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November 19, 2025

Jewish Teen Anxiety and the Protective Power of Gratitude

Teen anxiety has surged across the United States in recent years, and Jewish communities are feeling this shift as well. Behind strong academics, warm community values and deeply rooted traditions, many teens quietly report a steady emotional pressure that does not always show, but significantly shapes their well-being.

For generations, Jewish education has emphasized intellectual achievement, ethical living and community connection. These are beautiful and enduring values. But today’s teens are growing up in a world that feels faster, louder and more demanding than ever before. The constant comparisons created by social media, the pressure to excel academically and the uncertainty of a global and political climate that feels unstable all combine to create emotional tension that even the most supportive homes and schools cannot fully shield against.

In recent years, awareness of teen mental health has increased, and Jewish schools have responded with admirable care. Counselors, wellness programs and open conversations have become more common. Yet awareness alone does not equip young people with the emotional tools they need to navigate life’s challenges. Emotional resilience is not something we can hand to our teens; it is something they must develop from within, with guidance, modeling and daily practice.

One practice, surprisingly simple yet deeply rooted in Jewish life, may offer exactly that: gratitude.

In positive psychology research, gratitude is more than polite appreciation. It is a measurable emotional capacity. Studies by scholars such as Barbara Fredrickson and Martin Seligman show that gratitude enhances well-being, reduces anxiety, and strengthens social connections. It helps people recover more quickly from negative experiences and sustain positive emotions over time.

My own research, conducted across five Jewish high schools in the Los Angeles area with nearly 500 students, found similar patterns. Roughly one-third of students reported anxiety levels high enough to suggest the need for additional support. Yet among those who expressed a strong sense of gratitude, the effects of anxiety on their overall well-being were noticeably weaker. Gratitude did not erase hardship, but it softened its impact. Teens who regularly noticed what was good in their lives, whether through reflection, relationships, or faith, showed greater happiness, resilience, and emotional steadiness.

This is not a new idea. Jewish tradition has long recognized gratitude as a foundation of spiritual and emotional health. The first words we say each morning, Modeh Ani, are an expression of thanks for the gift of life itself. The Hebrew term hakarat hatov — recognizing the good — is not just a moral value, but a daily practice of awareness. Gratitude is, quite literally, embedded in Jewish identity; the very word Yehudi comes from lehodot, to thank.

In the context of today’s mental health challenges, these timeless practices have new urgency. Gratitude is not about ignoring pain or pretending everything is fine. It is about noticing the parts of life that still hold meaning and connection even in the midst of difficulty. When practiced consistently, gratitude creates an internal anchor, a sense of groundedness that protects against the emotional turbulence of adolescence.

Parents and educators can begin with small steps: encouraging reflection at the end of the day, sharing what they themselves feel thankful for or helping teens name small moments of goodness rather than focusing only on performance. These are not grand interventions, but quiet habits that model emotional balance.

Our community invests heavily in academic and spiritual excellence, but the emotional well-being of our youth deserves equal attention. Gratitude, both ancient and newly validated by research, offers a bridge between faith and psychology, between tradition and today’s urgent need for emotional resilience.

If we can help our teens practice this awareness, not as an obligation but as a daily grounding, we will give them something far more enduring than grades or achievements: the inner strength to face the world with calm, confidence and hope. 


Dr. Orly Danino is an educator and researcher specializing in positive psychology, adolescent resilience, and the promotion of emotional well-being.

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Gaza War Far from Over

Like most Jews, I very much want the Gaza War to end. The real-world carnage has been horrific, and it will be impossible to repair the political and reputational damage that Israel has suffered until the fighting has ended.

But wanting something is much different from getting it. As much as I wish the fighting between Israel and Hamas were over, the sad fact is that it is not. And as much as many of us continue to pretend that the joyous release of most of the Israeli hostages has been accompanied by an end to the violence, that is simply not the case. Since the ceasefire was announced last month, it became quickly apparent that the most difficult disagreements had not been addressed, most notably the lack of tangible progress on the rebuilding of Gaza, the disarming of Hamas and the necessity of a multi-national force to provide security for the region in the future.

It’s understandable why the negotiators delayed action on such intractable challenges. It was a far better option to achieve the goals of the original agreement than to wait until the deeper disputes had been resolved. But rather than recognizing the release of the living hostages, the escalation of humanitarian aid and the partial reduction in violence as the first welcome steps toward a legitimate and lasting peace, too many of us have been fantasizing that the crisis has been entirely resolved. The fleeting attention span of most international observers has moved on to other matters.

But the war is not over. There is little evidence of any meaningful developments in discussions over necessary economic or logistical plans for rebuilding Gaza. There have been only the smallest and slightest of indications of any other countries being willing to contribute troops to an international peacekeeping force. It’s clear that little improvement will take place on either front until the Hamas threat has been neutralized. And there is no sign at all that the terrorist organization is willing to surrender its weapons: even their ballyhooed offer to “partial” disarmament still leaves their fighters both weaponized and in control most of the affected area.

It’s understandable why few investors would be willing to provide financial support for any significant construction projects while the Hamas threat remains. It’s even more difficult to envision any sovereign nation putting its own troops in danger, especially Arab countries who would face the likely scenario of asking their soldiers to confront armed Hamas militants. There have been token offers for security assistance from Indonesia, Azerbaijan and Pakistan. Egypt has been developing a security force of Gazans to patrol the area, but it is inconceivable that they would ever engage in combat with Hamas’ terrorists. So the broader pan-Arab economic and military presence still appears to be a longer-term aspiration at best.

That’s why it was so notable last week when an Israeli newspaper reported that both key American negotiator Jared Kushner and IDF strategists have begun developing fallback plans in case the 20-point blueprint for peace that Kushner’s father-in-law announced when Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Washington several weeks ago. This tacit admission that the ambitious Trump plan is unlikely to succeed has received scant attention in the U.S. American news media is much more interested in this week’s White House visit by Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman, the possibility of a U.S. attack on Venezuela and continuing domestic political drama.

But if neither the Trump administration or the Israeli military is confident that the current peace plan is achievable, the logical question is what comes next. How do the two countries develop and implement a more realistic strategy? Or do they simply return to the “mowing the grass” era, during which tolerating Hamas-generated violence for extended periods with intermittent displays of Israeli force became the norm for the Jewish state and its residents?

I hope that the Gaza war will end soon, as we all do. So it’s reassuring but still unsettling to see that American and Israeli thinkers are now remembering that hope is a feeling, not a strategy.


Dan Schnur is the U.S. Politics Editor for the Jewish Journal. He teaches courses in politics, communications, and leadership at UC Berkeley, USC and Pepperdine. He hosts the monthly webinar “The Dan Schnur Political Report” for the Los Angeles World Affairs Council & Town Hall. Follow Dan’s work at www.danschnurpolitics.com.

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“I Am Not a Knee-Jerk Jew”: Demanding Visibility

Without her whispering a sound, I already knew what she was going to say. I felt it in my bones long before the conversation began. My heart pounded knowingly. A 35-year friendship was on the line, its unexpected fragility exposed. And then the offhand utterance came, and just hung there, unswatted despite the simultaneous, dismissive wave of her hand, and undissipated by my unreleased tears: “Rape always happens in war.” Our Facetime sparked, was electrified, and flamed out forever.

What through the years I had sensed as an unnamable shadow grew slowly into an unbreachable divide after October 7th, and even then I had ignored it with the stubborn loyalty and determined self-delusion that deep affinity demands. “Janine” had always called to say, “Happy Rosh Hashanah,” her Irish-English cadences caressing the words. She was the first to arrive at my children’s B’nai Mitzvot. She seemed to value and understand my Jewishness. Until she didn’t. She seemed to be an ally. Until she wasn’t. She seemed to see me. Until it became undeniable on my side that my Jewish identity obfuscated the rest of me on hers.

Professionals in a field neither of us had a calling for, Janine and I met in May 1990, bonding over our shared need for intellectually stimulating conversation amid the pragmatists surrounding us in our Century City office. Ultimately, we found more satisfying jobs, our paths diverging but our friendship enduring. As I earned my Master’s degree and then my doctorate, she celebrated my success. She was among the few friends I permitted to sit with me in the NICU during the terrifying three and a half months when it was my second home after my first child was born. She had my back.

Unfortunately, as was unmistakable when her derisive gesture married her shocking words in that painful January 2025 Facetime, Janine also believed she had my number: that being Jewish clouded my rational judgment regarding Israel and Jewish concerns and rendered anything I believed a misperception at best and a bias at worst. Managing to detach from a few quiet displays of this subtle microagressive thought process over the years, I willed our friendship into prolonged life.

Against my will, though, the memories remained deeply embedded: the time long ago she had proclaimed there was no antisemitism in America—as I described the antisemitism my husband and I had recently been confronted with. When a neutral discussion of California’s mid-90s Prop 187 suddenly devolved into a didactic diatribe—”Do you know that there are 8,000 illegal Israelis living in LA? How do you feel about that?”—my shock was palpable. That she had a statistic at the ready and conflated my being Jewish with loyalty to other (presumed) Jews or Israel—an old and dangerous stereotype—was unsettling. For reasons I can scarcely muster now, I propped up our friendship on its ostensible last legs and forged ahead, the years slipping by as though no bitter blow had struck me in the head and no quiet doubt had entered my heart.

But then “Rape always happens in war” and its ugly step-siblings, traumatic invalidation and Israel-blaming—along with a heavy dose of haughty rejection of my responses as misinformed, likely due to my communal connection—showed up and shoveled the remnants of our friendship under. Because, as I wrote to Janine later, “I am not a knee-jerk Jew.” Being Jewish is not a subject position. It doesn’t cause reflexive responses fueled solely by emotion, with no thought, no understanding, no consideration. My identification as a Jew does not render the rest of me invisible.

My identification as a Jew does not render the rest of me invisible.

An academic mired in the battle against the antisemitism that didn’t bubble but rather burst to the surface on my university campus after Oct. 7, I am, I noted, conversant in the language and information and education needed in order to make accurate, credible statements about the current state of antisemitism, anti-Zionism, and being a Jew in this troubled and troubling moment. More important, I am a Jewish person. My lived experience and my knowledge of the lived experience of Jewish people around me have meaning.

Undoubtedly, many kind-hearted and loving friends who have abandoned us by failing to acknowledge or attempt to understand our pain don’t recognize the antisemitism inherent in their comments or in their outlook; they might even feel wounded by our words calling them out. I am sure Janine would. But in that last-ever communication between us, I told her that I don’t do “invisible” or “defined by others.” “It’s not in my character or my constitution,” I wrote, “and especially not where my identity is concerned.” Given our friendship of most of my life, I had hoped she knew me. Her assumptions about the issues facing the Jewish community and how I must be perceiving them, however, made clear once and for all that she didn’t.

“Unseen” just doesn’t work for me. It shouldn’t for any of us.


Audrey B. Thacker, Ph.D. is Adjunct Professor of English at Cal State Northridge, where she is Chair of the Matadors Against Antisemitism Faculty and Staff Resource Group. She is also a 2025 Fellow of the Academic Engagement Network (AEN).

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A Museum as a Monument to Innocence

There are two ways to approach the new Milken Center for Advancing the American Dream in Washington, D.C., caddy corner from that other monument to dreamers, The White House.

One way is to allow the fever of cynicism and mistrust that is corroding our country’s discourse to color everything you see.

The other is to crack through the cynicism and allow the search for an innocent truth to come to the surface.

On my visit this week, I followed the second approach. The first one was too easy. It’s too easy to assume that because so many institutions in America have lost the people’s trust, that the American Dream itself should fall into that camp.

It doesn’t.

In fact, although the American Dream has taken its lumps in recent years amidst the politicization of everything, it may be the last innocent idea we have left; the last hope for something that has any chance of bringing our country together.

It’s as if the founders of the museum understood this. There’s not a breadcrumb of cynicism in the place. While the museum is housed in a spectacular setting of former bank buildings that have been renovated to keep their authenticity, complete with the dramatic ceilings and other cues of classic buildings from a century ago, the actual content on display revolves around a simple human idea: dreaming.

Which human being has not dreamed?

In that sense, because dreams never end and are always renewing themselves, nothing really ends at this museum; it’s all beginnings. The exhibits on display are like jumping points. They trigger your own dreams. At any point, one is likely to ask, “How can this apply to my life, to my dreams?”

There’s a significant amount of content that delves into the many aspects of the American Dream, from its history to its meaning to how it has impacted the world, our country and our people and continues to do so today. There’s also a significant amount of useful information on finding and nurturing one’s dreams, as well as an interactive component that engages visitors.

The museum experience has a natural flow; new ideas keep coming at you and are displayed with a sense of continual discovery. As it says on its website, you get to experience “an interactive exhibition where bold ideas, powerful stories and immersive technologies invite you to visualize your potential in new ways.”

The human stories are crucial to the experience. They take a grand idea and bring it to life, with real stories, real people, real dreams.

These stories contribute to what I see as the unspoken and real power of the museum, which is its innocence.

Indeed, the information conveyed is so earnest, thoughtful and human one can’t help but see the American Dream in a fresh way, as an idea worthy of embracing, or at least rediscovering.

In other words, if you bring a cynical vibe to your visit, nothing in the museum will nourish that vibe. Quite the contrary: this the American Dream served straight up and aspirational, the American Dream for those who take dreaming seriously.

This innocence also comes across with a surprisingly joyful vibe given the vastness of the space. Something about the art, the colors, the layouts, the images, feels enchanted.

You feel it as soon as you enter, greeted by a giant tree that grows human faces on its golden branches. Although the art and designs on display usually have an intentional quality, you don’t need to know any of that to feel the enchantment. It’s in the air.

Of course, even this joyful spirit has a rational explanation. What good is the pursuit of a dream if it doesn’t bring you joy? How can a life be made better without the fruit of joy?

Because the act of dreaming is so essential to life, because the desire to make our lives better has existed since time immemorial, this museum is really about life itself, about the innocent and timeless search for a better life.

How ironic that it is situated in the very antidote to innocence; the place where the government shuts down, where the biggest dream is to crush your political opponent, where cynicism becomes a survival mechanism.

It is true that in this divisive battle zone we live in, the American Dream has somewhat vanished from the public discourse; at best, it has become a talking point from a politician you don’t trust.

The museum makes no downbeat references to any decline. It doesn’t have to. What it does is provide survey results it commissioned from Gallup that shows a lot more optimism across the country than I expected.

But more importantly, regardless of any outside news, the museum provides the nourishment you need to create your own dream. It doesn’t sugar coat anything. It doesn’t shy away from the value of hard work or the values of capitalism. What it does is show dreamers how to put the odds on their side.

Can it rescue the American Dream from cynical politicians? That’s for commentators to discuss, not the museum. The museum is not an op-ed.

But by its very location in the heart of our political battlefield, the museum is making a defiant statement that there is a better, more unifying way.

I don’t know if the founders intended this, but they have created a monument to what our nation could really use right now: a return to the human idea of aspiration and the simple power of innocence.

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