fbpx

September 15, 2009

Kavvanot (Points to Consider) For A More Meaningful Rosh Hashana Prayer – Rabbi Barry Gelman

For the benefit of morethodoxy readers I am publishing a Kavvanah guide that I will use in my shul this Rosh Hashana. So many are drustrated when the High Holiday prayers are not inspiring. This Kavvanah guide is meant ot help people find inspiration in the High Holiday prayers.

I pray that it is helpful to you.

Shannah Tova,

Barry Gelman

Kavvanot (Points to Consider) For A More Meaningful Rosh Hashana Prayer

The Rosh Hashana davening is challenging in that it is very busy and full of choreography. Some find it difficult to focus and create moments of quiet introspection.

Do not feel rushed to keep up. It is more important to internalize the prayers. One should stop and listen to the shofar when the time comes.

Each section of the Mussaf Amidah focuses on one or two major themes. One of the keys to a meaningful prayer is to spend time focusing on those themes and how they impact our life.

Use this guide during the silent Mussaf Amidah or the repetition of the Mussaf Amidah to help you focus on the prayer themes.  Each section of Mussaf will be briefly described followed by some questions to help us focus on each theme. Each section will end with a quote related to the main theme of that section.

Instead of talking to your neighbor when the service starts to feel too heavy, use this sheet to redirect your thoughts.

Malchiyot – Kingship

This section of the Mussaf service focus on God’s sovereignty of all of humanity. During the recitation of Aleynu it is customary to bow and partially prostrate ourselves as a sign of humility and submission to God.

Ask Yourself

What are some of the barriers to humility and how can I overcome them?

How do I relate to the notion of God as King and submitting to the will of the King?

Aleynu represents humanity’s voluntary acceptance of God’s sovereignty and ability to carry out His will. What does this Divine confidence say about humanity and how can it impact your relationship with God?

“When my eyes focus on my forebears as they stooped in total submissiveness when they confessed their sins before the Almighty, then my absurd pride is shattered…In a moment I return to the dawn of my existence and find myself standing next to my father in the midst of a congregation of Habad Hasidim engrossed in their prayers on the first night of Rosh Hashana. I can feel the unique atmosphere which enveloped these Hasidim as they recited the prayers by which they proclaimed Him their King. Te older Hasidim termed this night the “Coronation Night” as they crowned Him as their King. These poor and downtrodden Jews, who suffered so much durnig their daily existence, were able to experience the enthroning of the Almighty and the true meaning of Kingship prayers of the Rosh Hashana liturgy. (Rabbi Joseph B. Solovetichik as recorded in: The Rav: the world of Rabbi Joseph B. Soloveitchik, Volume 2 By Aaron Rakeffet-Rothkof, pg. 171)

Zichronot – Remembrances

This section of the Mussaf service focuses on Divine Providence, the notion that God cares about the actions of individuals and God’s memory of the merit of the Jews.

Ask Yourself

How does the idea that God cares about what I do impact my moral and religious choices?
 
The liturgy mentions that God remembers Noah’s righteousness: What does this teach us about our relationship with all of humanity?

We ask God to remember only the good stuff: How can we mirror this request of God in our relationships with others?

“The foundation of religion is not the affirmation that God is, but that God is concerned with man and the world; that having created this world, He has not abandoned it, leaving it to its own devices; that He cares about His creation. It is of the essence of biblical religion that God is sufficiently concerned about man to address him; and that God values man enough to render Himself approachable by him.” (Rabbi Eliezer Berkovits, God, Man and History pg. 13)

Shofarot – Sounding of the Shofar

This section of the Mussaf service focuses on the past revelation at Sinai, the anticipated revelation of the Messiah and the revelation of God’s presence in our lives.

Ask Yourself

What is my current connection to the revelation at Sinai? Can I develop a stronger relationship to the Torah of that revelation?
 
How can I cultivate a relationship with God so I can can feel his presence in my life?
 
How can torah study, prayer, moving emotional experiences and mitzvoth serve me in developing a relationship with God?

“Let Us take a loaf of bread. It is the product of climate, soil and the work of the farmer, merchant and baker. It it were our intention to extol the forces that concurred in producing a loaf of bread, we should have to give praise to the sun and the rain, to the soil and to the intelligence of man. However, it is not these we praise before breaking bread. We say, “Blessed be thou, O Lord our God, King of the Universe, who brings forth bread from the earth,” Empirically speaking, would it not be more correct to give credit to the farmer, the merchant and the baker?…

We bless Him who makes possible both nature and civilization. It is not important to dwell each time on what bread is empirically…It is important to dwell each time on what bread is ultimately.” (Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel, God In Search Of Man)

Kavvanot (Points to Consider) For A More Meaningful Rosh Hashana Prayer – Rabbi Barry Gelman Read More »

From the Valley to the “Heimat”

Steve North is a broadcast journalist with CBS News.

The spry old woman came up to my mother and grabbed her arm.

“Is it true?”, she asked excitedly in German.  “You are from Isfried’s family?” “Yes”, my startled mom replied.  “He’s my first cousin; he’s 84 now.  After we left Germany he and I grew up together in one little apartment in New York, with our parents and grandparents”.

“Oh, my goodness”, the woman exclaimed, her mind racing back to the 1930’s.  “My name is Aenne. We used to play hide and seek together, and one time he got stuck under a woodpile, and none of us could find him.  It took forever to get him out”.  Then, she lowered her voice.  “Please, when you return to New York, you must tell him that when he and his parents packed up to leave, all of us cried and cried.  Please let him know that”.

It was an unexpected encounter in a week punctuated by poignant moments and dreadful surprises.  To mark my mother’s 80th birthday,

we decided to bring her two grandchildren to Germany, to see where she was born and to provide a visceral understanding of why the family fled to the U.S. after Hitler’s rise to power.  Talia and Aviv Gilboa of Encino, 20 and 17 years old at the time of our journey early this summer, attended Valley Beth Shalom day school and New Jewish Community High School, and are therefore well-educated about the Holocaust. 

But I knew from personal experience that seeing is believing, in the most literal sense.  In 1983, my mother, born Brunhilde Bachenheimer in Marburg, Germany, accepted an invitation to return to her “Heimat”, which is superficially translated as “homeland”, but has been more accurately described as “a specifically German concept to which people are bound by their birth, their childhood, and their earliest experiences.”

[story continues after the jump]

Find more photos like this on EveryJew.com

I made that trip 26 years ago with my parents, and for the first time in my life, at age 30, the legends I had grown up with became reality.  It was a long-awaited catharsis for my mother, who was greeted by joyous, elderly former neighbors as if it were their own daughter returning after nearly a half-century. 

Although she had no plans to ever again set foot in Germany, as her milestone birthday approached this year, I convinced her and my sister (who, for scheduling reasons, couldn’t join us) that we had one small window of opportunity to open one large door to Talia and Aviv’s family history.  “OK”, my mom agreed.  “The first trip was for me; this one is for the kids.”

And so we found ourselves in the ornate 500-year-old Marburg City Hall, where the Burgermeister presented my mother with a copy of her 1929 birth certificate, then had another official take us on a personal tour of the now locked and abandoned “Frauen-Klinik” where she was born.  My mother long ago changed her name from Brunhilde to Bunny, and was delighted to find drawings of bunny rabbits on one of the birthing-room doors.  “This must be my room!”, she declared. 

Later that day, we enjoyed a warm visit with our only relative who returned to Germany after the war, my grandmother’s cousin Friedel.  Now 93, she recalled the poem she had recited at my grandparents’ 1928 wedding, spoke lovingly of my great-grandparents, then recounted the 1933 incident in which my mother and grandmother were staying at her parents’ house while they were out of town, and it was ransacked by Nazi stormtroopers.  After dinner at her spacious Frankfurt home, surrounded by Friedel’s children, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren, I told Talia and Aviv they had met the last living link to our family’s thousand-year history in Germany.

We spent the next few days almost literally lurching from one town to another, from the tarnished past to the ambivalent present, and with

nearly every lovely moment of personal discovery and connection

tainted by the ever-present knowledge of the evil that had emanated from this place.   

Officials of Rauisch-Holzhausen, my Opa’s (grandfather’s) village, accompanied us to the graves of my mom’s grandparents, scurrying

around in the soft rain and wet leaves to find us rocks to set on the tombstones.

We inspected the crumbling building that served as the Jewish school

a century ago, when Opa Siegfried and his two brothers were boys,

then arrived at the nearby site where they had lived.  The white-haired woman who lives in the new home built on the spot came out with a large, heavy chunk of wood, announcing “This is from your father’s house!  We saved it when we tore it down”.  And a few yards away, I showed Talia and Aviv the former Jewish community center, where, in 1943, the remaining Jews were rounded up before being deported to their deaths. 

In the city of Rotenburg, Professor Heinrich Nuhn, a retired German historian who now devotes his life to teaching the Jewish history of his area, brought us to the Jewish cemetery, where I took a photo of

Aviv standing next to the grave of his great-great-great-great-great-grandfather, Yehuda Levi Rosenbaum, born in 1767.  “I am jealous of you”, the professor joked, “because I can’t trace my own ancestors back that far, but I’m so happy I’ve been able to do this for your family”.  He has photographed every Jewish gravestone in the region and painstakingly translated the fading Hebrew inscriptions into German… an accomplishment that’s allowed us to construct a “Stammbaum”, a family tree, spanning nine generations. 

Dr. Nuhn also introduced us to a class of high school students at the city’s Jakob Grimm Schule.  I struggled to give a speech in German,

in which I told the kids that although they bore no personal guilt for what occurred in the Shoah, I hoped they would feel a heightened responsibility to fight anti-Semitism and racism, and to heed the

Torah’s instruction to not stand idly by while your neighbor’s blood is spilled.

After a q&a session with the serious and attentive pupils, 18-year-old Charlotte approached us.  “I want to tell you something”, she said.  “When I was a child and heard my parents speaking of the Holocaust, I thought it was a story they were making up, like a fairy tale, to scare us into behaving.  How could anything like this really happen?  But now that I know it did, I am so ashamed”. 

Later that day, some of the students joined us at a ceremony in nearby Baumbach, the ancestral village where my mother’s grandmother Betti Rosenbaum Bachenheimer was born and raised, and where my mom’s aunt, uncle and countless cousins had lived.  More than 80 people attended the open-air event, arranged by Dr. Nuhn and local officials, which began with a brass band from the church of neighboring Heinebach incongruously and enthusiastically playing “Hevenu Shalom Aleichem”. 

The purpose of the gathering, at which we were the guests of honor, was to affix a plaque to the building that was the community’s synagogue and Jewish school from the 1860’s until the Nazi era.  The sign, which my mother unveiled, contained the names of everyone from the village who had been killed in the Holocaust.  After my mom, niece, nephew and I stood before it and recited Kaddish, I played a message for the crowd that I’d recorded in New York the previous week.  It was from my grandfather’s first cousin Marga, who grew up in Baumbach, going daily to that synagogue and school.  As the 88-year-old woman’s soft, lilting voice filled the crowded plaza, recounting her childhood memories and naming her murdered relatives, I was astonished to see a number of people… including a young reporter sitting next to me who was covering the event… burst into tears. 

In the village of Kirchhain, where my mom lived in a three-story apartment building until she was four and once happily took rides on her father’s pony around town, dark shadows of the past again intruded on the bright summer sunshine.  Although we were greeted warmly by local officials, it was almost physically painful to tour the remnant of the synagogue little Brunhilde had attended with her parents.  The building had been largely destroyed by fire on Kristallnacht in 1938, and is now the private home of a family that owns an attached furniture factory.  As we walked up the original stairs of the shul and gazed at the internal doors and delicately painted ceilings and arches, all from its days as a house of worship, my mother whispered “Why isn’t this a museum?”

Minutes later, we stood outside my mom’s former residence… but that’s as far as we got.  Despite a plea from town hall to allow us in for a brief look, the owner, an elderly woman whose father had been a prominent local Nazi, refused.  A village employee privately shared with me documents showing that distant Bachenheimer relatives had owned the building at the time my mother lived there, so it was no great shock that the Nazi’s still bitterly anti-Semitic daughter wanted nothing to do with any returning Jews, especially from that particular family.

But there was a shock awaiting us in Heinebach, my Oma’s village.  In 1933, after the Nazi boycott of Jewish businesses commenced, my grandfather could no longer make a living, so my mother and her parents moved from their apartment in Kirchhain to Heinebach, to live with my grandmother’s parents in her childhood home.  My great-grandfather Baruch was a longtime leader of the Jewish community, and well-respected by his Christian neighbors.  That, however, proved no protection against the local Nazis and Hitler Youth members, who continually attacked the house, and on one climactic day of chaos and violence, dragged my grandfather away and beat him.  After he returned home (with the help of a sympathetic policeman), young Brunhilde looked out the window and saw a figure swinging from the lamppost outside the house.  It was an effigy of Opa Siegfried.  My mother did not understand what it meant, but my grandparents knew it was time to go, and within a year, they managed to get the documents that allowed the family to escape to New York.

When they left, they sold the large house for a pittance to the next- door neighbors, the Gonnermanns, who tore it down and erected a barn.  My grandmother Jenny had no pleasant memories of the Gonnermanns, but she often spoke fondly of her other neighbors, the Haegers.  In fact, she gave me a photo from December, 1933 of my mother in the Haeger home, standing in front of the family’s Christmas tree and next to an ancient-looking Frau Haeger, telling me “They were the only Christians who still talked to us after Hitler came in”.

When we were planning the trip, I asked Dr. Nuhn if any of the Haegers still lived in Heinebach.  He responded that a granddaughter of Frau Haeger had grown up hearing wonderful things about Jenny, and was eager to greet us.

We arrived at Irmgaard Haeger’s home, and showed her the 1933 photo.  She had never seen it before, and was moved to tears.  “This is you,” she asked, her eyes flitting from the old picture to my mother sitting next to her, “this little girl, with my Oma?  I can’t believe it”.  After conversation and cookies, Dr. Nuhn told me Irmgaard had a story she wanted to share about some of our relatives, so we moved into a quiet room and I turned on my tape recorder.

Great-grandmother Betti’s sister, Goldina Wallach, lived just up the street from my grandmother’s house in Heinebach.  Goldina and her husband had four children, three of whom fled Germany in the 1930’s for Palestine.  But the youngest child, Margot, had Down syndrome, and for some reason, that prevented the couple from getting out.  Margot and her parents were deported from Heinebach in 1943.  In Israel once, Margot’s brother showed me a letter he’d received in 1945 from an Auschwitz survivor, saying “I was in the camp with your mother and sister, and I will not go into details, but I can tell you the date of their Yahrzeit”.

I had long wondered what the lives of my grandfather’s aunt, uncle and cousin had been like after most of their other relatives and Jewish neighbors had left, and now, I was about to get an awful inkling.

Irmgaard began slowly.  “It was 1942, and I was about six years old.

I remember this girl Margot, the handicapped child.  She was pushing her doll carriage on our street, the Kirchstrasse.  I still have the image in my mind”.

Her voice began rising and the words started coming faster.  “Suddenly, from the neighbor’s house, the boy, Heinz Gonnermann, came out with a big, thick stick and began beating the girl.  Margot was screaming and crying and crying.  Another neighbor, the old Frau Schaeffer, came outside, and started yelling ‘Leave this child alone, leave her be’!”

Irmgaard, clearly agitated as she recalled the scene, continued.  “Finally Heinz went away, with Margot still crying.  This made such a deep impression on me.  I asked myself, ‘How could anyone beat a girl like this?’  I just never forgot it.  OK, look, he was only a boy himself, a few years older than me, and Jewish children then were “freiwild” for all the other kids, but still…”

“Freiwild”.  It’s a hunting term, essentially meaning any animals in view are unprotected fair game, and can be targeted for killing. 

And then Irmgaard finished the tale that had so traumatized her as a child:  “To this day, even, when I see this man, this terrible memory comes to mind”.

I sat there, stunned.  Certainly, this incident could not possibly compare to the horrors that were later inflicted upon Margot and her parents, but hearing the eyewitness account, so vividly told, was deeply disturbing.

Ten minutes later, we all were standing on the Kirchstrasse, outside the fence that once encircled the family’s home.  My mother and I showed Talia and Aviv the small garden where she had played as a child, and the lamppost from which the effigy had been hung.  We pointed to the church at the end of the block, and my mom recalled the pleasant sound of the churchbells that had so often woken her up, so long ago.

As we stood and talked and took pictures, I kept noticing a figure seated in front of the barn that now stands where my mother’s house had been.  It had not moved for 15 minutes, and I actually thought it might be a mannequin.  But upon walking a bit closer, I saw it was a stout elderly man, watching us intently.

“Who is that?”, I asked Imrgaard.  “Oh, that’s him”, she said matter-of-factly.  “That’s Heinz”.

I gasped, and without even thinking, marched directly into the yard.  “Herr Gonnermann”, I said, “I am the grandson of the Bachenheimer family, and that is my mother Brunhilde who used to live here.  We visited here in 1983, and I took these photos of your mother”.  Heinz peered at the pictures, and nodded.  “Ja, that’s my mother.  She’s dead now”.

At this point, I noticed that others in the group had, with great hesitation, started to follow behind me.  Dr. Nuhn reached us first, and introduced himself to the rosy-cheeked old farmer.  “We have been discussing the history of this area”, said the professor, “especially the incident that happened right on this street here in 1942, when the retarded girl Margot Wallach was beaten up.

Do you remember that?”

Gonnermann shook his head and said simply, “Nein”.  As Irmgaard joined us, Dr. Nuhn continued.  “Are you sure?  It apparently was a big deal at the time, with the old Frau Schaeffer getting involved, and lots of yelling and crying”.  Again, a shrug of the shoulders.  “No, I don’t recall anything like that”.

And then, Gonnermann turned to my mother.  “You know”, he said in a strong, clear voice, “your grandparents sold their home to my parents completely willingly, under the circumstances of the time”.

“Wow”, I thought to myself.  “That, he has no trouble remembering”.

I looked at Irmgaard, whose face was just etched with pain, and I realized there was no point in pursuing this any further.  We would be gone, but she had to continue living here.  After another few highly uncomfortable minutes, we turned our backs on Herr Gonnermann and left the yard.

Three months after our trip, we are still processing this pilgrimage to my mother’s “Heimat”, which was, simultaneously, a return to the scene of the crime.

For my mother, the journey served the dual purpose of educating her grandchildren while paying tribute to her parents and grandparents, remembering the good people they were and the decent lives they led.  She was moved by the sincerity of the young, and the regret of the old.  “After the ceremony in Baumbach”, she recalls, “a man named Willi took me aside and said his mother had worked for some of our relatives, the Neuhaus family.  He told me that when he was 18 years old, the Jews started to be taken away, and it was clear something terrible was happening, but he and his parents were too afraid to say or do anything, and that now, he is still so ashamed”.

A middle-aged man approached Talia and Aviv after the ceremony as well, with a message: “I want you young people to know that we are not the same as our grandparents, who did these things.  Please remember that”.

And upon our return home, I called our cousin Isfried and told him his long-ago friend Aenne had spoken of playing hide and seek with him.    “I remember nothing pleasant from that time”, he said, brushing off Aenne’s fond recollections.  “I remember the Nazi rallies in Baumbach, my father’s cousins getting beaten up, we Jewish children having to sit on separate benches in school, with even the little kids eating up the Nazi propaganda.  That’s what I remember.  I don’t carry any grudges against the young people there now, but I only remember the bad things”.

Cousin Marga, meanwhile, was touched that her recorded message proved so moving to those attending the plaque ceremony, and she felt some comfort that the names of her lost loved ones, especially one favorite cousin of hers, are now posted in public.  “I must tell you”, Marga confided, “I sometimes have a fantasy that she somehow survived, and is living somewhere in some strange country, not able to get in touch with us.  I know it’s not true, but it helps me to think that”.  So much heartbreak, amidst the healing. 

And what of Talia and Aviv, who had traveled from the San Fernando Valley to another world?  This trip, after all, was “for the kids”, as my mother said. Writing from his freshman dorm at U.C. Berkeley, on behalf of himself and his sister, Aviv tried to make sense of his week in Germany:

“What struck me most was the irony of it all, and the contradictions:  the peaceful, brilliant green landscapes surrounding the black and white images; the warm welcomes followed by the remnants of anti-Semitism; the younger generation denouncing the mistakes of the old.

I believe I met my brave ancestors vicariously during this brief week of my life.  The pictures were no longer black and white, the stories no longer abstract, the places no longer a spot on the map.  Rather, it all became real and tangible.

In the place where the “Final Solution” was devised, a Jewish family was able to proudly walk the streets, and feel so very much alive.  I felt victorious.  And I will think of the dead and honor them by living, and never forgetting their stories.”

On our final day in Deutschland, it was raining as we packed up our car outside the hotel.  “You see”, the gracious hotel manager said as he pointed to the sky, “Germany is crying because you are leaving”.

“I know”, I smiled, as I felt a raindrop… I think… on my cheek.  “I know”.

From the Valley to the “Heimat” Read More »

Israel, Jewish groups seek to discredit new U.N. report on Gaza war

Israel’s government and its supporters are promoting a one-sentence strategy to counter a 574-page U.N. report on last winter’s Israel-Hamas war in Gaza: Consider the source.

“The same U.N. that allows the president of a country to announce on a podium its aspiration to destroy the State of Israel has no right to teach us about morality,” Knesset Speaker Reuven Rivlin said, referring to Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.

“This is a report born of bias,” Abraham Foxman, the national director of the Anti-Defamation League, said in describing the report released Tuesday by the U.N. Human Rights Council. “What do you do with an initiative born of bigotry?”

The report, written by a fact-finding mission headed by Richard Goldstone, a respected war crimes judge from South Africa who is Jewish, urges Israel to set up independent investigations into what it calls Israel’s war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Calling for the probes to be set up within three months, the report also recommends that international bodies launch prosecutions if Israel does not do so within six months. It makes similar recommendations about Hamas.

The timing of the report is not propitious for Israel, as it sparks a public relations problem ahead of a planned summit to reconvene Israeli-Palestinian talks and open talks with Iran aimed at getting the Islamic Republic to shut down its suspected nuclear weapons program.

A battery of Israeli officials are touring Washington and the United States in an attempt to convey the impression that Israel is more open to negotiations than the Palestinians and that the principal threat in the region is Iran. The report gives Palestinians and Arab nations an opportunity to complicate that effort.

Jewish groups said the strategy now should be to get the United States to dismiss the report as hopelessly biased. Statements Tuesday by Israel’s Foreign Ministry, as well as by Jewish groups that maintain U.N. bureaus such as the American Jewish Committee and B’nai B’rith International, adopted that strategy.

“Israel does not require any external reminder to probe its just actions, especially from a radical body which is comprised from ‘moral’ nations the likes of Malaysia, Syria, Pakistan and Somalia,” Israel’s Foreign Ministry said.

“Let us not forget that this commission was a creation of the Human Rights Council, arguably the U.N.’s most flawed body,” David Harris, AJC’s executive director, said in a statement. “The Council has consistently demonized Israel, while giving a free pass to some of the world’s worst tyrants, from Sudan to Iran.”

Daniel Mariaschin, B’nai B’rith’s executive vice president, told JTA that the report was a case of “There you go again.” He said his group would intensify outreach to member nations to mitigate the report’s damage.

Left-leaning Israeli and pro-Israel groups said such an approach misses the broader point: Israel must account for its actions beyond the internal Israeli army reviews under way.

“The obstacle to peace is the festering anger” in Gaza, said Mitchell Plitnick, a spokesman for B’Tselem, an Israeli human rights group.

Concerns about the report’s bias date back to the Human Rights Council’s mandate last February when it created the fact-finding mission and asked it to probe “grave” Israeli “violations of human rights” during the war, launched by Israel on Dec. 27 after Hamas-sponsored rocket fire from Gaza had intensified significantly.

Israel and Jewish groups slammed the council for pre-emptive conclusions and for not accounting for the intensification of rocket fire under the rule of Hamas.

Goldstone obtained the council’s permission to broaden his mandate and consider Hamas war crimes. The report released Tuesday considers the years of rocket attacks on Israel that preceded the war and concludes that Hamas committed war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Nonetheless, Israel refused to deal with Goldstone or the council, despite Goldstone’s Jewish credentials and longstanding ties to Israel—he’s a trustee of Jerusalem’s Hebrew University, among other things. Foxman suggested that the United Nations was using Goldstone’s credibility to disguise an inherently biased report.

None of the charges in the report’s executive summary are new; the summary appears to compile and replicate many of the charges that were made by some international and Israeli human rights groups.

Among other allegations, the report accuses Israel of having created an “emergency situation” in Gaza through its blockade prior, during and after the war; describes as excessive Israel’s use of white phosphorous, a chemical irritant used as an obscurant during the war; dismisses as unfounded Israel’s claims that all of the approximately 240 policemen slain during the war were combatants; and chronicles about a dozen allegations of Israel shooting unarmed Palestinians without provocation.

Eli Ovits, a Jerusalem-based spokesman for The Israel Project, suggested an on-the-ground approach to countering whatever deleterious effects the report may have on Israel’s efforts to shape the conversation on talks with Palestinians and Iran.

Ovits said his advocacy group would continue to highlight the post-traumatic stress disorder suffered by Israelis within range of Hamas rockets and also would note that in the aftermath of the war, Palestinian moderates have grown in popularity at the expense of Hamas.

Israel, Jewish groups seek to discredit new U.N. report on Gaza war Read More »

Toronto film fest calls Israeli PR strategy into question

When Amir Gissin helped come up with an idea to remake Israel’s international image several years ago, it’s unlikely he imagined that the showcasing of Israeli films in Toronto would spark a star-studded Hollywood brouhaha over artistic expression and cultural boycotts.

But that’s what happened as Israel became the major flashpoint at this year’s Toronto International Film Festival.

In an interview last year with the Canadian Jews News, Gissin boasted that his new marketing idea, known as Brand Israel, would help reshape public perceptions of the Jewish state and culminate in a major presence at the 2009 festival.

The presence turned out to be the focus on Tel Aviv as part of the festival’s new City to City program, which included an appearance by the city’s mayor and VIP receptions in addition to the screening of 10 Israeli films.

“The way to fix negative images of Israel is to present Israel in a positive light elsewhere,” Gissin told the paper.

But the effort appears to have backfired as a string of celebrities, including Jane Fonda, Danny Glover, Viggo Mortensen and Harry Belafonte, signed on to the so-called Toronto Declaration claiming that the Tel Aviv spotlight is merely an attempt by the Israeli government to divert attention from its treatment of the Palestinians.

So rather than talking about Israel’s rich cinematic culture, the buzz this week in Toronto has centered on the one thing Israeli officials had sought to avoid: the conflict with the Palestinians.

Israel has long sought to divert the focus from its conflict with the Palestinians out of concern that in the eyes of many, the country is a Middle East backwater engaged in an interminable tribal conflict.

The 2007 “Girls of the IDF” photo shoot for Maxim magazine and the recent transformation of a spit of land in Manhattan’s Central Park into a replica of the Tel Aviv beach were of a piece with the Foreign Ministry’s efforts to broaden public perceptions of Israel and, in effect, tell the Western world, “Hey, we’re just like you.”

Last year, the Israeli government dedicated $10.6 million to the effort, according to Joel Lion, Israel’s current consul for media affairs in New York, who in an earlier post in Germany arranged for the prime minister of Saxony to cook falafel and couscous with an Israeli chef.

Increasingly, cultural events featuring Israeli artists have been the focus of protests in North America. But the debacle in Toronto appears to have drawn a much higher level of attention, raising questions about the rebranding strategy.

The trouble began when filmmaker John Greyson pulled his short film from the festival. That spurred a group of filmmakers and activists—among them Fonda, Naomi Klein, Noam Chomsky and the historian Howard Zinn—to sign a declaration titled “No Celebration of Occupation.”

“We do not protest the individual Israeli filmmakers included in City to City, nor do we in any way suggest that Israeli films should be unwelcome at TIFF,” the statement said. “However, especially in the wake of this year’s brutal assault on Gaza, we object to the use of such an important international festival in staging a propaganda campaign on behalf of what South African Archbishop Desmond Tutu, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, and U.N. General Assembly President Miguel d’Escoto Brockmann have all characterized as an apartheid regime.”

Within days, the Jewish federations in Toronto and Los Angeles had organized a group of Hollywood stars to sign a statement protesting the Toronto Declaration. The statement—its signatories include Jerry Seinfeld, Natalie Portman and Sacha Baron Cohen—ran as a full-page advertisement in the Tuesday edition of the Toronto Star.

“Anyone who has actually seen recent Israeli cinema, movies that are political and personal, comic and tragic, often critical, knows they are in no way a propaganda arm for any government policy,” the statement said. “Blacklisting them only stifles the exchange of cultural knowledge that artists should be the first to defend and protect. Those who refuse to see these films for themselves or prevent them from being seen by others are violating a cherished right shared by Canada and all democratic countries.”

Rabbi Marvin Hier of the Simon Wiesenthal Center argued in an opinion piece for the Toronto Star that those backing the declaration criticizing the focus on Tel Aviv had signed on to something that was “intentionally or unintentionally nothing more than a recipe for Israel’s destruction.”

Fonda took it personally, responding with a statement in which she described her support for various Israeli causes and stressed that the declaration did not call for a boycott of Israeli films. Several Atlanta Jewish leaders, including rabbis and a former federation president, issued their own statement defending her.

However, Fonda then issued a second statement standing by her opposition to the official focus on Tel Aviv, but saying that the declaration was one-sided and poorly worded.

In interviews Tuesday, those involved in Brand Israel disputed the notion that the festival controversy rendered their strategy inoperable. Several compared the effort to New York City’s campaign to rebrand itself the Big Apple in the 1970s after years in which the city was seen as a hotbed of crime and ineffective government.

“You’re always going to have people imbued with politics and seeing things through that lens,” said Barak Orenstein, a brand manager in Toronto who gave the keynote address at a Brand Israel conference last year. “But there’s definitely a need to share Israel’s contributions with the world. And I think the country has to be proactive about the wonderful things that it’s sharing.”

Lion was even more dismissive, saying that the protesters were a small group and “nothing new.” He noted, as did several others, that the festival stood by its decision to highlight the Israeli films and festival-goers would still have a chance to see them.

“People see that films from Israel are coming to an international film festival,” Lion said. “They see that the films are there. So it’s also a part of the branding effort, even if there’s controversy. Controversy only helps.”

Toronto film fest calls Israeli PR strategy into question Read More »

Tzipi Livni Confronted at Beverly Hills Fundraiser

Tzipi Livni, Israel’s former foreign minister and now head of the Kadima opposition party, unexpectedly faced a sharp critique of Israeli policies at large party Sunday, after laying out her country’s options in a lengthy talk.

In a before-dinner address to some 150 guests at the Beverly Hills home of Parvis and Pouran Nazarian, Livni had explained the need for a two-state solution and certain concessions to Palestinians, if Israel were to function in the long run as a democratic state with a Jewish majority.

In a Q-and-A session after dinner, Dina Leeds, vice president of the Israel-Christian Nexus, delivered a five-minute dissent, charging that the Israeli government was giving away land rightfully belonging to the Jewish people, in return for empty promises from Palestinians.

In an interview later, Leeds described her remarks as having been polite and civil, but Dora Kadisha and several guests said they considered Leeds’ tone harsh and rude.
Kadisha is the executive director of the Citizen Empowerment Center in Israel (CECI), which hosted the event.

Livni, both of whose parents were leaders in the underground Irgun movement, while she herself served as a Mossad agent and was a close ally of former Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, was visibly upset.

According to Leeds and several guests, Livni sharply responded that she resented such advice from people who sit in cushioned homes in Beverly Hills. Kadisha said she did not hear such a remark from Livni.

CECI, initiated by the Nazarians, seeks to educate Israel’s citizens that a drastic change is needed in the country’s electoral system of proportional representation, in which voters cast ballots for national parties rather than for local representatives.

This system, says CECI and many Israel analysts, has led to constant instability in the country’s leadership, with continuous rotation of prime ministers and cabinet members.
Livni endorsed CECI’s aims by noting that “Our system prevents good ministers from making long-range decisions.

Citing her own record of holding half a dozen ministerial portfolios, Livni said that by the time cabinet members have some grasp of their responsibilities, they move on to another post.

Tzipi Livni Confronted at Beverly Hills Fundraiser Read More »

Our City At A Crossroads

It’s worth reading the Los Angeles Times very carefully today—-it has some serious journalism that offers insights into the future of our city.

The first is a ” title=”article”>article details the relationship of Ari Swiller (a close friend of the mayor) and land deals that effect the Department of Water and Power, environmental issues and corruption. It is troubling in its implications.

These two articles and Ron Kaye’s insightful Our City At A Crossroads Read More »

UN probe: Israel, Palestinians both guilty of Gaza war crimes

Israel’s Foreign Ministry said it is “appalled and disappointed” by a U.N. commission report that says Israel committed war crimes during its Gaza offensive.

The 600-page report by the United Nations commission, which was headed by South African Judge Richard Goldstone, concluded that “Israel committed actions amounting to war crimes, possibly crimes against humanity,” during Operation Cast Lead in late December and January.

The report, which was released Tuesday, also found that the Palestinians committed war crimes by firing rockets into civilian areas in southern Israel.

Israel did not cooperate with the fact-finding mission, the ministry said in a statement released Tuesday afternoon, because “its mandate was clearly one-sided.”

“Both the mandate of the Mission and the resolution establishing it prejudged the outcome of any investigation, gave legitimacy to the Hamas terrorist organization and disregarded the deliberate Hamas strategy of using Palestinian civilians as cover for launching terrorist attacks,” the statement said.

“Notwithstanding its reservations, Israel will read the report carefully—as it does with all reports prepared by international and national organizations. Israel is committed to acting fully in accordance with international law and to examining any allegations of wrongdoing by its own forces.”

UN probe: Israel, Palestinians both guilty of Gaza war crimes Read More »

Seattle synagogues defaced with swastikas

Unknown vandals painted red swastikas on two Seattle-area synagogues.

The swastikas and the phrase “4th Riech” (sic) were painted late Saturday night or early Sunday morning, police and synagogue members told the Seattle Times.

The word Nazi and at least eight other swastikas also were painted on a sidewalk and driveway in the area, Bikur Cholim Machzikay Hadath member Sarah Rivkin told the newspaper.

Congregants at Bikur Cholim Machzikay Hadath and the Sephardic Bikur Holim Congregation were attending Selichot services during the incident.

Seattle synagogues defaced with swastikas Read More »

It is Time, Again, to Pray with Our Feet

There’s growing buzz in Washington that President Obama will publicly offer a plan for resuming Middle East peace talks at the opening of the UN General Assembly. Coincidentally, the General Assembly falls right in the middle of the High Holy Days, a time when taking steps toward peace in the Middle East will have real resonance for the American Jewish community – a majority of which believes a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to be the best way to secure Israel’s future.

Surely Obama and his administration understand, however, that there is a real political risk to any steps he might take, particularly any that include putting pressure on Israel and its neighbors to build the mutual trust that has so badly broken down in recent years.

But the president appears to understand something crucial to both the peace process and the upcoming Jewish holy days: it is not enough to want something, to think about it, to talk about it – action is required if we really want change.

Confidence-building measures are a prerequisite for successful negotiations between any two warring parties, but the very idea has raised hackles among some Jews here and in Israel. They’re not accustomed to a U.S. president asking very much of Israel.

Obama’s opponents try to fend off American pressure by asking: should the United States and its Jewish community get involved in resolving a conflict 10,000 miles away? Shouldn’t we leave Israelis and their neighbors to work out their problems on their own? They fail to consider that when American administrations align themselves too closely with official Israeli positions, the peace process gets nowhere – and that American Jews have a responsibility to their Israeli brethren.

When we gather during our holidays to reflect on the year past and resolve to live a better life in the year to come, our prayers don’t speak of what “I” have done or will do. Our prayers speak of what “we,” the whole Jewish community, have done and what we will do to make a better tomorrow. As our rabbis affirmed many centuries ago: “All Jews are interwoven, each with the other.” American Jews have a responsibility to do as much as we can to bring peace and security to the Jewish State.

At the same time, we must not restrict our circle of concern to Jews alone. Our concern must also be for this country, for America. Promoting peace is not just a moral virtue – it’s also real politik, simple self-interest, because festering conflict anywhere can all too easily ripple out to affect people everywhere – and in particular, a nation currently engaged in two wars in the neighborhood where Israel makes its home.

Surely that’s why the Obama administration has been so intent from its first day in office on moving Israelis and Palestinians toward peace. It’s the right thing to do for the only world power strong enough to make peace happen – but it’s also in America’s self-interest. The consequences of continued strife in the Middle East make it harder in many lands for the U.S. to protect and promote our own needs.

So in the next few weeks, the president will be presenting a plan to revitalize the desperately-needed but perennially hamstrung peace process. Obama has said clearly and convincingly that he has a deep concern for the peace and safety of Israel, the Palestinians and of its neighbors, and that this country has no intention of abandoning its special relationship with the Jewish State.

But President Obama has also said that good friends should be honest with each other and that he intends to be honest with Israel – and that looking out for Israel means calling on her to take difficult steps and make painful compromise.

It is important that a growing numbers of American Jews realize that the president’s policies represent the best way to fulfill this country’s responsibilities to their fellow Jews in Israel. Three-quarters of us want to see a two-state solution to the conflict, and two-thirds of us have said that we would be willing to see the president put pressure on the sides to achieve that solution.

But simply put, that is not enough. As we celebrate the sweetness of a new year, we must change our support into action and pray, as the great American rabbi and theologian Abraham Joshua Heschel once said, with our feet.

The voices of dissent are loud, organized and well-known. We have to meet this dissent with our own strength, our own numbers and see to it that the facts of the matter – the simple truth that the vast majority of the American Jewish public supports the president’s stated policy goals – become just as well-known as the opposition.

Just as the president has adopted a sense of urgency, understanding that he may be the last American president with the political capacity to act on a two-state solution, we too must acknowledge that the opportunity for peace is not limitless. If we would see President Obama succeed, if we would see this new year represent a chance for a true new beginning in Israel, we must act now.

Rabbi Joshua Levine Grater is Brit Tzedek v’Shalom’s Board Secretary and the founding Chair of its Los Angeles chapter. He is also the rabbi of the Pasadena Jewish Temple and Center.

It is Time, Again, to Pray with Our Feet Read More »

Wondering why Jews are liberal

Neocon icon Norman Podhoretz has a new book questioning the tradition of Jewish liberalism and, more aptly, the current relationship between Jews and liberal causes. “Why Are Jews Liberal?”—to which the Tapped blog from The American Prospect responds: “Why is the sky blue?

True, true. I still remember when I first learned that Republican Jew wasn’t the punchline to a Borscht Belt joke.

Podhoretz’s book has been making the rounds, and he had a related op-ed in Thursday’s Wall Street Journal. Podhoretz wrote:

Most American Jews sincerely believe that their liberalism, together with their commitment to the Democratic Party as its main political vehicle, stems from the teachings of Judaism and reflects the heritage of “Jewish values.” But if this theory were valid, the Orthodox would be the most liberal sector of the Jewish community. After all, it is they who are most familiar with the Jewish religious tradition and who shape their lives around its commandments.

Yet the Orthodox enclaves are the only Jewish neighborhoods where Republican candidates get any votes to speak of. Even more telling is that on every single cultural issue, the Orthodox oppose the politically correct liberal positions taken by most other American Jews precisely because these positions conflict with Jewish law. To cite just a few examples: Jewish law permits abortion only to protect the life of the mother; it forbids sex between men; and it prohibits suicide (except when the only alternatives are forced conversion or incest).

The upshot is that in virtually every instance of a clash between Jewish law and contemporary liberalism, it is the liberal creed that prevails for most American Jews. Which is to say that for them, liberalism has become more than a political outlook. It has for all practical purposes superseded Judaism and become a religion in its own right. And to the dogmas and commandments of this religion they give the kind of steadfast devotion their forefathers gave to the religion of the Hebrew Bible. For many, moving to the right is invested with much the same horror their forefathers felt about conversion to Christianity.

All this applies most fully to Jews who are Jewish only in an ethnic sense. Indeed, many such secular Jews, when asked how they would define “a good Jew,” reply that it is equivalent to being a good liberal.

I’ve got to agree with this analysis, but, of course, there is a difference between Jewish tradition and Judaism.

Not surprisingly, Leon Wieseltier, the literary editor of The New Republic, isn’t a fan. He reviewed “Why Are Jews Liberal?” for yesterday’s New York Times and pulled no punches:

Norman Podhoretz loves his people and loves his country, and I salute him for it, since I love the same people and the same country. But this is a dreary book. Its author has a completely axiomatic mind that is quite content to maintain itself in a permanent condition of apocalyptic excitation. His perspective is so settled, so confirmed, that it is a wonder he is not too bored to write. The veracity of everything he believes is so overwhelmingly obvious to him that he no longer troubles to argue for it. Instead there is only bewilderment that others do not see it, too. “Why Are Jews Liberals?” is a document of his bewilderment; and there is a Henry Higgins-­like poignancy to his discovery that his brethren are not more like himself. But the refusal of others to assent to his beliefs is portrayed by Podhoretz not as a principled disagreement that is worthy of respect, but as a human failing. Jews are liberals, he concludes, as a consequence of “willful blindness and denial.” He has a philosophy. They have a psychology.

“Why Are Jews Liberals?” is a potted history followed by a re-potted memoir. The first half of the book, which tells the story of “how the Jews became liberals,” is narrated in “the impersonal voice of a historian — an amateur, to be sure, but one who has relied on a variety of professional authorities for help and guidance.” These chapters are mainly anthologies of congenial quotations. There is something a little risible about the solemnity with which Podhoretz presents encyclopedia articles as evidence of his erudition (“I relied most heavily on one of the great works of 20th-century Jewish scholarship, the Encyclopaedia Judaica”); there is even a reference, slightly embarrassed, to Wikipedia. From his footnotes you would think that the most significant Jewish historian of our time is Paul Johnson. And there is a decidedly insular reliance upon the pages of Commentary, the magazine he edited for 35 years. His parochialism can be startling: Samuel ha-Nagid, the astounding poet, warrior, statesman and scholar in Granada in the 11th century, reminds him of Henry Kissinger! Podhoretz seems to be living the Vilna Gaon’s adage — maybe he can find it in some encyclopedia — that the best way for a man to preserve his purity is never to leave his house.

Like I said. You can read the rest of that review here.

Wondering why Jews are liberal Read More »