers and most especially groups like IfNotNow are pushing that wave to feed their self-esteem — what Young Gravy calls “twitter politicians” retweeting lies and “keepin us at odds occupied by colorism, not acknowledging that this is how they got us to begin with.”

Young Gravy should be performing at synagogues, community centers and college campuses around the world, so that he can teach and inspire through the power of art, the power of cool. Jewish groups: Young Gravy is literally our future. Let’s make it happen.


Karen Lehrman Bloch is an author and cultural critic living in New York City.

The Power of Cool Read More »

How to Watch Israel’s Beresheet Spacecraft Land on the Moon

JERUSALEM (JTA) — With elections in the rearview mirror, Israelis are now focusing on the moon.

The Israeli spacecraft Beresheet, or Genesis, is scheduled to touch down on the moon’s surface on Thursday night in Israel. And the country has Beresheet mania.

Watch parties and celebrations are planned throughout Israel. The main event — in Hod Hasharon, about 13 miles from Tel Aviv in the central part of the country — will include exhibitions, a dance party, a space-themed selfie wall and videos.

Tens of thousands of Israelis had stayed up until the wee hours of the morning to watch the lunar lander’s launch from Cape Canaveral in Florida on Feb. 21 aboard a SpaceX Falcon 9 rocket.

This time the hour will be more civilized, with Beresheet expected to touch down in the northeastern part of the Sea of Serenity, a flat area on the moon’s surface, sometime between 10 and 11 p.m. in Israel. A successful landing will make Israel the fourth country — after the Soviet Union, the U.S. and China — to land a spacecraft on the moon.

Other touch-down events also sponsored by the Israel Space Agency are planned for Kiryat Shemona in the north, Mitzpeh Ramon in the south, Givatayim (a suburb of Tel Aviv) and Jerusalem. Lectures and public viewings are scheduled in at least 15 other locations throughout the country.

For those outside of Israel, Space IL, the nonprofit organization that founded the Beresheet program, will livestream the landing on its Facebook page and on YouTube.

Last week, SpaceIL broadcast directly from its control room in Yehud, Israel, as Beresheet successfully entered the moon’s orbit in its last major step before the moon landing, making Israel the seventh country to enter the moon’s orbit.

The unmanned craft’s engine was burned for six minutes, and the maneuver, the spacecraft’s seventh, was conducted with full communication between the control room and Beresheet. Several smaller engine burns have taken place since then to properly orient the spacecraft and enable a proper landing.

Beresheet has traveled over 3.4 million miles in its orbits around the earth and another 1 million around the moon.

After landing on the moon, the spacecraft will take photographs of the landing site and a selfie to prove it touched down safely. It also will measure the moon’s magnetic field as part of an experiment carried out in collaboration with the Weizmann Institute of Science in Israel.

The spacecraft will leave a time capsule containing a database of hundreds of digital files ranging from details about the SpaceIL, the craft itself and the crew of the project to national symbols, cultural items and materials collected from the general public over the years, as well as the entire Bible printed in microscopic text on a coin. The spacecraft is not expected to return to earth.

SpaceIL was founded to compete in Google’s Lunar XPrize, a contest to see who could build the first private spacecraft to reach the moon. Co-founders Yonatan Winetraub, Kfir Damari and Yariv Bash submitted their application right at the deadline, Dec. 31, 2010, and went through a few failed experiments before building the right craft.

The size of a compact car, the craft has been said to look like a way-out washing machine and weighed about 1,300 pounds at launch, most of which was fuel.

The XPrize shut down without a winner last year, but along the way SpaceIL received enough funding to keep going. It has worked in partnership with Israel Aerospace Industries, and its donors include the U.S. billionaire casino mogul Sheldon Adelson, South African-Israeli billionaire Morris Kahn and Canadian-Israeli real estate mogul Sylvan Adams.

The organization also hopes to inspire Israeli kids to go into science and engineering, called the Apollo effect, by showing them that space exploration is achievable. Its educational programs have already reached more than 1 million children.

The iCenter, designed to help educators connect Jewish students with Israel, also has a section devoted to SpaceIL and Beresheet, including educational resources about the moon landing and Israel’s space program.

How to Watch Israel’s Beresheet Spacecraft Land on the Moon Read More »