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December 12, 2014

Should Chanukah in Israel be more commercialized?

I have a confession to make. (Well, maybe “confession” isn’t exactly the best word to use.) Forgive me, Jewish mother, for I have sinned. When I was 8, I hid a plant in my closet. No one knew about it — not my sisters, not my parents. It was my makeshift Christmas tree. 
 
Yes, even as I attended a Modern Orthodox day school in Los Angeles, I had a case of “Christmas envy.” I even made a pendant of a cross I carved out of aluminum foil. The only person who knew about it was my all-American, blond-haired, blue-eyed Christian neighbor. She seemed to live a freer life, without kosher and Shabbat restrictions. 
 
Granted, I had no idea what Christmas celebrated or that the cross symbolized the crucifixion of a Jew whose life and death ushered in a religion that, in its dark days, oppressed my kin. I only knew that Christmas was a season of joy, of miracles, of goodwill toward all. I loved seeing snazzy Christmas trees in stores and watching the “Growing Pains” and “Who’s the Boss?” Christmas specials. 
 
But wait a minute — don’t we also have a holiday all about lights, blessings and miracles?
 
Even though we lit Chanukah candles at my house, it wasn’t the same. We couldn’t hang baubles and twigs on a chanukiah.
 
“Goyim” didn’t have to say brachot over a Christmas tree at a specific hour — they snuggled around an evergreen with chestnuts roasting on an open fire. There are only so many latkes you can fry on an open stove, and eight oily nights could never really compensate for that one night of Christmas spectacular-ness. Even I sensed that Chanukah gifts were a lame answer to Christmas envy. Chocolate coins made me feel like a pauper.
 
We didn’t have TV shows inspired by the Chanukah miracle. The few Chanukah tunes I learned were sung by Jewish choirs, not by the biggest stars on the planet. I remember how thrilled I was when Adam Sandler’s “Hannukah Song” came out, but it was just Jewish celebrity geography put to melody.
 
I’ve come a long way since all that envy possessed me. More than 10 years ago, I turned in my eggnog lattes and fulfilled the ultimate Jewish calling of aliyah. In Israel, the descendants of the Maccabees would be the majority. Yay! Chanukah sales! TV shows about that Chanukah miracle next door! Original pop songs about light — sung in Hebrew! 
 
But that Chanukah pop-culture glory never came. Chanukah is a week away, and only in the last days have I noticed some flimsy neon-blue lights wrapped around the palm trees lining my Tel Aviv street. While public institutions are starting to display life-sized chanukiyot, they’re never like that gargantuan, glorious Christmas tree at Rockefeller Center. The only nationwide cultural Chanukah event of note is the “Festigal” TV variety show starring Israeli teenage heartthrobs. 
 
In early December, I wouldn’t have known Chanukah is around the corner if not for the bakeries’ sufganiyot. (Roladin’s candy-sparkle sufganiyot give holiday lattes a run for its gelt, and not just in the calorie department.) Yesterday, I walked into an elementary school to find some handmade cardboard dreidels twirling from the ceiling, but I have yet to see one Chanukah trinket decorating a public square or Tel Aviv storefront.
 
Should Chanukah — or Jewish holidays in general, for that matter — become more commercial and universalized in Israel? Think of the latte possibilities! Honey cake latte! Cheesecake latte! Pomegranate tea latte! Isn’t Elijah the Prophet a sort of Jewish “Santa”?
 
The commercialization of Christmas has served as a form of outreach for Christianity and America; these outer displays of merriness and wealth make children and adults alike want to be part of such a prosperous, merry society. Commercializing Chanukah, as a start, could be the ultimate form of hasbarah (Jewish public relations). But Israel is notoriously awful at PR. Israeli governments and businesses are probably too preoccupied with daily survival to create fluffy holiday displays. And which holidays should Israelis prioritize? Passover, Shavuot, Sukkot? I’m still recovering from that three-day Sukkot holiday meal.
 
While I no longer long for a Christmas tree, I confess that I still listen to The Carpenters’ “Christmas Collection” every December.
 
Israeli artists have yet to develop holiday-inspired pop, and pretty Christmas melodies still inspire me with some sort of holiday spirit. They also provide momentary escape from the particularistic Jewish struggles our holidays commemorate. 
 
Israel does have one holiday for which municipalities generally invest in street-wide accouterments: Yom HaAtzmaut, Israel’s Independence Day.
 
Makes sense. Why invest in the more ancient miracle of Jewish sovereignty in the land of Israel when we can parade the modern one?
 
As we light the first Chanukah candle, I’m sure to see candles lit in the windows of homes, malls and public squares. But it’s the lights I see every nonholiday night that inspire my belief in miracles — the lights of Tel Aviv skyscrapers, the headlights of Israelis going about their business. It’s the celebration of the chance to live here, to realize a modern Jewish miracle that embodies moral, intellectual and human achievement — that’s a Chanukah gift no Macy’s window could ever showcase. 
 
My mother should be glad to know I’m in a place where I can fearlessly, proudly wear my solid silver Jewish star. Let that produce some “Chanukah envy.”

Should Chanukah in Israel be more commercialized? Read More »

‘Interview’ screenwriter Dan Sterling: Fallout from comedy about Kim Jong-un isn’t so funny

DEVELOPING [Dec. 17, 2014]: Sony Pictures said on Wednesday it canceled the Dec. 25 theatrical release of its North Korea comedy “The Interview,” after major U.S. theater chains pulled out of showing the film following threats from hackers.


 

*Over coffee at a Larchmont Village café on the morning of Dec. 9, screenwriter Dan Sterling seemed genuinely shocked that his new comic film, “The Interview,” has launched an escalating international maelstrom, sparking North Korean ire that some have suggested may have provoked the devastating hack into Sony Pictures Entertainment computers on Nov. 24.

The raunchy comedy, directed by Seth Rogen and Evan Goldberg, spotlights a cheesy TV celebrity talk-show host, Dave Skylark (James Franco), and his producer, Aaron Rapoport (Rogen), who land an unprecedented interview with Kim Jong-un, supreme leader of North Korea, the most secretive country on Earth (turns out Kim is a huge fan of their show). The CIA then recruits the bumbling journalists to assassinate the dictator, amid plenty of comic pratfalls and scatological jokes.

“The point of this movie is that it’s not a polemic; it’s a comedy,” said Sterling, 43, who was alternately hilarious and thoughtful during an interview. And so he was startled, back in June, when news reports revealed that North Koreans were labeling the film “an act of war” and warning of “merciless countermeasures” should the United States government allow the movie to hit theaters. He was even more stunned in late November when hackers, identifying themselves as the Guardians of Peace (but suspected by some to be the North Koreans), hacked into Sony computers and made public droves of sensitive data: stars’ Social Security and telephone numbers; the salaries of thousands of employees, which could make the studio vulnerable to gender and racial discrimination lawsuits; and scandalous emails in which Sony Co-Chairman Amy Pascal and producer Scott Rudin wrote racially insensitive remarks about President Barack Obama, among myriad other damaging missives.

North Korean officials have continued to deny sponsoring the cyberattack, even as the Guardians of Peace sent another message several weeks ago warning of further consequences should Sony release what they intimated might be in the film. 

“I had numerous emotions,” Sterling said when he first learned of North Korea’s anger over “The Interview” back in June. “One of them was obviously, ‘Wow, it’s kind of cool that a world leader would spend his time focusing on this stupid, truly absurd Hollywood movie — and that a world leader knows what I’m up to.’ But then I felt that if this leads to something bad in any way, I’d have a difficult time not feeling that I had some responsibility. So that was rather scary. But the other emotion was just surprise, because I had been really naïve about the whole thing; I didn’t see what was controversial about the film. It was never intended to be a ‘message’ movie. It’s not an Aaron Sorkin or a Paddy Chayefsky sort of thing. It’s broad and absurd, and nothing that happens in it could happen nor should happen.”

When Sterling read news of the hacking, he said, “I had thought Sony was quite ballsy for making the movie, so if somehow there was a connection, a part of me felt bad because they’re really suffering; this hacking has been a real catastrophe for them. I rarely will say this about a multinational conglomeration, but I don’t like the thought of them being hurt.”

Sterling — who is Jewish — said he never could have imagined the explosive response to “The Interview” when Rogen and Goldberg approached him to write the script several years ago. Rogen and Goldberg have said that they needed a screenwriter with political expertise to pen the movie; they reportedly turned to Sterling because he had been a co-executive producer of “The Daily Show With Jon Stewart” and also because of his screenplay “Flarsky,” a political comedy that made Hollywood’s 2011 Black List of best unproduced scripts.

“We needed someone smarter than us,” Goldberg wrote in an email of why he and Rogen thought Sterling was the writer for the job.” He is more politically savvy, and is generally more of an intellectual. He let us take our crass humor and inject it into a more sophisticated arena than we’re used to playing in.”

“Seth and Evan were talking about what would happen if you were a TV journalist and you got an interview with Osama bin Laden, who at the time was alive. Would you be tempted to kill him?” Sterling said of their premise for “The Interview.”   

“So I went off to write, and we already knew our dictator couldn’t be Osama bin Laden, because Sacha Baron Cohen was already heading toward production with ‘The Great Dictator,’ and he was going to own all the jokes about Middle Eastern tyrants. But if I wanted to write about a world leader who had that bin Laden level of mythological evilness, who was it going to be?  It could have been maybe [Vladimir] Putin or something, but North Korea is just so hidden and so remote that there’s just this shroud of mystery about it. And in some ways, they’re fair game for attack.”

Apart from North Korea’s menacing small nuclear arsenal, its concentration camps and starving people, there was plenty of comic fodder to mine about dictator Kim Jong-un and his late father, Kim Jong-il: their claims, for example, that they neither urinated nor defecated; that Kim Jong-un can speak to dolphins and Kim Jong-il was capable of smashing an American spy satellite with a rock. “What’s funny about the Kims is this insane mythology that they’ve propagated and the way they try to block people from seeing what’s really going on behind the curtain,” Sterling said.

He originally wrote the script with an imaginary version of the North Korean dictator; it was during a meeting with Sony executives, he said, that the filmmakers decided to have Sterling rewrite the script featuring a fictional version of the real leader, Kim Jong-un. “We immediately realized that [that would be] so much more exciting, provocative and funny,” Sterling said in the film’s production notes.

Even so, the screenwriter said he attempted to “humanize” the character of Kim Jong-un (played in the film by Randall Park), attributing some of his flaws to daddy issues, for example, to avoid a clichéd mustache-twirling kind of villain. And his screenplay skewers American celebrity journalists and culture as much as it does Kim Jong-un. “I don’t really want to make a career out of attacking other countries; I’m mostly interested in what’s stupid about us,” he said. Rogen and Goldberg reportedly toned down the gorier aspects of Kim Jon-un’s death scene following a request from Sony’s parent company in Japan last summer.

The film also includes one Jewish joke. When Dave Skylark bonds with the dictator at one point in the movie, he tries to prevent his producer, Aaron, from killing the leader via a strip of poison attached to his palm. “Don’t shake his hand … [he’s] a Jew!” Skylark says. “Oh, gross,” Kim Jong-un replies.

Sterling grew up in a non-religious Jewish home in Philadelphia, where his parents and grandparents preferred political activism to religion. His grandmother, an author who wrote about the abolitionists and the civil rights movement, once found a Ku Klux Klan cross burned on her lawn. His father, a retired neuroscientist, had been jailed while serving as a Freedom Rider who was helping to integrate trains in Mississippi, and Sterling’s mother, a psychologist, had demonstrated at civil rights sit-ins at Woolworth’s counters and elsewhere.

Sterling said he had always aspired to become a television comedy writer; by the age of 26 he had been hired to write for the first season of “South Park,” where he learned from creators Trey Parker and Matt Stone that the highest form of comedy was a “target-based attack” against evil and hypocrisy in the world.

Sterling went on to write and produce for the Fox animated series “King of the Hill” and for “The Sarah Silverman Program,” and served as co-executive producer for “The Daily Show With Jon Stewart” and for the final season of NBC’s “The Office” before Rogen and Goldberg came calling about “The Interview.”

These days, he’s hoping that the hackers’ most recent threats won’t cause Sony to cancel the movie’s release, slated for Dec. 25. (This issue of the Journal went to press on Dec. 16.) “I’m glad that I’m not [Sony Chairman and CEO] Michael Lynton right now, because it seems like an impossible situation,” said Sterling, adding that he has spoken to his own financial advisers about protecting his assets in the event of a future hacking. “I can’t say that I feel as safe now as I did prior to all of this. 

“But I think it’s a very bad idea to let these kinds of people have a chilling effect on free speech. Without having a full understanding of what the consequences could be, I can only say I hope the film is released … because I think it’s a very dangerous idea to start making a habit of every time somebody comes out and hacks, to shut up. If they want to bomb somebody for their free speech, I would like to be at ground zero, because I don’t want to live in that kind of world.

*This story has been updated from the original version

‘Interview’ screenwriter Dan Sterling: Fallout from comedy about Kim Jong-un isn’t so funny Read More »

Iran hackers may target U.S. energy, defense firms, FBI warns

The Federal Bureau of Investigation has warned U.S. businesses to be on the alert for a sophisticated Iranian hacking operation whose targets include defense contractors, energy firms and educational institutions, according to a confidential agency document.

The operation is the same as one flagged last week by cyber security firm Cylance Inc as targeting critical infrastructure organizations worldwide, cyber security experts said. Cylance has said it uncovered more than 50 victims from what it dubbed Operation Cleaver, in 16 countries, including the United States.

The FBI's confidential “Flash” report, seen by Reuters on Friday, provides technical details about malicious software and techniques used in the attacks, along with advice on thwarting the hackers. It asked businesses to contact the FBI if they believed they were victims.

Cylance Chief Executive Stuart McClure said the FBI warning suggested that the Iranian hacking campaign may have been larger than its own research revealed. “It underscores Iran's determination and fixation on large-scale compromise of critical infrastructure,” he said.

The FBI's technical document said the hackers typically launch their attacks from two IP addresses that are in Iran, but did not attribute the attacks to the Tehran government. Cylance has said it believes Iran's government is behind the campaign, a claim Iran has vehemently denied.

An FBI official did not provide further details, but said the agency routinely provides private industry with advisories to help it fend off cyber threats.

The Pentagon and National Security Agency had no immediate comment.

Tehran has been substantially increasing investment in its cyber capabilities since 2010, when its nuclear program was hit by the Stuxnet computer virus, widely believed to have been launched by the United States and Israel.

Cyber security professionals who investigate cyber attacks said that they are seeing evidence that Iran's investment is paying off.

“They are good and have a lot of talent in the country,” said Dave Kennedy, CEO of TrustedSEC LLC. “They are definitely a serious threat, no question.”

Iranian hackers are increasingly being blamed for sophisticated cyberattacks.

Bloomberg Businessweek on Thursday reported that Iranian hacker activists were responsible for a devastating February 2014 attack on casino operator Las Vegas Sands Corp, which crippled thousands of servers by wiping them with destructive malware. It said the hackers sought to punish Sands CEO Sheldon Adelson for comments he made about detonating a nuclear bomb in Iran.

Iran hackers may target U.S. energy, defense firms, FBI warns Read More »

Three teens shot outside Portland, Oregon, high school

Three teenagers were shot and wounded on Friday near a Portland, Oregon, alternative high school, police said, and officers were searching for a suspect who ran from the scene following the gunfire.

The two boys and one girl shot outside Rosemary Anderson High School in north Portland were “conscious and breathing” as they were rushed to a local hospital, the Portland Police Bureau said in a tweet.

A spokeswoman for Legacy Emanuel Medical Center confirmed that the hospital was treating three patients from the incident but declined to give out any information on their condition, citing medical privacy laws.

It was not immediately clear if the victims were students at Rosemary Anderson, but police said they ran to the school following the shooting, shortly after noon, and were treated there as it was immediately placed on lockdown.

The shooter ran from the area, police said, and officers with search dogs were combing nearby neighborhoods for the suspect.

“Officers have cleared the school. Area is safe and secure,” the police bureau said on Twitter, adding that it was not considered an “active shooter situation.”

The Portland Oregonian newspaper reported that a female student was struck in the chest and a 17-year-old was shot in the back. There was no immediate information on the third victim.

The paper said FBI agents were on the scene to assist police and that investigators believed the suspect has ties to a street gang. Parents were reunited with their children at a staging area several blocks from the school.

Aly Wright, who works at the Coffeehouse Five cafe near the school, said her customers heard several gunshots, followed by the quick arrival of police.

“This whole block is on lockdown,” she said.

The neighborhood has a history of gang violence, said Johnny Bradford, a Portland minister interviewed by Reuters near the scene.

The shooting is “really surprising because it's really been good for the last couple of years,” Bradford said.

Jefferson High School and Portland Community College were also placed on lockdown for about two hours before resuming classes, and streets around Rosemary Anderson were blocked off.

Rosemary Anderson is an alternative high school serving up to 190 “at-risk” students, many of whom are homeless or who had been expelled or dropped out of Portland's public high schools, according to the school website.

Three teens shot outside Portland, Oregon, high school Read More »

The spiritual challenge of centrism

The following is an excerpt from the new preface to Yossi Klein Halevi’s recently reissued book “Memoirs of a Jewish Extremist: The Story of a Transformation” (Little, Brown and Co.). 

I moved to Jerusalem in 1982 and have now lived in Israel longer than I’ve lived outside it. Over the last three decades I have experienced a four-year terror war of exploding buses and cafes, two wars in Lebanon, a month-long assault on our cities by Saddam Hussein’s Scud missiles and endless rocket attacks from Gaza. I have been a soldier and the father of a soldier. I have lived through the murder of an Israeli prime minister by a fellow Jew, seen the uprooting of settlements in Gaza only to be followed by even more missile attacks from Hamas across Israel’s international boundary. I have joined the agonizing debate among Israelis about occupation and security and morality, about what Jewish history expects of us now that we are back home.

[MORE: Q&A with Yossi Klein Halevi]

I have also rerooted myself in the resurrected Hebrew language, avidly followed the evolution of Hebrew music from carrier of the secular Zionist ethos to harbinger of a new Jewish spirituality. I have immersed in the great Israeli experiment of transforming disparate communities back into a people, the maddening and exhilarating pluralism of Israeli life in which Jews from a hundred diasporas jostle over competing visions of the return to Zion. Most of all I have raised, together with my wife and life companion, Sarah, three strong-willed, independent, generous Israeli children, who have taught me the meaning of home.

Most of my days are lived as daily life anywhere. Still, every so often I remember that the mundane details of my life as a Jew in a sovereign Jewish state formed the most extravagant dreams of my ancestors. At those moments I am grateful to be sharing in the greatest Jewish adventure of our time and perhaps of any other time, grateful to be among those carrying this story. Quite simply, I live in Israel because it is possible.

Yet living in Israel has taught me the need for humility in our political and religious judgments, reinforced the need to embrace complexity, the very opposite of the extremist sensibility. Like a majority of Israelis, I have come to identify myself as a centrist. On the Palestinian issue, that means accepting insights from both the Israeli left and right.

As a centrist, I regard the creation of a Palestinian state as an existential necessity for Israel — saving us from the impossible choice between the two non-negotiable elements of our identity as a Jewish and a democratic state, from the moral burden of occupying another people, from growing pariah status. But as a centrist I also regard a Palestinian state as an existential threat to Israel — risking rocket attacks from the West Bank highlands overlooking the coastal plain, where most Israelis live. I fear the unraveling of Israel’s ability to defend itself.

The great Jewish debate of our time isn’t happening out there in Israeli society between two warring ideological camps but within me. There are mornings when I wake up and it is a leftwing day. Just get out of the West Bank, I tell myself, immediately, regardless of the security threats. And there are mornings when I wake up and it is a
rightwing day. Look around at the Middle East, I tell myself, are you mad? How can we possibly give up control over Israel’s most sensitive border as neighboring countries implode and terror entities form around us?

I have two nightmares about Israel’s future. The first is that there won’t be a Palestinian state. The second is that there will be a Palestinian state.

In the midst of these impossible pressures and dilemmas, the Jewish people struggles to develop a healthy relationship to its recovered power. The angst of finding ourselves occupiers and the awareness that occupation is a long-term existential threat to Israel leads some Jews to downplay other, more immediate physical dangers; while the outrage of finding ourselves, even after the Holocaust, still facing genocidal enemies leads other Jews to despair of a just world in which we are bound by ethical constraints.

What, then, does Jewish history expect of our generation? The Torah imposes two commandments of memory. The first is to remember that we were strangers in the land of Egypt, and the message is: Don’t be brutal. The second is to remember that we were attacked without provocation, on our way out of Egypt, by the tribe of Amalek, archetypal enemy of the Jewish people, and the message is: Don’t be naïve. 

No brutality, no naivete: That is the authentic commanding voice of Jewish history for the generations after the Holocaust. 

It is hardly surprising that Jews today are so disoriented by the renewal of Jewish power and national responsibility, by the conflict between morality and security. The abrupt transition from the lowest point of our vulnerability to the point of our greatest power may be unprecedented in any people’s history. Less than a generation separates Auschwitz from the Six-Day War; from the perspective of Jewish history, that transition is virtually instantaneous. The conditions under which the Jewish people reclaimed power — endless siege, war, terror, delegitimization — has reinforced the fear among many Jews that their empowerment is transient, a momentary deviance in a history of vulnerability. 

Sometimes I feel an old rage return, a descent back into emotional patterns I thought I had escaped. That has been especially true since the second intifada, the four-year terror war of the early 2000s. What was so bitter about those years was not just the terrorism itself but the fact that the worst wave of terror in Israel’s history followed Israel’s offers to create a Palestinian state and redivide Jerusalem. Yet for the most part, that sequence was ignored by the international community, which continued to blame Israel for the ongoing occupation, as if the Palestinian leadership had little to answer for in its rejection of a two-state solution. Like most Israelis I believe that the conflict is ultimately about the refusal of the Arab world to accept the indigenousness of the Jewish people in its land — to accept the very notion that the Jews are a legitimate people. When the international community places the entire blame for the conflict on Israel and treats the Jewish state with singular contempt, Israelis reciprocate the contempt and harden their positions.

For me, being a centrist is not just as a political commitment but a spiritual challenge. It demands a constant struggle to expand one’s capacity for empathy, for searching for truth wherever it exists, outside the limitations of ideology.

The spiritual challenge of centrism Read More »

Q&A with Yossi Klein Halevi: Jewish extremists endanger Israel’s control of Jerusalem

In 1972, when Yossi Klein Halevi began writing a book that 23 years later would become his “Memoirs of a Jewish Extremist, he was just 19 and allied with the extremist right wing of the Free Soviet Jewry movement. 

As a follower of Rabbi Meir Kahane (assassinated in 1990) and a member of Kahane’s Jewish Defense League (JDL), Halevi used his journalistic ability to clarify world events on behalf of the JDL. At the time, he still lived in his native New York City, so his role was to filter news about Israel and Jews through a prism largely shaped by the fear of another Holocaust, in which Jews and Israelis felt themselves unwelcome neighbors in a hostile gentile world.

The young Halevi likely never could have imagined that one day he would write a rebuke of Jewish extremism, saying it preaches ideas that are anathema to Judaism. 

Halevi’s memoir was first published in 1995, almost to the day of the assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin by the Jewish extremist Yigal Amir. “Memoirs of a Jewish Extremist” chronicles Halevi’s evolution from his teens into his late 20s. His other books, “At the Entrance to the Garden of Eden” and, most recently, the National Jewish Book award-winning “Like Dreamers,” have become known not for extremism, but rather for thoughtful moderation steeped in the author’s love for Judaism and Israel.

The re-release of “Memoirs” in October could not have come at a more appropriate time, as a new brand of Palestinian terrorism of cars and knives shakes Israel, and vandalism, assaults and the murder of an Arab teen by three Jewish extremists all have made Jerusalem feel in recent months like a city waiting to explode into a war of neighbor versus neighbor. 

On Nov. 29, extremist Jews lit a Jerusalem bilingual Jewish-Arab school on fire and spray-painted inciteful anti-Arab messages, including one that read, “Kahane was right.”

In a Nov. 19 interview with the Jewish Journal, one day after a brutal terrorist attack at a Har Nof synagogue just outside Jerusalem, where four Jews were murdered during morning prayers, Halevi described the feeling among Israelis as, “Anything can happen at any moment.”

What follows is an edited transcript of the interview: 

Jewish Journal: There are some calls now to cede Arab parts of Jerusalem to the Palestinians so as to separate Jews and Muslims. Would that help ease tensions in the city?

Yossi Klein Halevi: It’s a very understandable reaction and a very dangerous one. There is no vacuum in Jerusalem [that wouldn’t] be filled by Hamas. As traumatic as the status quo is, there’s no alternative. The status quo needs to be improved. We need to make sure that, first of all, serious security efforts are being imposed on the ground, and at the same time, we need to start listening to the grievances of mainstream Palestinians in Jerusalem who don’t want the city to be torn apart  — and, in my experience, that’s a majority of Palestinians in the city. 

This latest round of rioting and violence and terror happened for two reasons: One, because of the burning of the 16-year-old Palestinian boy [Mohammed Abu Khdeir] this summer — that triggered the initial wave of violence and that was an act committed by Jewish extremists. And then feeding on that momentum was the return of the Palestinian lie that Israel intends to change the status quo on the Temple Mount. This is a lie that has persisted since 1929, when hundreds of Jews were massacred because Palestinian leaders spread a false rumor that Jews were intending to take over the Temple Mount. There’s no chance that this government will change the status quo on the Temple Mount. The danger comes from provocative acts by small groups of Jews, by far-right Knesset members who feed the big lie about an Israeli intention to change the status quo — Moshe Feiglin in particular, but he’s not the only one.

 

JJ: What’s the end game for Jerusalem if Jewish extremists grow in number and in impact?

YKH: I’m speaking as someone who believes we have no alternative but to maintain Israeli control of united Jerusalem. Of course, most of the terrorism being committed these days in Jerusalem is by Arabs against Jews. But Jewish street violence against Arabs is growing, too. It’s hard to talk about this, given the pathological nature of the Palestinian attacks against us in recent weeks. But I have a deep concern for our ability to continue holding Jerusalem. The more attacks there are against Arabs, the more expressions of Jewish extremism, the greater the international pressure will be on Israel to leave parts of Jerusalem. 

 

JJ: What are some examples you’ve encountered in recent months of Jewish extremism in Jerusalem?

YKH: Outbursts against Arabs; physical attacks on the streets. It’s not only Jews now who are afraid to go into Arab neighborhoods. Arabs are afraid to go into Jewish neighborhoods. I was in downtown Jerusalem the day after Abu Khdeir was murdered, and there was a demonstration by Jews to protest the murder of the three kidnapped Jewish boys, and they arranged memorial candles on the pavement to spell out “Death to Arabs.” As if that burned body wasn’t enough.

 

JJ: What is the mindset, the worldview, of the Jewish extremist?

YKH: In the ’60s and ’70s in New York, we were mainly concerned with saving Soviet Jewry and opposing the Soviet Union, and the Holocaust was our primary emotional motive. But what we do share in common — the Israeli extremist of today and my generation of American-Jewish extremists — is the sense of the radical aloneness of the Jewish people. And this is something that Israel’s critics need to internalize: that by pushing Israel into a corner, by isolating Israel and boycotting us and turning us into the world’s criminals, they are reinforcing the argument of the radical right in Israel. The radical right is the greatest beneficiary of BDS [Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions], because it just reinforces everything that they’re saying: “The world hates us; we have no friends.” And if you have no friends, you might as well just do what you need to do and not be squeamish about it.

 

JJ: So are you saying there’s a feedback effect between Israel’s isolation and the rise in Jewish extremism? Does one lead to the other?

YKH: Absolutely; there’s a cycle. What I’m really worried about right now as a citizen of Jerusalem is, God forbid, some Jewish lunatic attacking a mosque. We’ve had a fair number of arson attacks and desecration of mosques in the last few years in the West Bank, and if that happens in Jerusalem — well, I’ll just leave it at that.

 

JJ: Are today’s Jewish extremists yesterday’s Yossi Klein Halevis?

YKH: I think there are levels of extremism, and I was prepared as a teenager to go pretty far, but not that far [murder]. I don’t know anyone from those years who would’ve been capable of burning alive a 16-year-old boy. There’s been a loosening of constraints, and the result is that, on the far fringes of the Jewish people, we have Jews who are apparently capable of doing absolutely anything. To my mind, this is new. 

I understand Jewish rage, but there’s a line that has been crossed that I don’t believe was possible, was conceivable in the past, and that worries me. It worries me because of its effect on us, its effect politically but also spiritually. It weakens our spiritual resistance to evil, it compromises us fundamentally, and it divides us. It opens up a counter-reaction from the far left, and then you have this pathology of far left and far right feeding off of each other, pointing at each other as validations for their own distorted positions. What makes me a centrist is a deep belief that the center is the place to hold the conflicting truths of Jewish history that we are struggling with now, the conflicting voices, commanding voices of Jewish history to our generation. The voice of the command to remember that we were strangers in the land of Egypt — don’t be brutal. The command to remember what Amalek did to us when we were leaving Egypt, another biblical commandment, and that message is, don’t be naïve. We’re struggling between these two imperatives. The extremists of right and left can’t hear both of those. For them, it’s either/or.

 

JJ: What prompted your transformation?

YKH: My father raised me with the idea that the Jews have no friends. That was his lesson from the Shoah, and he was trying to prepare me — as a Jew in a hostile world — for survival. My father’s great fear was that his American-born children would not have the savvy to survive another Holocaust, that Americans were too naïve, too soft, and he was trying to raise his children with a sense of alertness. As my father put it, “Nobody likes the Jews. When Christians speak of love, they mean [for] everybody but the Jews.” The problem with that teaching was that my father was saved by a non-Jew [in the Holocaust]. My father survived the war in a hole, in a forest with two friends. What I began to realize as I grew older was that my father wanted me to know that his black-and-white view of the non-Jewish world was inadequate, and so he repeatedly told me the story of this non-Jew who saved him, who used to bring food to him during the Holocaust.

 

JJ: In “Like Dreamers,” are there any heroes that stake out the center ground?

YKH: For me, the heroes of the book are those who ended up in the center. Yoel Bin Nun, first of all, was one of the founders of the settlement movement. From the left, his friend Avital Geva, who was a fellow paratrooper and one of the founders of the anti-settlement Peace Now movement, realized that there was a naiveté in his camp, that we really don’t have a credible partner [for peace] on the other side. I would also put Arik Achmon in that camp. He grew up on a kibbutz and became the first privatizer of an Israeli company. I would divide the heroes of “Like Dreamers” into two camps, and it’s not left and right. There are those who are in the camp who evolve as the book tells their story, and there are those who stay the same. For me, the heroes of “Like Dreamers” were those who struggled with the limitations of their youthful ideas and were able to grow.

 

JJ: How can today’s Jewish extremists be changed? Or can they only be contained?

YKH: Anyone can be changed, and the question of human change, of evolution, of growth is in some sense my life’s work as a writer. That’s the story that I’ve been trying to tell in my books, and it’s a story that I tried to tell in “Like Dreamers” — the evolution of the Israeli story through the evolution of several leading figures in Israel. I am an optimist, to some extent, about human nature. I think we are here in this world to grow, to evolve — I’m speaking now as a believing person. We are here in order to help our souls grow. Evolution is at the heart of the divine unfolding of this world. That’s an insight I learned from Rav Kook, the great 20th- century mystic. 

 

JJ: Do you believe the mindsets and motivations of all extremists are similar, whether they are Muslim or Jewish?

YKH: In my generation, the motivation for Jewish extremism was much less religious. Today’s Jewish extremists are coming from a complicated mix of nationalism, historic grievance and rage, along with some poisonous ideological ideas of Jewish superiority, which are floating around the fringes of the Orthodox world in Israel. And that mix of historical grievance and notions of religious superiority make them the Jewish equivalent of Islamist extremists. So, today’s Jewish extremists are much closer to the model of Islamist extremists than my generation was. When you bring in the element of religion, you’re adding a very potent level of explosive to the mix.

 

JJ: How can someone be prevented from becoming an extremist?

YKH: I don’t know how to stop someone else. I know how the process happened for me, and I wrote this book in part because I’m hoping that young people of any religion or nationality or inclination who are tempted by their own extremist direction will have an example of someone who healed himself, who pulled back from the abyss. My story involves discovering that the non-Jewish world wasn’t a monolithic world of anti-Semites. I fell in love with a non-Jewish young woman who converted to Judaism and has been my wife and partner for the last 30 years. For me, the defining transition from extremist to someone able to hear more complicated ideas about the world is empathy. Are you able to have empathy for people who are outside of your closed circle? Are you able to have empathy for those whose ideas you find deeply problematic? That’s true for extremists on the left as well as on the right. This is not only a right-wing problem; this is an extremist problem. 

Right-wingers are not the only extremists. Look at Jewish Voice for Peace, whose members marched in pro-Hamas rallies this summer. Look where extremism can lead people. Extremists are in danger of losing their Jewish soul, either by turning too far left or too far right. One way leads to betrayal, the other to brutality. That, for me, is really the warning to our generation of “Memoirs of a Jewish Extremist.”


Yossi Klein Halevi is a senior fellow at the Shalom Hartman Institute and the author of, most recently, the National Jewish Book Award-winning “Like Dreamers: The Story of the Israeli Paratroopers Who Reunited Jerusalem and Divided a Nation.” With this article, he joins the Journal as columnist and contributing editor.  

Q&A with Yossi Klein Halevi: Jewish extremists endanger Israel’s control of Jerusalem Read More »

Why Chanukah matters

There’s a certain narrative about Chanukah that has become near conventional wisdom among American Jews, and it goes like this:

Chanukah is a fun holiday that is big in America, thanks to its proximity to Christmas. But really, it’s a “minor” holiday that is more impactful culturally and sociologically than religiously, and it can’t really compare to the “big” ones of Yom Kippur and Passover.

And that’s all true. But it’s also too simple.

Chanukah matters for many reasons. It matters because, as one historian put it, it allows American Jews to feel included in the American holiday season while also remaining distinct, because they have their own holiday. It matters because, as one rabbi put it, Chanukah provides light in a season of darkness, giving families good reason to come together and celebrate. It also matters because, as another rabbi said, Chanukah carries an anti-assimilationist message that is as relevant today as it was 1,800 years ago.

Chanukah is a rarity within Judaism. It’s a holiday that, because of its scant halachic background, doesn’t provide much fodder for legal or practical disagreement between the Orthodox and non-Orthodox. But it’s also a holiday that rabbis and Jewish academics and educators seem to agree is significant — uniquely so for American Jews — but for a variety of reasons. 

Chabad emphasizes the spiritual message of always increasing light. Modern Orthodox Jews focus on the sages’ narrative of the oil miracle pointing to God’s omnipresent role in the Maccabees’ military victory. Conservative and Reform Jews find meaning in why the sages altered Chanukah’s story by reducing the role of the Maccabees and increasing that of God, and also in how Chanukah allows Jews to feel just as American as Christians do in December. And many communal leaders see Chanukah as an ideal time to reach out to less-connected Jews.

Chanukah is a holiday that takes on different meanings for each different group of Jews. But it also offers something that no other Jewish holiday offers, and it does so without the conflict that often characterizes how other parts of Jewish religious life ought to be observed: Chanukah is a home- and family-based holiday, with eight nights of candle-lighting and lots of good food and celebration — there is no argument about that among any mainstream group of Jews. And it also happens to be an easy and fun way to practice Judaism during a season dominated by the image of the fun and warmth of Christmas. 

Chanukah’s message, meanwhile, is unique and cannot be found in any other Jewish holiday: To maintain Jewish religious practice in an open and liberal society that values assimilation is a challenge. But even with the holiday’s warning siren against assimilation, Chanukah and, to a certain extent, its message, have spread in America mainly because it has paired itself with Christmas. The irony is impossible to ignore.

Misremembering Chanukah

“Most Jews don’t know the stories of Chanukah, and if they do know the stories, they don’t know the real stories,” said Rabbi Ed Feinstein, senior rabbi at Valley Beth Shalom in Encino.

The sanitized version of Chanukah casts the underdog Maccabees as winners of an unlikely victory against the mighty Greeks, and after the war, when the Jews went to light the menorah in the Temple, there was only enough oil left for one day, but the oil miraculously lasted for eight days. Voila! That’s Chanukah — Judaism surviving against all odds with God’s hand clearly present. 

Typically left unexplained is the story of religious division among Jewish traditionalists and assimilationists, the religious zealotry of the Maccabee and Hasmonean victors and why Jewish tradition emphasizes the miracle of the oil over the military victory.

The Chanukah story most Jews don’t know is that the Maccabean rebellion in 167 B.C.E. (the Second Temple era) was as much an outward revolt against the Greek attempt to destroy religious and spiritual Judaism (there was no genocidal intent) as it was a civil war to violently defeat Hellenist Jews who wanted to abandon or compromise religious Judaism to fit into Greek culture, which primarily valued science, philosophy and the arts. Hellenized Jews were so fanatic in their anti-Judaism that some males tried to reverse their circumcisions, according to the First Book of Maccabees, or I Maccabees, which, along with II Maccabees tells the official story of the Jewish war against Hellenism, from the point of view of the Maccabees. 

The era’s urban Jews, as a generalization, wanted a Hellenized Judea. Rural, more traditional Jews wanted to maintain their distinct Jewish identity and resist the force of Greek assimilation. Pro-Hellenist Jews, fed up with the refusal of the traditionalists to assimilate, requested that Antiochus — the Greek king at the time — send military forces to suppress the traditionalists.

But the occupying Greek forces were not the traditionalists’ first target. The trigger for their revolt was an apostate Hellenist Jew who offered a sacrifice to a Greek god in Modi’in, according to the Book of Maccabees. Mattathias, a traditionalist and the father of Judah Maccabee, saw the Jew about to perform a sacrifice, killed him, and then killed a Greek officer and tore down the altar where the sacrifice would have occurred.

And thus began the Maccabean revolt, which ended in a Jewish victory that propelled the Maccabees and the Hasmonean dynasty (essentially the political party of that era’s traditionalists) into power after the miracle of the war and the oil. The Hasmoneans’ story has been largely forgotten by modern Jews, in large part thanks to rabbinic Judaism’s decision during one of the early centuries of the Common Era to keep I Maccabees and II Maccabees out of the Torah canon, banished to the less authoritative realm of biblical Apocrypha — stories of Jewish history important enough to remain in our collective memory but kept out of the official canon for one reason or another. 

Purim, like Chanukah, also commemorates the Jews’ survival (although Chanukah celebrates religious, not physical, survival) against a mighty enemy — Haman and his cronies in Persia. The rabbis, though, elevated Purim above Chanukah, at least as far as halachah is concerned, by canonizing it. Open a Tanakh and the Book of Esther will be there; the Books of Maccabees won’t be. The rabbis of the third century felt uneasy canonizing and issuing their stamp of approval upon the Hasmoneans, an ultimately oppressive group of Jewish rulers who forced Jews into observance and killed religious deviants. 

Rabbi Eliyahu Fink of the Modern Orthodox Pacific Jewish Center in Venice Beach said the Hasmoneans’ extremism and their intolerance put them out of favor with the more moderate views of rabbinic tradition. “They were not the people of compromise,” Fink said.

Ironically, even though the Hasmoneans were the most extreme group of Jews ever to rule the land of Israel, the populace absorbed Hellenistic culture anyway, touting Jewish kings with names like John Hyrcanus and Aristobulus. Jews, meanwhile, have adopted  Greek-derived words like Sanhedrin and synagogue to label core elements of religious Judaism.

And while Jews under Hasmonean rule experienced the spread of the very same Greek culture that the Hasmoneans so violently opposed, they also came under Roman occupation after two Hasmonean brothers fighting for the crown — John Hyrcanus the Pharisee and Aristobulus the Sadducee — asked the Romans to settle the dispute. The Romans then took advantage of the Jewish infighting to invade, which led to the destruction of the Second Temple in 70 C.E. and the Roman exile, which lasts to this day and, according to Jewish tradition, will last until the coming of the Messiah and the construction of the Third Temple.

The rabbis of the Talmud who decided to omit the Maccabean version of history from official canon were not willing to elevate the tyrannical Jewish regime that lost Israel to the Romans, even if it was traditional in its religious practice. They felt, too, that the Chanukah story needed a miracle, and it needed God’s role to outweigh that of the Hasmoneans, so the rabbis told the story of the miracle of the oil, a spiritual miracle featuring God’s suspension of the law of nature. And this story came to outweigh the significance of the unlikely Maccabean victory that would lead to a dark period of Jewish power and a disgraceful fall.

The rabbis’ edited version of the story says much about how they believed Judaism needed to be understood during the era of Roman exile, especially by Diaspora Jews. 

“Although we were happy that [the Maccabees] won, that’s not the Judaism that we want to perpetuate,” Fink said. “The Judaism that we want to perpetuate is the one that speaks of light. To me, [the rabbis’] message was, ‘Don’t become an extremist.’ ”

A holiday of few (practical) disagreements

Disagreement is a pillar of Judaism, and most Jewish holidays are staging grounds for practical disagreements. Orthodox Jews disagree with Conservative and Reform Jews about how electricity should be used on Shabbat and other holidays. What’s considered chametz on Passover? What’s kosher? What’s not kosher? How many days of Shavuot should be observed? Should Shavuot be observed? 

Chanukah has no such disputes, which makes it one of the only agreeable festivals in the Jewish calendar.

“It’s one of the holidays with the least amount of halachic material,” said Rabbi Aaron Panken, president of Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion. “There isn’t that much opportunity for much difference. From that perspective, it’s wonderful, because the entire Jewish community is observing it in the same way.”

And Chanukah is one of the most widely celebrated Jewish holidays in the United States, up there with Passover and Yom Kippur, allowing American Jews to shelve their differences for eight days. Orthodox Jews wary of Americanizing Chanukah accept, sometimes begrudgingly, that capitalizing on the Christmas spirit and ritualizing gift-giving has helped lead many Jews to observe the mitzvah of lighting the menorah and displaying it publicly, which Maimonides held is a particularly important mitzvah because of its commemoration of the survival and spread of religious Judaism. 

And non-Orthodox Jews skeptical of many tenets of rabbinic Judaism, and who may feel that Orthodox practices unnecessarily separate Jews from American culture, have proudly embraced Chanukah’s central halachic feature (lighting the menorah) as Jews’ way to take part in America’s holiday season while maintaining a unique Jewish identity.

“The truth of the matter is the rituals are pretty much the same,” said Feinstein. “You have a holiday that has no politics; no one’s saying that my version of the holiday is better than someone else’s.” 

The differences in practices, Feinstein said, are not between American Jews of different denominations, but between American Jews and Jews in other countries. From the gifts to the decorations to the food to the music, Feinstein said, “American Jews celebrate Chanukah very differently than, say, South African or European or Israeli Jews.”

Chanukah, Americanized

Nowhere else is Chanukah celebrated with the grandiosity that accompanies it in the United States. 

“It is not such a huge event in Israel, where Christmas is not a mainstream cultural phenomenon,” said David Myers, a UCLA history professor and Journal contributor.

How did Chanukah become a cultural phenomenon in America?

“Timing is everything,” said Jonathan Sarna, a historian and professor of American Jewish history at Brandeis University. “It was historically a minor holiday and only became more major because of Christmas.”

This year, Chanukah ends on Christmas Eve, right in the middle of the American holiday season, giving American Jews the sense of full participation in a time when the vast majority of Americans associate the word “holiday” with Christmas.

Myers says that American Jews’ ability to adapt their holiday into “mainstream cultural norms” is similar to what other Diaspora Jewish groups did in learning the language of their host countries in Spain, Persia, numerous Arabic societies and, especially, Germany, where Hebrew and German combined to form Yiddish. “This kind of dynamic has occurred throughout Jewish history,” Myers said. “Jews have continuously adapted names, languages and cultural values from their host societies.”

In the late 1800s, Myers said, observant Jews in America “sought to revive memory of the holiday as a traditionalist reaction” against Reform Judaism’s wish to assimilate into American culture and de-emphasize Jews as a distinct people. Then, in the mid-20th century, many more American Jews, primarily non-Orthodox ones, revitalized Chanukah with the aim of turning it into the other major winter festival alongside Christmas, which is when gift-giving became the norm.

Why did Chanukah become a holiday celebrated by most American Jews, while holidays of greater stature according to Jewish law, such as Shavuot and Simchat Torah, are primarily celebrated by Orthodox Jews? It’s not just because of Christmas, Feinstein said. Chanukah, as a holiday of lights, has a particular appeal in its spiritual and physical light during the short winter days. “Its correspondence with Christmas and its correspondence with the winter solstice are what give it its power,” Feinstein said. 

Fink pointed out that while Christmas has helped elevate Chanukah’s status in America, Orthodox Jews would celebrate the holiday no matter what time of year it fell.

“They are not the ones who are benefiting from this kind of American holiday atmosphere,” Fink said, adding, though, that Chanukah’s gaining from the presence of Christmas should not be viewed as a negative thing. “I’m not saying that we celebrate Chanukah because [Christians celebrate Christmas], but it’s a time that people are going to have an interest in experiencing their own traditions, so it’s wise to capitalize on it.”

Chanukah’s proximity to Christmas, in that sense, not only helps American Jews by acting as a “counterweight” to Christmas, Rabbi David Wolpe of Sinai Temple said, but benefits from the Christmas spirit, drawing upon one of America’s three biggest holidays (Thanksgiving and New Year’s being the others) to make Judaism fun for those whose only Jewish observance throughout the year might be fasting on Yom Kippur and sitting down at a Passover seder. Chanukah, Wolpe said, is “minor in terms of its status halachically [but] major in terms of its status sociologically.”

“Among Jews who don’t have the strongest identification or the greatest education, there’s a lot pulling them into the general population,” said Rabbi Yitzchok Adlerstein, director of interfaith affairs at the Simon Wiesenthal Center. “I think, arguably, that Chanukah has played an important role in giving non-Orthodox families a little bit of a hedge against the Christmas spirit.”

In America, Chanukah has drawn less-religious Jews into joyfully fulfilling the mitzvah of lighting the menorah and has brought American Jewry as a whole closer to the (American) ideal of having both a distinct American identity and a religious identity, as Sarna believes.

“Chanukah allows Jews simultaneously to be part of and apart from, and that’s really a microcosm of what a minority religious community wants to be,” Sarna said. “It wants to stress its distinctiveness even as it wants to be part of a certain zeitgeist.”

Wolpe, contrasting what Chanukah and Yom Kippur offer American Jews in terms of feeling more, well, American, said, “Look, the White House does a Chanukah lighting, they don’t do a Yom Kippur fast, because Chanukah allows them to understand, yes we have a holiday, they have a holiday — and that matters in a society that’s always striving for balance and has lots of different factions.”

Martin Weiss, a Holocaust survivor from the former Czechoslovakia, lights the Chanukah menorah on Dec. 5, 2013, as U.S. President Barack Obama looks on during the day’s second Chanukah reception in the Grand Foyer of the White House.  At left is Margit Meissner, a Holocaust survivor from the former Czechoslovakia. At right is U.S. Navy Lt. Ron Sachs. Photo by Consolidated News Photos

Myers, going a step further, believes the development of Chanukah in America is today’s example of how Diaspora Jews have managed to keep Judaism alive while blending into foreign nations. “It offers proximity to the American cultural mainstream while permitting some degree of preservation of Jewish distinctiveness,” Myers said. “Precisely the work of cultural adaptation and modification that allowed for Jewish renewal and, ultimately, survival.”

‘We don’t need to compete’

Perhaps no group has done more in America than Chabad to thrust Chanukah into the public square. American Friends of Lubavitch organizes the annual lighting of the National Chanukah Menorah in front of the White House; Chabad emissaries across American campuses place a menorah next to visible pedestrian walkways; Chabad families strap giant menorahs to the roofs of their cars and drive around like that for eight days. Whereas the commandment to publicize the miracle of Chanukah is fulfilled by most Jews by placing the menorah in a window, Chabad ratchets the practice up several notches, placing menorahs everywhere.

On the Chanukah agenda for Rabbi Moshe Greenwald, co-director of Chabad of Downtown Los Angeles, is the public menorah lighting at City Hall, this year with Mayor Eric Garcetti — Greenwald’s seventh such lighting; separate menorah lightings at a Los Angeles Clippers game and outside Staples Center; and organizing yet another lighting at Pershing Square, an urban park in the center of downtown. 

“In America, it’s particularly meaningful, because here we can practice all the observances in full view in public,” Greenwald said.

Greenwald added, though, that Chanukah, as one of Judaism’s “most important holidays,” doesn’t need Christmas to make it important. The holiday can stand on its own spiritual and religious merit, he said. “We don’t need to compete in the marketplace of holidays,” Greenwald said. “I don’t want to look at it as the Jewish Christmas.”

There’s irony to Chanukah’s piggybacking on Christmas in the United States, and Greenwald’s objection to making Chanukah the “Jewish Christmas” alludes to it — one of Chanukah’s main lessons is that Jews must resist the temptation to discard tradition in favor of a newer culture. At the same time, though, Chanukah’s attachment to Christmas is perhaps the main reason that the holiday is observed by so many non-Orthodox Jews; the same can’t be said for a holiday such as Simchat Torah, which is given a higher halachic status.

“I think that outside of Orthodox Judaism, there’s almost this wink-wink, nudge-nudge, this is our version of Christmas,” Fink said. “Orthodox Judaism really would be very uncomfortable with that.”

And as a holiday that warns against succumbing to “pressure from any outsider alien society,” Adlerstein said, Chanukah matters as much today as it did for the Maccabees: “The conflict between Jews who wished to bring their own practice more in conformance with the cultural milieu and secular surroundings, and traditionalists who wanted to hold on to core Jewish beliefs and practices hasn’t gone away one iota in 2,000 years.”

Rabbi Arye Sufrin, assistant principal at YULA Boys High School and assistant rabbi at Beth Jacob Congregation, said one message he tries to teach his students is not only Chanukah’s plea to “maintain the tradition” but also why it’s so important to publicize it with pride, a luxury afforded Jews in this country. “We can do that today, but there was a lot that had to happen” to reach this point of openness and safety, Sufrin said. “Chanukah is not a minor holiday.”

Why Chanukah matters Read More »

Chanukah shopping: Let there be gifts!

From gingerbread menorahs for the kids to dreidels with a decidedly adult twist, here are eight Chanukah gifts that everyone on your list will love.


 If you’re looking for a new twist on holiday traditions, try building your own edible decor with the GINGERBREAD MENORAH KIT ($29.95). The kosher parve set comes with chocolate gingerbread menorah pieces, ready-to-use icing, decorating candies galore and special molds to make candy candles. ” target=”_blank”>mrsprindables.com

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Chanukah shopping: Let there be gifts! Read More »

Deconstructing the latke: A user’s guide

Latkes, doughnuts and fritters — in Jewish homes, everyone’s frying this month, much as we have been for the last 2,000 years or so. Frankly, you’ve got to love a religion that actually encourages you to eat deep-fried foods — especially with sour cream!

All Jewish festivals have a culinary dimension, and Hanukkah (which this year begins at sundown Dec. 16) is no exception. In fact, it’s at the very heart of the event, although it’s the oil that is the important thing. In other words, the frying rather than the fried. Jewish traditions encompass both the sweet and savory, but the Ashkenazi latke is arguably in pole position in the Hanukkah festival food repertoire.

Let me be clear. I am talking dirty. I am not dealing here with “latkes-lite,” baked in the oven rather than fried in the pan. To my mind, the former has lost sight of its meaning and origin in the story of the Maccabees and the miracle of the menorah in the temple. It’s also lost a lot of its taste.

Back in the day, in the Jewish shtetls of Eastern Europe, the run-up to Hanukkah was also the time for fattening poultry — “Hanukkah is coming and the geese are getting fat” — as the old Hyman family saying went. Cooking oil was hard to obtain, and the main source of kosher solid fat for meat cookery came from chickens, ducks and geese. Schmaltz is still a delicious substitute in which to fry your latkes instead of oil, although the health police would say it’s like choosing between a heart attack and, er, a heart attack.

Potatoes, an essential latke ingredient

It should also be remembered that potatoes — that other essential component of the latke — didn’t arrive in Europe until the 16th century, and were not widely cultivated throughout Russia, Poland, Lithuania and the Ukraine until the early to mid-19th century. Once they became a staple, however, Hanukkah in the shtetls was never the same. Potatoes and goose fat were an obvious combination to create a pancake that was quickly fried — and just as quickly consumed. Indeed, the potato latke was probably directly responsible for generations of generous Jewish hips.

Quantity is all very well. Indeed, it is a hallowed Jewish tradition, but we’ve become a little more discriminating since potato first met oil. The designer latke is everywhere. Theoretically, and indeed gastronomically, there is nothing wrong in this. As the essence of the festival is in the oil and the frying, latkes can be made with any vegetable from beetroot to zucchini. However, for traditionalists, the potato will always be at the heart of things. Speaking personally, a latke without the potato is like fancy without the schmancy.

Making latkes is a serious business, responsible for blood, sweat and tears in probably equal proportions. In order to be prepared for the ordeal ahead, I offer this simple (hah!) guide. Study, take Prozac and GO FRY.


Getting ready to make latkes. Photos by Clarissa Hyman

Deconstructing the latke

Variety

You have to have the right potato. They should be floury not waxy.

Peeling or skin on?

This is where the trouble starts. Some leave the skin on, unless the potatoes are particularly coarse. Most insist peeled are best.

Soaking

There are two routes to go: whole-soak or shredded-soak.

With the first, you peel and soak the whole potatoes in cold water for between 30 minutes and 24 hours.

With the second, you grate the potatoes and soak in cold water for at least half an hour, rinsing in a few changes of clean, cold water. Some use lightly salted water for soaking.

Most authorities agree that if you are not going to soak, grating should be done only about 15 minutes before cooking or the potatoes will turn brown.

Grating vs. shredding

In other words, short, stubby bits vs. long, thin bits. Or fine grate vs. coarse grate.

If you go for a fine grate, you have to make sure it does not become a gluey pulp.

One technique is to coarsely shred the potato and onion (we’ll come to the latter, shortly) in a processor, then pulse briefly before adding the eggs (we’ll come to those later as well).

Hand grater vs. processor

In many homes, men were traditionally given the job of grating, while the women hovered over the frying pan — but gender role appropriation aside, the big question is, do you grate by hand or with a food processor.

Some swear that only grating by hand gives the right chunky texture; they also swear a lot when the blood from their knuckles flavors the latke mix.

If using a processor, the issue is the grating disc vs. pulsing. It depends whether you want a crunchy latke or one with a smoother consistency.

One writer uses the medium shredding blade and lays the potatoes horizontally in the feed tube to maximize the length of the strands.

Another of my acquaintances uses the processor to separately grate the potato and onion. She then combines half the potato in the processor with the onion, egg, bindings and seasoning and whirls to combine. She then mixes in the rest of the shredded potatoes.

Onion

To use or not to use, that is the question. This is a subject that can be cited as grounds for divorce.

Some onion users grate it together with the potato, others separately. Some say the onion juice helps the potatoes to stop turning brown.

Some do not grate the onion but cut it into small chunks.

Some finely chop the onion by hand.

Some alternately grate some of the onions on the large holes of the grater and some of the potatoes on the smallest holes.

Some of us start to cry.


Making latkes for Hanukkah.

Straining

We are now getting into advanced territory.

Once the potatoes and onion are ready, then everyone agrees they must be strained but should they be strained separately or together? Does it matter?

And what do you strain them in?

One writer places the potatoes in a colander, sprinkles them with salt, adds a layer of paper towels and tops with a heavy object.

Another lines a bowl with cheesecloth rather than using a colander. She holds this briefly under running water and squeezes it again thoroughly to remove excess moisture.

Many wring the grated potatoes and onions in a tea towel.

One poor soul cuts both the potatoes and onions into small dice, which she then grinds and drains. After adding eggs, seasoning and flour, she then drains again.

A subsection to this stage concerns the starch from the drained potato. You can collect the starch by straining the potato over a bowl, then pour off the liquid, leaving behind the potato starch/sediment. Do you use it or not?

Some swear by it. Others say it makes the latke go soggy. The Vilna Gaon does not pronounce on the issue.

Proportions

Good cooking, as everyone knows, is about balance, which is always difficult in high heels.

Everyone has their own secret formula although one pound of potatoes to one large onion to two large beaten eggs works pretty well. One daring soul has been known to add an extra egg yolk.

Binding

This does not mean tying yourself to the kitchen table. It is a serious issue. One must debate the different merits of matzo meal vs. flour or a half-and-half mixture of both. Plain vs. self-rising flour? And if so, how much?

One authority makes his batter firm enough to scoop up with his hands, so he can pat it into a pancake leaving a few straggly strands along the edge. For others, this is simply too solid a mix.

A minority caucus votes for potato flour: This has the merit of making the latkes more compact, firmer and easier to handle but, honestly, they are just not as lovely to eat.

Other ingredients

Salt and pepper seems straightforward but my mother always insisted on white pepper, and who am I to disagree?

Lemon juice, sugar and caraway seeds have also made an appearance in the kitchens of those who should know better.

Size

Now we’re really getting to the heavy stuff (perhaps that’s not the right word).

How large should a latke be? One or two tablespoon size? Do you flatten with the back of the spoon or a spatula?

Should they be thin or thick, what should be the surface to interior ratio, what about the crispy/creamy ratio?

Generally, the flatter they are, the crispier they will be — although if that’s how you like them, you probably live with someone who prefers thicker ones with a soft interior.


Fried latkes

Oil

It should be olive oil, although not necessarily your best extra virgin. Many people, however, use vegetable oil.

More complicated is the question of whether to deep or shallow fry. If the latter, how deep should the oil be in the pan? Half an inch? Or should the oil just “film” the bottom? Should you use a nonstick pan? Are you losing the will to live?

Temperature

This is crucial. If the temperature of the oil is not hot enough, the latkes go very greasy and stodgy. If the oil is too hot, then the outside burns before the inside is cooked.

Good hints: Preheat the empty pan before adding the oil; bring the raw mixture to room temperature before cooking; listen for the sizzle when the latkes hit the pan; don’t crowd the pan, or they become soggy.

Freezing

Freezing is possible, although purists insist they do lose a little je ne sais quoi. Frozen latkes should be fried from frozen or reheated in a hot oven on a wire rack to allow the hot air to circulate around the entire surface.

The X factor or the returnability factor

Ancient animosities aside, as all latkologists know, the test of a good latke is the returnability factor — are they so good you would return for more?

Conclusion

One batch is never enough. It takes several attempts to get it right — and apart from anything else, you have to keep testing the batch to see if it is up to standard.

But, at the end of the day, how can you ever judge a latke? It’s not just a question of shape, color, texture and taste but of emotional resonance, psychic energy, Jungian dreams and tribal loyalties. Not to mention hunger. Perhaps it’s simply a small miracle — which is why we’re frying now.


Zester Daily contributor Clarissa Hyman is an award-winning food and travel writer. She is twice winner of the prestigious Glenfiddich award among others. A former television producer, she now contributes to a wide range of publications and has written four books: “Cucina Siciliana,” “The Jewish Kitchen,” “The Spanish Kitchen” and “Oranges: A Global History.” She is based in Manchester, England, and is the vice president of the UK Guild of Food Writers.

Deconstructing the latke: A user’s guide Read More »

Grilled cheese latkes

This recipe originally appeared on Kosher in the Kitch.

Ingredients:

  • 16 oz. shredded potatoes (about 3 1/2 cups)
  • 2 eggs
  • 2 T flour
  • 2 scallions chopped up
  • Salt
  • Pepper
  • Sliced muenster cheese
  • Spicy Mayo for serving
  • Chopped Scallions for serving

 

Directions:

Combine potatoes, eggs, flour, scallions and season with salt & pepper. The flour helps bind the batter together. Add more if needed. Fry batter in batches. Once latkes are slightly golden brown on both sides, remove from pan. Place cooked latkes back in pan and layer a latke on top of another latke with sliced cheese in between. Once cheese has melted, serve with spicy mayo and chopped scallions. (spicy mayo is mayo with sriracha sauce combined)

Grilled cheese latkes Read More »