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November 12, 2015

Though they still can’t drive, Saudi women running in local elections

This article first appeared on The Media Line.

For the first time in Saudi Arabia’s history, more than 1000 women will compete in municipal elections next month. It is the first time that women will run for election in the desert kingdom, and activists hope it signifies a change in the status of women.

“This is hugely significant,” Hatoun al-Fasi, a professor of history at King Saud University and long-time women’s rights activist told The Media Line. “We have over 1000 women convinced they can make a difference and who convinced their families to be part of this experience.”

Al-Fasi said that about 30 women have dropped out of the race because of pressure from their families, but 1031 remain in the race. Saudi King Abdullah, who has been replaced by King Salman after his death, ruled in 2011 that women could both vote and participate for the first time in the current 2015 election. Planners said they expected only a few dozen women to run, and were surprised at the outcome.

The municipal councils in Saudi Arabia, like their counterparts almost everywhere, deal with local issues such as local budgets and planning regulations. Some analysts said that including women in these elections was less significant than al-Fasi claims.

“Psychologically speaking it’s good, but in terms of changing the reality on the ground it won’t change anything,” Ali al-Ayami, the Director, Center for Democracy and Human Rights in Saudi Arabia, (CDHR) told The Media Line. “It is just to appease the international community and to silence their critics. These councils don’t have any power.”

He said that power in Saudi Arabia is concentrated in the hands of the royal family which has done little to encourage women’s rights. Women are still not permitted to drive, and still need consent from male guardians for many activities.

However, one of the biggest changes has been in the area of women’s education. Women now make up 60 percent of university students, and tens of thousands of women now have advanced degrees, including PhDs. In addition, Saudi Arabia has sponsored 750,000 students to study abroad including in the US over the past ten years. About a third of those are women, many of whom return to Saudi Arabia.

“The position of women has changed radically in the past 15 or 20 years,” Richard Spencer, the Middle East editor of the Telegraph newspaper told The Media Line. “Hundreds of thousands of women have now traveled abroad and that’s something you can’t undo.”

Until a few years ago, Spencer said, there were few women shop assistants in Saudi Arabia. That meant that women shopping for lingerie were waited on by male workers, often migrant workers from outside Saudi Arabia. In 2012, however, the King began allowing women to work in shops, and tens of thousands have followed.

The municipal elections are not the first time that women have participated in governmental bodies. For the past two years, the King has appointed 30 women of the total 150 members of the Shura Council, the Consultative Assembly. But the Shura Council has little power to disagree with the King.

Saudi Arabia is a young country, with three out of four citizens below the age of 30. They are among the most prolific consumers of social media in the world, using platforms like Instagram and SnapChat to meet each other and to hold political discussions.

“This is the 21st century and the age of social media,” al-Ayami said. “Women are out in front demanding their rights and are even willing to go to jail.”

Saudi Arabia is the only country in the world where women are not allowed to drive, and the World Economic Forum ranks Saudi Arabia among the countries in the world with the largest gender gap. Only about 15 percent of Saudi women are employed, many of them as teachers. That number is increasing, however, as more women join the work force.

Many say it is only a matter of time until women will be allowed to drive.

“It’s not an issue for the upper class because most of them have drivers,” al-Ayami said. “But it is an issue for working-class women who want to pick their children up at school.”

At the same time, women’s activist Fanoun al-Fasi says she does not expect change to happen so quickly.

“We really hope and we pray for this,” she said. “But we know that change is very slow.”

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The space for Arabs in a ‘Jewish and Democratic state’

This article first appeared on The Media Line.

Increasingly, Israel is a country debating its desire to be both democratic and Jewish. The direction the state chooses will have far reaching consequences for all of its citizens – Arabs as well as Jews. A new survey reveals the growing strains over identity and the place of Israel’s largest minority in society.

“Inherent tension in the dual definition of the state of Israel as ‘Jewish and democratic’… has grown even stronger in recent years,” The Israeli Democracy Index 2015, an annual report on the health of the country’s political and societal character, stated recently. Israel defines itself as a Jewish state, first officially announced in the country’s Declaration of Independence in 1948. But at the same time the state views itself as democratic and defined itself as such in the Basic Law of 1950.

The argument over whether these two ideas are mutually exclusive is an ongoing one and is something that raises questions about the place of non-Jews in the country, the most visible of which are the 20.7% of the population who are Arab.

Of the 1,019 people sampled in the survey, 67.1% described tensions between Jews and Arabs in Israel as being “high,” a significant increase from the previous year’s 58%. Analysts believe that this is hardly surprising considering the wave of violence that has taken place in Israel since the start of October: 12 Israelis and 68 Palestinians, 43 of whom were identified as attackers, have been killed.

When it is taken into account that polling was conducted in April and May, before recent attacks, then current figures are “probably even worse,” Yochanan Plesner, president of the Israel Democracy Institute, told The Media Line.

Plesner drew attention to figures which showed that 55.7% of Jewish Israelis saw an inherent conflict in people who think of themselves as Palestinian and as loyal Israeli citizens. Of the Arabs polled, 75.6% said there was no contradiction present. This links to ongoing opposition from a majority of Jews (56.6%) to Arabs being present in the government and in national decision making, Plesner said. “(A majority of) Israelis say, ‘well if you see yourself as part of an active enemy then you’re not trustworthy to be part of decision making at the highest level,’” the former parliamentarian explained.

In modern Israel, many Arabs think of themselves as being both Israeli and Palestinian, Samy Smooha, professor of sociology at Haifa University, told The Media Line. “There are three ways that Arabs can identify themselves: Israeli Arab, Israeli Palestinian or as Palestinian,” Smooha said. The exact wording a person uses is very telling as to their views and to their feeling of connection to the state of Israel, the sociologist explained.

For the majority of time following the creation of the state in 1948, “Arab Israeli” was the term most commonly used. But this has been replaced over the past 15 years by the expression “Palestinian in Israel,” Smooha suggested. Those who refer to themselves as “Israeli Palestinian” acknowledge their connections to both cultures and generally seek to address the problems of equality they see in the state, while those who use only the term “Palestinian” are far more likely to wholly reject being a citizen of the country, the professor argued.

According to figures from the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, there are nearly four and a half million Palestinians living in the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and in east Jerusalem. The vast majority of these people are not Israeli citizens. However the 1.3 million Arabs living inside Israel, who were within its borders when the state was declared in 1948, are entitled to full citizenship. Some, in addition to members of the Druze community, are integrated into Israeli society to the extent that they serve in its military.

The majority of Arabs living in Israel see themselves as “Palestinian Israelis” and this has been the case for some time, Sami Miaari, a lecturer in labor studies at Tel Aviv University and a researcher with the Israeli Democracy Institute, told The Media Line. “They see the struggle as a struggle for rights, not for nationality as it is in the West Bank,” Miaari said, suggesting that the American civil rights movement was a fair comparison.

During the wave of violence that began in October, it has been noticeable that very few attacks have been conducted by Arabs holding Israeli citizenship. The majority of assailants were from east Jerusalem or the West Bank. According to Smooha, this is to be expected. “Israeli Palestinians enjoy democracy and law and order and do not want to destroy this,” he explained. However, such individuals do not feel equal and are unlikely to do so while its Jewish character is presented as being paramount, the sociologist argued.

“This is the Jewish state; it is the homeland of the Jewish people. You cannot be a full and equal member of Israeli society because the state declares itself to be the homeland of all Jews in the world.”

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The Religious Brains exchange, part 1: Between faith and neuroscience

Rabbi Ralph Mecklenburger is the leader of the Beth-El Congregation in Fort Worth, Texas, an adjunct faculty member at Brite Divinity School and has served as the Jewish co-chair of the Texas Conference of Churches' Jewish-Christian Forum. Rabbi Mecklenburger was ordained at the Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion, which also awarded him an honorary doctorate degree in 1997. Prior to coming to Beth-El, he served congregations in San Francisco, California and Ann Arbor, Michigan.

The following exchange will focus on Rabbi Mecklenburger’s book Our Religious Brains: What Cognitive Science Reveals about Belief, Morality, Community and Our Relationship with God (Jewish Lights, 2015).

***

Dear Rabbi Mecklenburger,

Let's begin with the very basics: what leads a rabbi to write a book about neuroscience? What kind of readers did you have in mind, and what would you like them to take away from their reading experience?

Yours,

Shmuel.

***

Dear Shmuel,

I began reading about neuroscience when my son was diagnosed with Attention Deficit Disorder. I simply wanted to understand how his brain was any different from others’. I soon learned that there is always more going on around any of us than a brain can keep track of, so we filter our experience in order not to be overwhelmed, concentrating now on one thing, now on another. As you read this, for instance, you are probably unaware of the feeling of the chair on which you are sitting, or the sound of traffic outside or air conditioning inside, until I mentioned it. The sense perceptions were available, but you filtered them out to concentrate on your reading. The person with ADD (now usually called ADHD), I realized, actually has an attention surplus, failing to filter out distractions. My son learned to cope with his learning differences, but I never got over that first exposure to what, 30 years ago, was the beginning of an explosion of knowledge about how consciousness operates and thus shapes our relationship with others, with the world, even – I now insist – with God.

Before I ever realized the theological significance, I simply found it fascinating to begin to understand how memories develop and change, the appeal of music, why we are inclined to optimism, how our values are shaped by experience, the importance of emotion even when we think we are being purely rational, and more. The cognitive studies revolution has already had huge implications for medicine, education, art appreciation, advertising, law and criminology, even investing; the list goes on and on. Only gradually did it dawn on me that if the way our brains work has dramatic implications for everything else, it had to be as important for my field, religion, as well.

There are a number of theological issues which had always fascinated and sometimes troubled me, but which prior to stumbling into consciousness studies it would never have occurred to me science would have much to say about. What is a soul? If, as Judaism insists, we have free will, why do we continue to sin? Is spirituality just a warm and fuzzy feeling, or do some people actually sense God’s presence? Why, when we have so much trouble explaining how a good God permits evil, do so many people continue to believe in a personal, caring God? How do rituals, and public prayer, work? Why are some values (“Thou shalt not murder,” “Love your neighbor as yourself”) virtually universal, even among atheists? Once I realized that the way our brains are “hard wired” has profound implications for such issues I became more and more anxious to draw out the lessons which might be learned.

I realized that some of what I discovered would be controversial. But I also found that when, as a congregational rabbi, I shared some of what I had learned, far more people were fascinated than shocked. One of the secrets of Jewish survival has been the willingness of Jews in every epoch to recast Jewish ideas in terms that educated people can accept. Denizens of a scientific, technological culture were not horrified to think that a soul, which you cannot find in an anatomy book, is an important religious metaphor, a way of talking about the sensitive aspects of our consciousness and thus a function of our brains, but probably not a metaphysical add-on to our physical being. Often, on the other hand, science buttresses traditional thinking: community is vital to human well-being, and free will, though not as total as we subjectively feel, is not an illusion. 

Knowing that the very idea of neuroscience intimidates many readers, I carefully avoided technical jargon.  After decades in the pulpit, moreover, I dared to think I could explain such matters in terms that lay people could understand, and could relate them with reference to biblical and rabbinic literature. The response of neuroscientists has been gratifying, but I wrote primarily for ordinary people, Gentiles as well as Jews. Just as we appreciate symphonies more, not less, once we learn some musical theory and realize how they work, so I aim to help people to appreciate the beauty and value of Judaism and other religions more by uncovering some of the ways they operate.

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