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May 26, 2022

Rabbi Aryeh Markman: Connecting Jews to their Judaism

In the 1980s, Rabbi Aryeh Markman took groups of people on tours around the world. He went to places such as China, Canada, all over Europe and Russia. It was in Russia that someone from the United Jewish Appeal came up to him and asked him for a favor.

“He gave me the number of a professor who was fired from the University of Moscow because they were complaining about quotas and not letting Jews into the university,” said Markman, who is executive director of Aish HaTorah Los Angeles. “The man asked if I could visit the professor.”

The rabbi made contact with the professor and made six more trips to Russia carrying contraband for him. In those days, contraband included blue jeans, money, the game Monopoly and proofs of a book the professor was working on. 

Up until that point, Markman was a secular Jew. As his father told him when he was growing up, their family was “left of Reform.” 

“I did a bar mitzvah, but it was transactional,” he said. “I told my parents, ‘Don’t bother me about Judaism after this.’ For the next 15 years, I stepped into a shul maybe five times. I was done.”

When he went to Russia, however, he saw what it meant to be a Jew in that country. “I thought, ‘Holy cow, this professor is Jewish, and look at how they are treating him,’” he said. “No Jews were leaving the country then.”

Markman was supposed to enroll in an MBA program. But before going to school, he wanted to take six weeks to backpack in Israel.

“All of a sudden, I confront my Judaism and it’s like I’m back in Sunday school,” he said. “I was going to classes at Aish HaTorah and Ohr Somayach. I became so fascinated. I could not believe this was Judaism. Why did no one ever teach me this?”

When the rabbi learned about the Talmud, he was all in. “I said, this trumps MBA school,” he said. “I have to master this. This is life wisdom.”

He was in his late 20s at the time, and he became a yeshiva student who didn’t know Hebrew and was living in a dorm room with four college-aged guys. 

“Who knew what my future would be?” Markman said. “This really felt like the right thing to do. I decided I wanted to spend my life bringing this to everyone else.”

Markman received smicha from Aish HaTorah Founder Rabbi Noah Weinberg and ended up staying with the organization – he became executive director of the LA branch in 1994. He’s responsible for the budget in his everyday work.

“To date, with the help of the Almighty and our generous donors, I have covered 684 payrolls plus all the other expenses since 1994,” he said. “Additionally, I help set the vision for Aish LA. The secret to my success, of what success I have, is don’t look down, only up.”

Aish, a kiruv organization, focuses on helping Jews connect to their Judaism. However, it’s not about them becoming observant. He and the other staff meet people on their level, showing them how Judaism can allow them to live to their fullest – and not take anything away from them.

“People will think they have to give up something they really enjoy,” he said. “They think their life will be less, but no, it’ll be so much more. Judaism enhances whatever you’re doing if you go about it the right way.”

The rabbi has experienced this himself. He loves running and participating in marathons; he’s part of a group of rabbis who run. He said, “Running is a very spiritual pursuit. You can do that with cooking, your marriage, your job or your children. Everything has a spiritual dimension to it.”

At Aish, it’s his job to encourage Jews to connect to the source of their spirituality, just like he did all those years ago.  

“I’m always looking in the Torah for the most inspirational, motivational and big life ideas and trying to bring them to people.”

“I’m always looking in the Torah for the most inspirational, motivational and big life ideas and trying to bring them to people,” he said. “I try to find all those inspirational pieces so we can become the best versions of ourselves.”  

Fast Takes with Aryeh Markman 

Jewish Journal: What’s your favorite Jewish food?

Aryeh Markman: My wife’s chocolate chip cookies. They are organic so you actually lose weight eating them.

JJ: What’s your perfect Shabbat look like?

AM: Catching up on a sleep-deprived week, sharing our Shabbos meals with family, friends and students, a few hours of immersive Torah learning and not overeating my wife’s delicious organic cooking.

JJ: How do you get all seven of your kids into the car at once? 

AM: It would take my wife and I an hour to get everyone in the car. The only way to get them all in is to say we’re going to leave, or we have really yummy food in the car.

JJ: What was your favorite marathon to run?

AM: The Jerusalem marathon. Even though it was so hilly, it was really something special.

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Are Soldiers Still Sacred?

Last week, Israel’s opposition leader, Benjamin Netanyahu, announced a perplexing decision. He said that his party, Likud, will vote unanimously against a coalition bill to help pay tuition for recently released Israeli troops. Repeat: The Likud party, a rightwing, nationalist, patriotic party, is going to vote against a bill to help pay tuition for soldiers. The bill is popular. The tuition is popular. The soldiers are popular. And yet, Israel’s most popular leader is forcing his party to vote against it. How can that be?

Let’s try to understand it without getting upset (update—no reason to get upset: on Monday evening, the Likud party caved under public pressure and the bill passed). Obviously we all love the soldiers. So it is easy to get upset with Netanyahu’s position. And yet, we must ask: Should we expect the opposition, in such a case, to vote in favor of the bill? Or does the opposition have good reasons to oppose the bill, even though it’s a bill that very few mainstream Israeli voters do not support? Let’s look at the main arguments.

The main argument against the opposition is substantive: If you support the troops, why would you vote against the bill? In the daily lives of citizens, when people support a cause, they do not show their support by resisting the cause. This sounds almost like an absurdity: We support the troops by voting against helping the troops. 

The secondary argument against the opposition is political: a large majority of the public supports the soldiers. Therefore, when a party votes against the soldiers, it risks losing votes—first of all, the votes of the soldiers themselves, those who are slated to receive the scholarships. Some soldiers are very angry with the possibility that they will not get the scholarship. Justifiably angry. If they see the Likud as the party responsible for their not receiving the scholarship, they and perhaps their parents, uncles, nieces and nephews will be angry with Likud. 

Is there a way to defend Netanyahu’s decision? Let’s try. You might get upset with these arguments, but you should still consider them. Opposition leaders may be cynics, but they are not stupid. If they decided to go into this battle, there is probably a logic behind their decision. What is the logic? There is a principled basis and a political basis. 

The principled basis is this: The role of the coalition is to pass laws. The role of the opposition is to block laws—especially when stopping a law will prove exactly what the opposition is trying to prove: That the coalition relies on the votes of those who are not legitimate partners in running the country. Again, one can agree or disagree with such argument, but the move led by the Likud is a move that aims to warn the public against a coalition that includes members who do not share the admiration most of us feel toward the IDF and its soldiers. Voting against the tuition is exactly what the opposition needs to prove its point. You see, they will tell the voters, when it comes to IDF matters, the coalition is helpless. It must beg for the support of the opposition. 

Is such a position upsetting? Definitely. We want the soldiers to get their tuition. And yet, it is hard to deny that there is some justice in this claim of the opposition. The coalition does have a problem when it needs to find a majority to support the IDF. 

Now for the political basis for Netanyahu’s position. This is both the most difficult to accept and also the most disturbing: Netanyahu probably estimates that Israel’s society is so polarized, so dedicated to beating political opponents, that even harming the soldiers to achieve such goal is acceptable. That is, he assumes that in the current state of affairs, it is more important for his voters to hammer “the other side” than to take care of those who wear uniforms and go out at night to ambush the enemy. 

In fact, he believes, unlike some of his Likud members who initially voiced weak voices of protest, that there will be no political price to pay for his perplexing decision. He assumes that opposition voters despise the government so much, that they will accept the denial of benefits to IDF soldiers as a necessary evil. If that’s what it takes to embarrass Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid, then so be it. 

So you see, the battle isn’t really about the bill. It is about who better understands the state of mind of the Israeli voters. PM Bennett is convinced that Netanyahu made a mistake, and that he will now finally absorb a significant blow. Netanyahu believes that Bennett is wrong: The PM does not understand that Likud supporters despise the government so much, that they will close their ears to the cries of the discharged soldiers, provided that a victory is achieved in the Knesset.  

The battle isn’t really about the bill. It is about who better understands the state of mind of the Israeli voters. 

Which of them is right? Bennett gambled, by presenting the law to the Knesset. Netanyahu gambled, by insisting on opposing the law. He ultimately caved. Meaning either he realized that he crossed a line that could hurt him in the polls or crossed a line that would drag his own party into insurrection. Thus, we will never know who was right and who was wrong. From an analyst’s viewpoint, that’s a pity – and yet, if it’s better for the soldiers we’d happily pay the cost.

Something I wrote in Hebrew

I am running a poll on Israel’s morality in handling its foreign affairs. Here’s a first nugget of information that I was able to share from the results:

A very large majority of Jews in Israel believe that Israel is a moral state in its foreign and security policy. Only a few believe that Israel is as moral as an average state in the world, and very few believe that Israel is immoral. But there is one exceptional group. The small group of self-defined “left wingers” (they are about 5% of Jews). It is easiest to see this when comparing the “left” to the group closest to them, to see how different the “left” is from the “center left.” True, even in the center left there are those here who think that Israel is immoral, but mostly there are those who say that it is “average,” not worse than other countries, which, on the whole, is not really a negative opinion. On the other hand, on the left we found a majority—a majority!—who believe that Israel is “somewhat immoral” or “very immoral” (about 25% for every possibility). This is clearly a finding that justifies a claim that the left is exceptional compared to all other groups. 

A week’s numbers

Yes, this is what Jewish Israelis think. 

A reader’s response:

Frank Neumann responded to last week’s article “Who Killed Shireen Abu Akleh?” He writes: “Why did you not mention the attack on her funeral?” Short answer: I didn’t have enough room to discuss it. Another short answer: It is a different issue. And another: It’s possible that policemen were not sensitive enough as they responded to attacks on them by funeral participants. And yet, I would insist on not confusing the attack on police officers with a police response to such attack. 


Shmuel Rosner is senior political editor. For more analysis of Israeli and international politics, visit Rosner’s Domain at jewishjournal.com/rosnersdomain.

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The Fire and the Song – for Sara Naama, My First Born

Thoughts on hearing choir practice at the Ulpana Girls High School in Kiryat Arba, 1995 

You were born

an hour before all Jerusalem

lit bonfires

and next morning

the nurses roamed the halls

seeking the song

a precious crystal tune

new life

in my arms

ecstatic

As you grew

we travelled the land

and the globe

you crawled under the branches

of a bitter almond tree

you learned to walk

upon pebbles once spewed

from an old volcano

you stumbled into the thorns

of a rosebush in Mevaseret

and still you sang

You learned to read and to pray

while snow tumbled through the clouds

and your sisters tumbled about the soft carpet

of a cozy foreign apartment

in view of a white Canadian valley

I cried in pain as one more

entered the world

while downtown, at a home of the elderly,

with gold crown slipping about your braids

you still sang

while the first candle of Hanukkah

glimmered, reflected

in the soft brown eyes

of grandmothers

And back in Judea

you dug your fingers into the dirt

and planted honeysuckle with me

you bought figs from Fatima

and grapes from Ratab

with me

you lit pink and blue candles

whose warmth kissed the Etzion mountains

where Judah prayed to win

you lit white candles

marking your womanhood

and like your namesake

brought more blessing

into our home

and now

outside

you march

with torches in the night

and tears of anger

horses stampede your girlfriends’ smiles

and iron badges chill the spirit

Back in Hebron

where I found

profound 

faith

I am blinded 

by the fire in your soul

as I hear you raise

your voice in song

Hallelujah.

Written on Feb. 8, 1995, during a period of protests in response to Israeli government actions against Jewish demonstrators in the wake of the Oslo accords.


Toby Klein Greenwald is an award-winning journalist, theatre director and editor-in-chief of WholeFamily.com. She and her husband live and have raised their children in Efrat, in Gush Etzion.

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