It's not just the posters and protests that keep the hostage story alive. The very notion of human beings languishing in a mysterious hell has a way of sticking to one's consciousness, especially if they're members of your tribe.
There are certain stories that just never go away. They don’t get swallowed up by the 24-hour news cycle. They grind away at your soul, drop by drop, day by day, hour by hour.
In Israel, that story looks at you wherever you go.
From the moment you land at Ben Gurion Airport, you’re greeted by images of hostages captured by Hamas ten months ago. All over the country, billboards and posters carry their faces. In the cosmopolitan city of Tel Aviv, you see those faces everywhere, on city streets, on the ocean promenade, on Dizengoff Square, where a circular fountain features photos of hostages, adorned with colorful mementos and personal notes. It feels like an art installation, visible from any cafe or bar that surrounds it.
Photo by David Suissa
On a recent Saturday night, I saw the fountain as I walked with some friends to Kaplan Square, to join thousands of Israelis calling to “Bring Them Home,” as they have been doing week after week, month after month.
It’s not just the posters and protests, however, that keep the hostage story alive. The very notion of human beings languishing in a mysterious hell has a way of sticking to one’s consciousness, especially if they’re members of your tribe. Israel is a tiny country. Everyone has a friend or relative or neighbor who has lost someone in a war or terror attack or who knows someone who knows someone who knows a hostage. Even for those who don’t, the images of the victims look all-too familiar. They could be your own family. They look like any Israeli you’re likely to see anywhere in Israel.
Many Israelis remember when the country exploded with joy on October 18, 2011, the day Gilad Shalit was released– in exchange for 1,027 Palestinian prisoners– after being held captive by Hamas for five years and four months. Yes, the price was very high– in retrospect, many say much too high– but on that day, Israelis weren’t thinking of the price. They were thinking about a fellow Israeli who had languished in silent terror for five long years; about a father who never stopped fighting for his son’s release; about those close to Shalit who were tortured by his absence and could now hug him.
The story of Gilad Shalit is instructive, because it helps us feel the transcendent scope of Oct. 7, when 251 hostages, including women, children and elderly, were taken captive. If the country exploded with joy when one hostage was freed 13 years ago, can you imagine what kind of national euphoria would greet the return of all the remaining Gaza hostages? The lingering trauma runs so deep that author and journalist Matti Friedman said in a recent interview that “Israelis are still living on Oct. 7th. It’s like Groundhog Day here.”
But if empathy for the hostages permeates much of Israeli society, it’s important not to overlook the cold calculations that have influenced the endless negotiations over their release.
If empathy for the hostages permeates much of Israeli society, it’s important not to overlook the cold calculations that have influenced the endless negotiations over their release.
The big news this week is that there is “cautious optimism” that a ceasefire-hostage deal may finally be reached. But no one is getting overly excited; too many hopes have already been dashed.
The reality is that regardless of the sober lip service given to the cause of the hostages, political and strategic considerations dominate. The Biden administration has a significant interest in preventing an all-out regional war involving Iran, Hezbollah and Israel. It is pushing hard for a ceasefire deal that it believes will help prevent that war. Hamas, on the other hand, would like nothing better than to see a regional war, which would take the focus away from its own war with Israel. It also doesn’t believe Israel will agree to end the war.
Meanwhile, no one is quite sure what is going through the mind of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Is he reluctant to agree to a ceasefire for fear that his far-right partners will bring down his government? Would a ceasefire, which the U.S. would push to make permanent, introduce an unacceptable sting of defeat given that Hamas would still be alive and active? After the disaster of Oct. 7, does Netanyahu have an incentive to become a “winning warrior” to salvage his tattered legacy as Mr. Security? In that vein, is he trying to provoke a winning confrontation with Iran, Israel’s most dangerous enemy?
The point is, where are the hostages in all of this? When the major players are so caught up with strategic calculations and political survival, do the hostages become a sentimental distraction, like a lower priority in a time of war?
Perhaps. But doing everything possible to return the hostages is part of the implicit contract the Jewish state has with its citizens. The people sacrifice for the state, and the state gives back maximum security and protection. Oct. 7 was a staggering breakdown of that contract.
So this is Netanyahu’s moment of truth. His favored tactic of buying himself more time is running out. He knows the majority of the country, including the U.S. and his own defense establishment, support the deal. But he’s holding firm on some demands while giving the impression he’s ready to make a deal. Is his new cooperation with the U.S. a sign of serious intent, or is he banking on Hamas to reject it so it will be blamed for the failure?
None of this, of course, offers real hope for the hostages, who have become pawns in a much larger game they know nothing about.
Here in Los Angeles, far from Kaplan Square and amidst all the noise of war and the high drama of “final” negotiations, my heart can only cry out for those whose voices we can’t hear.
Since Hamas’ October 7 terrorist attack, many Jewish faculty at colleges and universities across the country have been describing their professional lives in language more commonly associated with trauma than academic disagreement.
If we want to produce Jews who carry Torah in their bones, we need institutions willing to demand that commitment, and not institutions that blame technology for their own unwillingness to insist on rigor.
Jason Zengerle, a contributing writer for The New York Times Magazine, and staff writer at the New Yorker wrote a new book about Carlson, “Hated By All The Right People: Tucker Carlson and The Unraveling of The Conservative Mind.”
The story of Cain and Abel constitutes a critical and fundamental lesson – we are all children of the covenant with the opportunity to serve each other and to serve God. We are, indeed, each other’s keeper.
More news and opinions than at a Shabbat dinner, right in your inbox.
Will the Hostages Ever Come Home?
David Suissa
There are certain stories that just never go away. They don’t get swallowed up by the 24-hour news cycle. They grind away at your soul, drop by drop, day by day, hour by hour.
In Israel, that story looks at you wherever you go.
From the moment you land at Ben Gurion Airport, you’re greeted by images of hostages captured by Hamas ten months ago. All over the country, billboards and posters carry their faces. In the cosmopolitan city of Tel Aviv, you see those faces everywhere, on city streets, on the ocean promenade, on Dizengoff Square, where a circular fountain features photos of hostages, adorned with colorful mementos and personal notes. It feels like an art installation, visible from any cafe or bar that surrounds it.
On a recent Saturday night, I saw the fountain as I walked with some friends to Kaplan Square, to join thousands of Israelis calling to “Bring Them Home,” as they have been doing week after week, month after month.
It’s not just the posters and protests, however, that keep the hostage story alive. The very notion of human beings languishing in a mysterious hell has a way of sticking to one’s consciousness, especially if they’re members of your tribe. Israel is a tiny country. Everyone has a friend or relative or neighbor who has lost someone in a war or terror attack or who knows someone who knows someone who knows a hostage. Even for those who don’t, the images of the victims look all-too familiar. They could be your own family. They look like any Israeli you’re likely to see anywhere in Israel.
Many Israelis remember when the country exploded with joy on October 18, 2011, the day Gilad Shalit was released– in exchange for 1,027 Palestinian prisoners– after being held captive by Hamas for five years and four months. Yes, the price was very high– in retrospect, many say much too high– but on that day, Israelis weren’t thinking of the price. They were thinking about a fellow Israeli who had languished in silent terror for five long years; about a father who never stopped fighting for his son’s release; about those close to Shalit who were tortured by his absence and could now hug him.
The story of Gilad Shalit is instructive, because it helps us feel the transcendent scope of Oct. 7, when 251 hostages, including women, children and elderly, were taken captive. If the country exploded with joy when one hostage was freed 13 years ago, can you imagine what kind of national euphoria would greet the return of all the remaining Gaza hostages? The lingering trauma runs so deep that author and journalist Matti Friedman said in a recent interview that “Israelis are still living on Oct. 7th. It’s like Groundhog Day here.”
But if empathy for the hostages permeates much of Israeli society, it’s important not to overlook the cold calculations that have influenced the endless negotiations over their release.
The big news this week is that there is “cautious optimism” that a ceasefire-hostage deal may finally be reached. But no one is getting overly excited; too many hopes have already been dashed.
The reality is that regardless of the sober lip service given to the cause of the hostages, political and strategic considerations dominate. The Biden administration has a significant interest in preventing an all-out regional war involving Iran, Hezbollah and Israel. It is pushing hard for a ceasefire deal that it believes will help prevent that war. Hamas, on the other hand, would like nothing better than to see a regional war, which would take the focus away from its own war with Israel. It also doesn’t believe Israel will agree to end the war.
Meanwhile, no one is quite sure what is going through the mind of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Is he reluctant to agree to a ceasefire for fear that his far-right partners will bring down his government? Would a ceasefire, which the U.S. would push to make permanent, introduce an unacceptable sting of defeat given that Hamas would still be alive and active? After the disaster of Oct. 7, does Netanyahu have an incentive to become a “winning warrior” to salvage his tattered legacy as Mr. Security? In that vein, is he trying to provoke a winning confrontation with Iran, Israel’s most dangerous enemy?
The point is, where are the hostages in all of this? When the major players are so caught up with strategic calculations and political survival, do the hostages become a sentimental distraction, like a lower priority in a time of war?
Perhaps. But doing everything possible to return the hostages is part of the implicit contract the Jewish state has with its citizens. The people sacrifice for the state, and the state gives back maximum security and protection. Oct. 7 was a staggering breakdown of that contract.
So this is Netanyahu’s moment of truth. His favored tactic of buying himself more time is running out. He knows the majority of the country, including the U.S. and his own defense establishment, support the deal. But he’s holding firm on some demands while giving the impression he’s ready to make a deal. Is his new cooperation with the U.S. a sign of serious intent, or is he banking on Hamas to reject it so it will be blamed for the failure?
None of this, of course, offers real hope for the hostages, who have become pawns in a much larger game they know nothing about.
Here in Los Angeles, far from Kaplan Square and amidst all the noise of war and the high drama of “final” negotiations, my heart can only cry out for those whose voices we can’t hear.
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