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July 29, 2021

Deborah Lipstadt Reportedly Selected As Antisemitism Envoy

Deborah Lipstadt has reportedly been selected to serve as the Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism.

Both Jewish Insider and The Forward have reported on the move; Lipstadt has declined to comment to both publications on the matter.

Lipstadt, a Jewish and Holocaust studies professor at Emory University, is the author of the books “Antisemitism Here and Now” and “History on Trial: My Day in Court With a Holocaust Denier”; the latter chronicles when she sued David Irving for defamation after he sued her for calling him a Holocaust denier, while the former won a National Jewish Book award in 2019. She has also been an advocate of changing the spelling of “anti-Semitism” to “antisemitism.”

Representative Ted Deutch (D-FL) praised the reported selection of Lipstadt in a tweet.

“Biden made an excellent choice in selecting Deborah Lipstadt to serve as the State Department’s Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism,” he wrote. “She will bring to this role extensive experience and a deep understanding of historic and modern day antisemitism.

“Especially amid the years-long rise in global antisemitism, Deborah is the leader we need to push governments to take this deadly threat seriously.”

“Mazal tov to the remarkable @deborahlipstadt!” the progressive Zionist organization Zioness tweeted. “An inspired choice by [President Joe Biden and Secretary of State Antony Blinken]!”

 

Mark Weitzmann, Director of Government Affairs at the Simon Wiesenthal Center who had also been a candidate for the job, told Jewish Insider, “She has a history of engaged scholarship. She has a history of being willing to speak out and fight antisemitism when she sees it. And I think she’s got to be a really strong and vigorous advocate for an administration that has committed itself to fighting antisemitism.”

If selected, Lipstadt would succeed Elan Carr in the role, who served from February 2018-January 2021.

Deborah Lipstadt Reportedly Selected As Antisemitism Envoy Read More »

Rutgers Mutual Aid, SJP Accuse Hillel of “Conflating Palestine Advocacy With Antisemitism”

Rutgers Mutual Aid, an organization that connects people in the Rutgers community and is not affiliated with Rutgers University, issued a statement on July 26 targeting Hillel.

The statement, which was signed by Rutgers’ Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP) chapter, among several other organizations, denounced Representative Josh Gottheimer’s (D-NJ) June 29 letter to University President Jonathan Holloway urging the university denounce the “hate-filled misinformation campaign” against Israel. Gottheimer was responding to a statement from the Rutgers lecturers’ union calling for the American Federation for Teachers to “divest itself from all Israeli bonds” and for the Biden administration to cease aid to Israel

“Considering recent events, it is important to send a clear message that all Rutgers students and community members, including those who identify as being Jewish or pro-Israel, will not be singled out, penalized, or made to feel unwelcome at our state’s flagship university,” Gottheimer wrote to Holloway.

The Rutgers Mutual Aid statement accused Gottheimer of spreading “misinformation,” arguing that the union statement was simply expressing “solidarity with oppressed people.”

“Considering Rutgers’ own endowment investments in apartheid Israel, and prominent campus Zionist organizations such as Hillel, with its history of falsely conflating Palestine advocacy with antisemitism, it is pro-Palestine union members, instructors, students and organizers who are most at risk of harassment and least likely to receive support against it.”

The statement then alleged that white supremacy and Zionism are the two biggest threats against the Jewish community, arguing that Zionism “purposely ties all Jews to the Israeli regime and, by extension, its crimes.” They concluded their statement by calling on the university to issue a statement denouncing “all attempts to falsely conflate anti-Zionism with antisemitism” and to combat “the targeted doxing of pro-Palestinian students and faculty members.” Additionally, the statement called on the University Board of Governors and Trustees and Joint Committee to explain why they refuse “to divest from oppression and injustice.”

Jewish on Campus, a social media group started by University of Chicago student Julia Jassey, alleged in a Twitter thread that the Rutgers Mutual Aid statement was “filled with antisemitic blood libels” and amounted to a “call for defunding Hillel.” “By specifically targeting Hillel, an organization established to house and feed Jewish students who were otherwise lacking access to kosher food and dorms, Rutgers Mutual Aid and SJP have targeted individual Jews on campus and held them accountable for the actions of the Israeli government. This statement thus goes directly against a prior statement in the post alleging that Zionism forces ‘the tying of Jews to the Israeli regime, and by extension, its crimes.’”

They added: “The idea that Jews hold dual loyalty to Israel is an age old antisemitic trope popularized by … The Protocols of the Elders of Zion. The dual loyalty trope is the most commonly used antisemitic trope as reported by the Anti-Defamation League in their 2020 data set.” The thread concluded with a call on the university “to stand up for their Jewish students and act against antisemitism on their campus.”

Jewish groups criticized the Rutgers Mutual Aid statement.

“ADL is shocked by this statement suggesting that Rutgers blacklist and halt funding for the Hillel, which represents Jewish life at Rutgers,” Anti-Defamation League (ADL) New York/New Jersey Regional Director Scott Richman said in a statement to the Journal. “Nevermind that Rutgers Hillel, like most Hillels, is not supported by the university. Whether they are or not, this is tantamount to calling for Jews and Jewish life to be ostracized on the Rutgers campus. This is simply wrong and is yet another attempt to conflate the conflict in Israel with Jews in this country, which has deep antisemitic undertones. ADL stands by our partners at Hillel who provide an essential space for Jews and Jewish ideas, and we call on all people of good will to do so as well. We are also deeply grateful for the support that Rutgers University President Holloway has shown to Jewish students and to Rutgers Hillel.”

StandWithUs CEO and Co-Founder Roz Rothstein said in statement to the Journal, “Unfortunately it’s not surprising that anti-Israel activists are attacking a center for Jewish life on campus. They should be ashamed and the university should unequivocally condemn their hateful statement.”

AMCHA Initiative Director Tammi Rossman-Benjamin also said in a statement to the Journal, “Sadly this comes as no surprise. Rutgers has played host to numerous incidents of unaddressed antisemitism. In fact, recently the Rutgers Chancellor and Provost apologized for a statement from them condemning antisemitism, specifically apologizing for the “hurt” their message against antisemitism caused. Their about-face sent a green light to the entire Rutgers community that antisemitism is condoned.

“In the absence of clear leadership against antisemitism, the targeted harassment of Jewish students and Hillel on campus will not only continue, it will get worse. University leaders must make unequivocally clear to the entire Rutgers community that all students will be equally protected against attacks on their freedom of belief and expression. And if they cannot or won’t promise a campus free of harassment, where all students can fully participate in campus life, then parents and students should think twice before attending Rutgers.”

Jewish and pro-Israel Twitter users also criticized the Rutgers Mutual Aid statement.

“Hillel is the largest Jewish campus organization in the world,” Tali Goldsheft, who works in communications, tweeted. “It’s where I spent Shabbat and High Holidays while in college; a home away from home for so many Jewish students. How are you going to tell me this is ok because oh it’s ‘just criticism of the Israeli government’?”

“A campaign against Hillel is a campaign against Jews,” writer Peter Fox tweeted. “If Jewish life on campus bothers you, you’ve been brainwashed, I’m sorry.”

https://twitter.com/thatpeterfox/status/1420836158280454149?s=20

Jewish Insider Managing Editor Melissa Weiss also tweeted, “The thing about Hillel is that it doesn’t just provide a vehicle for Israel programming. It’s kosher meals (which aren’t offered by many schools.) It’s Shabbat and holiday services. It’s community. And it’s there for Zionist and anti-Zionist Jewish students alike.”

Rutgers Hillel posted a statement to their Facebook page that reads: “Rutgers Hillel appreciates the support Member of Congress Josh Gottheimer and Rutgers University President Jonathan Holloway have shown to Jewish students. Campuses have become increasingly hostile to Jewish life amid the national surge in antisemitic hatred, and it is more critical than ever to ensure universities foster an inclusive environment where Jewish and pro-Israel students can live and learn without fear of harassment or abuse. This is especially pertinent to us now as we have recently seen an uptick in antisemitic incidents around the world and at Rutgers.

“Hillel takes seriously our responsibility to help university leadership identify and condemn antisemitism and anti-Israel bias no matter where it comes from. We will continue to partner with the Rutgers administration to ensure that Jewish and pro-Israel student voices are welcome, protected and empowered on campus and that Rutgers remains a great place to be Jewish.”

The university, Rutgers Mutual Aid and Rutgers’ SJP chapters all did not respond to the Journal’s requests for comment by publication time.

UPDATE: Both Rutgers Mutual Aid and SJP told Jewish Telegraphic Agency (JTA) in an August 4 story that they didn’t actually call for defunding Rutgers Hillel, and ADL New York / New Jersey Regional Director Scott Richman admitted to JTA that the SJP statement doesn’t actually call for defunding Hillel, though he expressed concern that the statement was “ostracizing a Jewish institution and Jewish students on campus.”

Jewish on Campus CEO Julia Jassey told JTA that she had interpreted the statement as a call to defund Hillel because the statement urged “the university to divest from ‘oppression and injustice’ and ‘apartheid Israel,’ and they label Rutgers Hillel as a ‘prominent campus Zionist organization’ complicit in oppression and injustice in the very same sentence,” although JTA noted that the call to divest and the Hillel accusation were in different paragraphs. Pro-Israel activist Hen Mazzig told JTA that he still believes the statement called for defunding Hillel because they listed “Hillel as one Zionist organization the university is investing in, and knowing that one of the actions [endorsed] in the full statement was divestment.”

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Dear Ben and Jerry: Ignorance is Not a Jewish Value

In a joint op-ed this week in The New York Times, the founders of Ben & Jerry’s, Ben Cohen and Jerry Greenfield, gave their “unequivocal support” to their company’s recent announcement to end business in “Occupied Palestinian Territory.”

“While we no longer have any operational control of the company we founded in 1978,” they wrote, “we’re proud of its action and believe it is on the right side of history. In our view, ending the sales of ice cream in the occupied territories is one of the most important decisions the company has made in its 43-year history.”

Why do they feel so strongly about this move, given that they call themselves “supporters of the State of Israel?” Because it “aligns its business and operations with its progressive values” and advances “the concepts of justice and human rights, core tenets of Judaism.”

Well, one core tenet of Judaism it does not advance is the seeking of knowledge. 

Had Ben and Jerry gone beyond the one-sided clichés of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, they would have learned, for example, that the biggest enemy of the Palestinian people is their own corrupt leadership.

Had Ben and Jerry gone beyond the one-sided clichés of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, they would have learned, for example, that the biggest enemy of the Palestinian people is their own corrupt leadership. For decades, these despots have marinated their society in Jew-hatred, while funding and glorifying terrorism and using international aid to fatten their bank accounts. It’s not a coincidence that these failed leaders have rejected three Israeli peace offers that would have ended the occupation.

It makes one wonder: What incentive do Palestinian leaders have to end the occupation when they see what a useful weapon it has become? As long as they keep saying no, the international money keeps rolling in and they get to enjoy op-eds of Jews bashing the Jewish state based on “Jewish values.” And they’ve learned through the years that as long as they refuse to end the conflict, the global anti-Israel movement will march on. 

What incentive do Palestinian leaders have to end the occupation when they see what a useful weapon it has become?

Why did Ben and Jerry not show a desire to go deeper and better understand a complicated conflict? Maybe because the messy truth didn’t fit their easy narrative.

Regardless of how one feels about Israeli policies, the messy truth is that chronic Palestinian rejectionism, more than any other factor, has defined the conflict. Had Ben and Jerry done just a little homework, they would have learned that the intent to eliminate the Jewish state predates any Jewish settlements. It’s a fact that when the PLO was founded in 1964 as a militant anti-Israel movement, there was not one Jewish settlement.

Israel has made its share of mistakes, but in the old days, before peace became a pipe dream, it was the Jewish state that stuck its neck out and made significant compromises to try to resolve the conflict. Palestinian leaders, who may have panicked when Israel called their bluff, couldn’t even bring themselves to make a counter offer.

By neglecting that complexity and taking the easy way out, you have reinforced the narrative of antisemites the world over.

Dear Ben and Jerry: If you’re going to cover yourself in Jewish values, go all the way. Delving into complexity in the search for truth is one of the great Jewish values. By neglecting that complexity and taking the easy way out, you have reinforced the narrative of antisemites who malign Israel as a peace-hating, oppressive country, and elevate corrupt, terror-promoting Palestinian leaders as helpless victims.

That’s not Jewish or peace-loving, it’s just ignorant.

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Did Simone Biles Do Us All a Favor?

Twenty-five years ago, while watching the 1996 Summer Olympic Games on television, I got into a fight with my mother.

“That poor girl needs to go to the hospital!” my mother yelled as she watched American gymnast Kerri Strug collapse during a vault jump. We weren’t in Atlanta, but even we could see that Strug had hurt her ankle. No one could land the way she did without sustaining a major injury.

“No!” I shouted with the misguided zeal of a child who had an overdeveloped sense of achievement, “She needs to finish! America has to win the gold medal!”

“Would you keep going if you broke your foot like that on the playground with your friends?” my mother asked.

“I would break my foot just to have some more friends!” I snorted. In my defense, it had taken a few years for me to really trust the American kids, especially the beautiful, blonde ones. “Just one more vault!” I yelled.

That second vault, as it turned out, won the U.S. women’s gymnastics team (“The Magnificent Seven,” as they were called) its first gold medal in history. It also ended Strug’s career at the age of 18, forcing her to retire.

In hindsight, my mother was right. I couldn’t feel Strug’s pain; all I could smell was the redeeming aroma of a gold medal just minutes within reach. It reminded me of every classroom pop quiz and playground race I felt I had to “win” in order to not let others down.

But my mother, being a mother, watched only the screen and saw a child in agony.

Few Americans that summer could forget the seemingly heroic sight of coach Bela Karolyi, who encouraged Strug to keep going, and then, after she performed, carried her off the mat (and toward now-convicted doctor Larry Nassar). Strug later said regarding the injury that she actually heard her ankle pop when she landed.

Since learning that four-time Olympic gold medalist Simone Biles, considered by many to be the GOAT (“Greatest of All Time”), withdrew from multiple gymnastic competitions in the Tokyo Olympic Games this week, I found myself thinking a lot about that moment in Atlanta, when Strug was touted as a national hero.

Of course, she was a hero. She was also never able to get atop a vault again.

In addition to the physical and emotional pain (not to mention her long road to recovery), it seems that Strug was, in one way or another, forced to mortgage her future. One can only imagine what brilliance she would have displayed at the 2000 and 2004 Olympic games.

I now wonder whether I would forever sacrifice my ability to do something I truly loved, if it meant getting the highest prize and taking one for the team. It’s a more difficult question than it seems. A fool would argue that bones break, but gold lasts forever. But is anything worth that kind of sacrifice?

A fool would argue that bones break, but gold lasts forever. But is anything worth that kind of sacrifice?

There have been many inevitable comparisons between Strug and Biles this week. Most of us know about (or have Googled) Strug’s Olympics performance, but few know what transpired minutes before Strug took to the vault: Then-fourteen-year-old American gymnast Dominique Moceanu fell during her landing on the first vault (enduring a tibial stress fracture); she again fell during the landing of the second vault (Why was she even forced to get back on the vault? She should have been getting a cervical spine exam).

When Moceanu fell, a collective gasp descended over the crowd. Karolyi and the American team were demoralized, which had them hoping for salvation from the next competitor: Strug. The pressure to perform and succeed was now greater than ever. Even the announcer declared, “Keri Strug. It is up to her.”

But Strug stumbled during her first vault landing and limped off of the mat. In a 2013 video called “My Olympic Moment,” she admits to thinking the following seconds after her injury: “Whatever is in my ankle is just gonna go away. It has to. This is the Olympics.” She turned to Karolyi, who famously affirmed again and again, “You can do it!”

Strug had only one more chance to bring her team to gold, and so she walked back up to the vault. The moment she landed on that injured ankle again is agonizing to watch. She managed to pull herself off of the mat with her knees (a heartbreaking sight), and the announcer ominously said, “Keri Strug is hurt.” But the audience seemed too bewildered with thunderous applause to even notice. If it had been me, I would have shouted expletives, sobbed and screamed again. But I am human, not an Olympic gymnast.

Strug was quickly bandaged up, but if you watch closely, you’ll see that she is the only American to stand on the podium without any pants. I don’t know whether the pants would have fit over her bandages, but someone must have been in such a rush to send Strug up to that podium that she wasn’t even afforded the dignity of pants. To me, that’s the ultimate metaphor for how the Olympics unintentionally put medals ahead of humans (and, in some cases, women).

That’s the problem when we don’t see people, but performers. Elena Mukhina, the 1978 women’s gymnastics world champion, broke her leg before the 1980 Olympics, but her Russian coaches told her to keep training. During one practice, her weak leg couldn’t withstand the dangerous Thomas Salto artistic move (which is now banned), and she landed on her chin, breaking her neck. She became a quadraplegic at age 20, and died at 46.

I’m not likening Biles to Mukhina. But in stepping aside and choosing her mental health, Biles may have done us all a favor.

Who, especially in the last seventeen months of a soul-crushing pandemic, hasn’t thought of stepping aside or walking away? I know young mothers who temporarily hide in closets; children who stay beneath the covers lest there’s another Zoom-based instruction session; fathers who wear thick headphones and pray for five minutes of quiet; and workers who hold their tongues and look the other way as they’re verbally abused, yet again, by customers who won’t comply with requests to wear masks.

Yes, there are some who have criticized Biles, but they’re outliers. In fact, the generally warm (and self-identifying) way with which most of us have received Biles is a signal of the times: Imagine if Biles had competed during the Cold War and withdrawn; she would have been booed upon her return to the airport and accused of handing the gold medal to the Russians. I don’t even think Biles would have received such encouragement and compassion 25 years ago (one can only imagine how much Strug would have been criticized if she’d walked away after the first vault).

But that’s precisely why Biles is receiving so much support from former gymnasts around the world. If anyone gets it, it’s them, and not us. In fact, many of us are guilty of staying up late to watch the Olympics, and then cursing at the screen when our team doesn’t win a medal. I know one friend who woke up in the middle of the night to watch the games, then shouted at losing athletes on the screen, “I woke up at 4. a.m. for you!”

But that’s precisely why Biles is receiving so much support from former gymnasts around the world. If anyone gets it, it’s them, and not us.

Biles’ predicament has made me realize that I never want to be called the “Greatest of all Time” with regard to anything (unless it’s haggling at a bazaar—a skill I mastered in Iran before the age of 5). I think I’d be perfectly happy being called “Sporadically Above Average.”

In fact, I mean no disparagement in saying that, from now on, whenever I choose my precious mental health first, I will gratefully acknowledge having “pulled a Simone Biles.”


Tabby Refael is a Los Angeles-based writer, speaker and civic action activist. Follow her on Twitter @RefaelTabby

 

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Bungling Arizona’s Holocaust Education Bill

The multi-year effort to pass a Holocaust Education bill in Arizona bore fruit on July 9, when Governor Ducey announced he signed HB2241. Before arriving on the Governor’s desk, the bill was subject to a “strike everything” amendment by Senator Paul Boyer. A “strike everything” amendment is a versatile legislative instrument, often used to bypass certain procedural deadlines to fast track revisions or whole new bills on a shortened timeline. Boyer’s “striker” bill copied the text of the original Holocaust bill, with one additional page: an added provision that Holocaust Education must adhere to the guidelines outlined in the IHRA definition of antisemitism. The original bill did not include the IHRA definition.

Per Arizona procedure, Boyer’s amendment would have to pass the Senate, then required approval from the sponsors of the original Holocaust Education bill to proceed to a final vote in in the Arizona House of Representatives.

Just a year earlier, in 2020, a bill containing the IHRA definition passed the House, breezing through with bipartisan support to a final vote of 52-8.

After that vote, the 2020 bill was sent to the Senate, but not without controversy. Antizionist activists, in league with the ACLU, targeted the Senate with a campaign against the IHRA, recycling the false yet pervasive claim that defining antisemitism is tantamount to a state-sponsored crackdown on free speech. The ACLU letter was signed by characters like Amer Zahr and Marc Lamont Hill, among others.

The 2020 campaign against the IHRA caused enough stir for Democratic Representative Alma Hernandez and Republican Senate President Karen Fann to respond with a letter to colleagues, addressing misinformation spreading on social media, with straightforward clarifications about the IHRA definition.

Due to the pandemic, the 2020 IHRA bill never came to a Senate vote, delaying any showdown over the definition until the next legislative session. The campaign attacking the IHRA, though unable to claim any specific victory, pushed hard enough to cause an attitudinal shift toward the IHRA definition, even among its previously strongest advocates.

The campaign attacking the IHRA, though unable to claim any specific victory, pushed hard enough to cause an attitudinal shift toward the IHRA definition, even among its previously strongest advocates.

Democratic Representative Athena Salman was one of the eight in the House to vote against the IHRA definition in 2020. Months after the vote, on December 2, She was interviewed by the aforementioned Amer Zahr. She claimed responsibility for stopping the earlier legislation, boasting, “Fortunately we were actually able to stop that bill this year.” She warned that the IHRA definition is “a very dangerous piece of legislation,” and insisted, “I know for a fact that because I’m in the legislature, I was able to do a lot of organizing on the inside in tandem with people organizing on the outside.” She added, “I think if I wasn’t there, that thing [the IHRA definition] would have sailed through.”

Conversely, only a month later in January of 2021, Representative Alma Hernandez, who previously lobbied in support of the IHRA definition, sponsored a Holocaust Education bill that excluded the IHRA definition(HB2241). Regarding the IHRA definition, Hernandez told Jewish insider, “I won’t be bringing it this year” because it was “too much drama.”

In April, three months after the Holocaust Education bill was officially sponsored, it was reported that Republican Senator Paul Boyer was advocating for including the IHRA definition in the Holocaust Education Bill via an amendment.

Shortly thereafter, Representative Hernandez published a statement responding to Boyer. She unequivocally stated that she will not support any amendment to her Holocaust Education bill, asserting, “Proponents of the IHRA definition, of which I am one, should run separate legislation instead of attempting to seize this bill.”

When Hernandez went public with her position, mainstream Jewish, Holocaust and pro-Israel organizations that support the IHRA definition in any other context seemed to line up behind Hernandez with unquestioning faith.

Jacob Milner of the AJC stated, “While we support the IHRA definition in Holocaust Education as a general matter, we do believe that it’s better to pass an otherwise sound Holocaust Education bill without IHRA than to not have a Holocaust Education bill.”

Ari Morgenstern of CUFI stated, “In Arizona, it is our understanding that it would be best, based on the timeline, to advance appropriate IHRA policy separate from the Holocaust Education bill.”

Tammy Gillies of the ADL stated, “Certainly the IHRA definition serves a useful purpose, but we’re not looking for it to be codified into law.” On Twitter, she added, “There is no need to politicize Holocaust Education.”

Paul Rockower of the JCRC of Greater Phoenix stated, “While we do support the use of the IHRA definition in a variety of contexts, we believe there are more appropriate avenues to address the public policy in Arizona statutes.”

StandWithUs initially opposed the decision to pass the bill without the IHRA, but then promptly retracted their opposition and fell in line. They released a statement saying, “While we continue to believe IHRA is critical, we also support swift passage of the Holocaust Education bill. We respect Rep. Hernandez and other stakeholders who want to advance these important priorities.”

In May, Boyer’s IHRA bill passed the Senate with a final vote of 16-14. Not a single Democrat supported the bill. By the time of the vote, Representative Hernandez and others had already forcefully rejected the notion of including the IHRA definition in this Holocaust Education bill, thus truly rendering the definition a bipartisan issue.

During the vote, Senator Martin Quezada, a young progressive endorsed by Bernie Sanders, stood up to announce that he supported Holocaust Education because of the rise in “Populist and fascist white nationalism,” but, “despite that problem,” he continued, “There’s a strong and well-funded lobbying effort that’s underway right now to take advantage of this [antisemitism] crisis to redefine antisemitism as any criticism of the state of Israel.”

According to Quezada, the IHRA definition, which explicitly states that criticism of Israel is not antisemitic, is part of a well-funded Zionist conspiracy to trick people by “taking advantage” of antisemitic violence. His painfully ironic statement features both a condemnation of fascism and fascist conspiracy theories about Jews.

Senator Juan Mendez, another young progressive, also rose to declare that he would vote for Holocaust Education because “America has a problem with hate,” but added he would be voting against the IHRA definition because it “goes way too far.”

To support his position, Mendez read off a list of established Jewish organizations who had spoken out against the IHRA definition on behalf of the bill’s sponsors. He boasted, “All of these Jewish community groups that are opposed to this language agree with me.” He also expressed concern that the IHRA definition would lead to arrests of Palestinian activists and “upend the Palestinian narrative.” The short speech concluded by referencing mainstream Jewish organizations, again: “A large part of the Jewish community is against this [the IHRA definition] and that’s why I’ll be voting no.”

The bill passed the Senate despite the misinformation, absurd statements and partisanship. From there, Boyer’s bill was sent to its final destination in the House, where, on June 30th, it was brought before the sponsors of the original bill for their refusal or concurrence. By this stage the decision was a foregone conclusion; the sponsors elected to “refuse” the amendment. The bill proceeded to a final vote without the IHRA definition and was signed two weeks later by Governor Ducey.

In refusing the IHRA definition, Representative Aaron Lieberman explained:

“I think in situations like this, it is super important that we listen directly to the voices, in particular when you’re dealing with the Holocaust, of the Jewish community. And among the groups that have reached out to me directly on this, opposing this, are…” and he proceeded to read a list of Jewish organizations similar to those of Juan Mendez. He concluded by saying, “For all those reasons [the list of organizations], I’m refusing to concur with the amendment.”

Lieberman and the other sponsors of HB2241 lobbied Jewish organizations to support the bill without the IHRA, and then, when it came time to officially “refuse,” the sponsors abdicated responsibility and blamed the decision on those organizations to whom they appealed for support.

The main concerns expressed by the original sponsors—delays due to procedure or partisanship, with a full context of the events—are evidently inadequate explanations for not including the IHRA definition in this statewide mandated Holocaust education. While the sponsors’ assessment of those challenges may have been legitimate, the sponsors had a full year to address the misinformation surrounding the IHRA definition and organize support. While those eight House opponents of the definition organized, the supporters of the definition, who were sitting on a 52-seat advantage, abandoned any bipartisan potentiality and chose to capitulate to antisemitic forces. In doing so, they compelled mainstream Jewish organizations to follow them in supporting a peculiar premise where Holocaust Education and antisemitism education are somehow separate subjects.

In capitulating over the IHRA definition, policymakers passed a Holocaust Education bill with no protections, leaving open the potential for abuses. The evidence for this possibility is ample, but could be just as easily seen by those two state Senators, Quezada and Mendez, who claimed to support Holocaust Education while subscribing to pernicious ideas about Jewish people. Similar radicals with similar worldviews may very well be the people teaching Arizona’s newly-mandated Holocaust Education to the next generation of leaders in Arizona.

In capitulating over the IHRA definition, policymakers passed a Holocaust Education bill with no protections, leaving open the potential for abuses.

As a result of this process, moving forward, Holocaust Education bills targeted with similar attacks over the IHRA definition will have to contend with an established precedent in Arizona, where the definition was rejected. Opponents of the IHRA, in seats of power right now, have statements on record from prominent and mainstream Jewish organizations, supporting the exclusion of the IHRA definition from Holocaust Education due to this bungled process.

With the passing of the Holocaust Education bill, the earlier dispute over the IHRA definition was forgotten or explained away. Following the announcement came an outpouring of collective elation for the supposed legislative victory. A polarized Jewish community, increasingly fractured along the right-left political divide and under duress from increased attacks, finally had cause for a unified celebration.

Sadly, the success story of Arizona’s Holocaust Education bill trembles on weak knees, false premises and a skewed public narrative. Beyond the public facade, the full story of HB2241 reveals yet another instance of capitulation and malfeasance from certain leaders in the established American Jewish leadership.


Joe Duenas is an independent writer and filmmaker. His latest film, “The Conspiracy Libel,” covers the history of antisemitic conspiracy theory before the Holocaust.

 

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My Year of Living Resiliently

I remember my first long flight to Israel as a five-year-old-girl piled on top of my siblings, just trying to sleep through it all. My parents’ great desire was to instill in us a deep, passionate connection to the land. Since then, I’ve had many memorable trips to the Holy Land. As I reflect on these trips, I realize that my parents ignited the spark for my connection to Israel, but my year in Israel kindled a flame.

In February 2020, I planned to graduate high school and go straight to Washington University in St. Louis. I was excited to be on my own and experience real independence for the first time. Then my plans imploded. COVID-19 emerged and the world turned upside down. I had the choice to start college online or do a gap year in Israel, where I would attend a seminary along with other Jewish students my age.

I had experienced everything Israel has to offer, I thought. Why did I need to go back? On the other hand, Israel was the easier option, so it’s the one I chose. I didn’t realize that Israel would have its own obstacles and surprises to share with me.

As I boarded the flight to Tel Aviv, I was filled with anxiety and uncertainty. I cried the entire way from Los Angeles to New York. When I arrived, I called my Abba and told him to “call it off,” but he told me to keep going. I was leaving my LA friends, my family, the beautiful beach sunsets, and for what?

At the luggage claim in Tel Aviv, I instantly bonded with my first friend. She offered to help me with my bags and I knew she was going to be my best friend. Immediately, the seminary students were loaded onto busses and driven to Kibbutz Almog in the hot Negev. It felt like a fever dream. My first two weeks were spent with strangers in a place where 100-degree heat was considered a cool day. I was desperate to procure simple, fresh vegetables. I called my mom: “SOS! I need food.” The next day, two angels, Yigal and Shifra, arrived bearing the best gifts—10 bags of fresh groceries. My new friends were amazed. I realized only in Israel would someone drive from Hebron to Almog just to deliver groceries to me. Yigal and Shifra opened my heart and eyes to truly see the people of Israel for the first time.

But things were about to get more difficult. When the travelers’ quarantine ended I was not allowed to leave the radius of the room. Trapped in my school, my dreams of doing my own thing evaporated quickly. I couldn’t see friends from home, sit in a restaurant or even go out for shabbat. But the challenge allowed me to bond with the girls at my school in a way I never expected. This created yet another reason for me to stay.

After my five months at seminary, Israel began to roll out its vaccination program. I received my first vaccine, and everything seemed to be looking up until the school had a COVID outbreak. I left campus to quarantine alone in an Old City apartment. Once again, only in Israel, two incredible women took amazing care of me, bringing me lunch, dinner, snacks and activities so I would never feel alone. I was treated like a princess and didn’t want the quarantine to end.

By March, I had already been in Israel for an extremely challenging six months. I realized my view of Israel had changed. As the country began to open, I immediately felt welcomed into the extended Israeli community. Everywhere I went there was an opportunity to celebrate simchas and everyday life. Israel was opening and I was open to new experiences. I tried delicious vegan southern food in Mitzpe Rimon, joined strangers who made me feel I was a part of their shul for a Torah dedication, and, believe it or not (Sorry mom!), I jumped out of an airplane. Yom Ha’Atzmaut was unforgettable. Perched on a rooftop (thank you Eli Beer) in Tel Aviv I watched with pride as a military formation flew overhead. I felt like a part of Am Yisroel, filled with energy, optimism and love of the land.

I felt like a part of Am Yisroelfilled with energy, optimism and love of the land.

But just as I started to feel a sense of normalcy, the ground started shifting again. The mood in the country changed abruptly. The Meron tragedy on Lag BaOmer plummeted the entire nation into acute pain and turmoil. I attended the funeral of Donny Morris, a boy my age and someone I had never met. I stood with over a thousand Jews mourning together as a community. This experience changed me forever. I had never heard euologies like the ones spoken in his memory. How is it possible that someone so young could make such an impact? All of the people of Israel came together to mourn Donny, and the lessons they learned from the euologies opened their hearts.

Sadly, as the community was beginning to heal from the Meron tragedy, the country once again was under siege. I was dancing, singing, celebrating and waving flags with thousands of people at the Yom Yerushalayim parade. Suddenly, the sirens sounded and the parade paused. We ducked to the ground and covered our heads from incoming rockets. I felt exposed and vulnerable but I knew the Iron Dome was protecting me. I had a clash of emotions. The sirens stopped, people stood up and continued the celebration onto the Rova with quintessential Israeli resilience.

With the war now a full blown reality, my parents wanted me to come home. I packed up eight months of my life in two days. I didn’t have time to say a proper goodbye to my friends. The war was raging and my parents were concerned. I was booked on an El Al flight for the next day not knowing if it was even going to take off with what was happening in the country.

Once at Ben Gurion, my flight was repeatedly delayed. Finally they announced permission to board. I stood in line, feeling confident that I would finally be going home. Suddenly, people who had already boarded were running toward me. Outside the airport window, I saw flashing lights and rockets flying overhead. The red alarm blared, and I rushed to a bomb shelter. This LA girl was in the middle of a war.

This LA girl was in the middle of a war.

Strangers in the bomb shelter came together as a community, comforting and taking care of one another. We were strangers, but we took care of one another.

Finally, we were released from the bomb shelter and within 40 minutes we were in the sky. Ten hours into the flight, the pilot announced that all the luggage had been left behind because shrapnel damage on the original runway required them to use a shorter runway. They had to unload all of the luggage at the last minute for lift off.

We were strangers, but we took care of one another.

I flew to Israel crying and filled with uncertainty. I returned with deep emotions and gratitude for my experience. As I reflect on my year, I can say wholeheartedly that I wouldn’t have wanted it to be any other way. I learned so much about myself, Israel and my personal resilience. I went in feeling alone and scared, without friends or family, but I left with the strength of an entire community by my side. I now know why I was there.


Sonya Kest lives in Los Angeles. She graduated from Yula girls high school in 2020 and will be attending Washington University in St. Louis this August. 

 

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Parenting Lessons from the Holy One — A poem for Torah Portion Eikev

Do not say to yourself…”Because of my righteousness,
God has brought me to possess this land…
     Deuteronomy 9:4

We brought our kid to Jewish camp two weeks ago.
We armed him with all the socks he could need, face masks
in his preferred color, and every essential one could
need in the wilderness.

All we asked was that he write us postcards
even just one, so we had a sense that he was alive.
We wrote him by the system provided every single day,
but our trips to the mailbox proved fruitless.

We made it so easy…the postcards already stamped
and with our address on them. They were tiny too,
barely space to write three words
He could have written I am alive.

Even send back a blank postcard and he could
tell us later he thought we were psychic.
I would have found that hilarious! But now,
less than a week before we pick him up

and we don’t even know if he’ll still be there.
We’ll dutifully show up. We’ll pile his dirt
into our trunk. We’ll take him to brunch.
We’ll take him to goddammed Hawaii.

We won’t do these things to reward righteous behavior
but because this is what he has been promised.
This is our obligation as parents. We would bring him
to the wilderness, and then carry him

back across the river to his promised land.
This is how the Israelites got across their river
despite decades of complaining and a golden calf,
despite rebellions and broken tablets.

The Parent of all parents would not leave
His children in the desert.
and neither will we.


God Wrestler: a poem for every Torah Portion by Rick LupertLos Angeles poet Rick Lupert created the Poetry Super Highway (an online publication and resource for poets), and hosted the Cobalt Cafe weekly poetry reading for almost 21 years. He’s authored 25 collections of poetry, including “God Wrestler: A Poem for Every Torah Portion“, “I’m a Jew, Are You” (Jewish themed poems) and “Feeding Holy Cats” (Poetry written while a staff member on the first Birthright Israel trip), and most recently “The Tokyo-Van Nuys Express” (Poems written in Japan – Ain’t Got No Press, August 2020) and edited the anthologies “Ekphrastia Gone Wild”, “A Poet’s Haggadah”, and “The Night Goes on All Night.” He writes the daily web comic “Cat and Banana” with fellow Los Angeles poet Brendan Constantine. He’s widely published and reads his poetry wherever they let him.

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What Happens When We Are No Longer Hated?

Heschel HaLevi was born in the city of Trier on April 15, 1777. His father and grandfather had served as the local rabbi, and his older brother Samuel would eventually become the rabbi as well. When Heschel married in 1814, he married the granddaughter of a rabbi, Henriette Pressburg.

Heschel trained as a lawyer. But when Napoleon was defeated in 1815, Jewish rights were rolled back, and Jews in Prussia could no longer practice law. Heschel appealed and asked for an exemption, but to no avail.

Finally, Heschel took the step of converting to the Lutheran church in order to preserve his career, and changed his name to Heinrich Marx. A few years later, he converted his wife and his children, including a precocious son by the name of Karl.

It may seem extraordinary to us now that the son of a rabbi would convert so readily. But Heinrich Marx was not exceptional. The German-Jewish historian Heinrich Graetz estimated that about 50% of Berlin Jews in the late-18th and early-19th century converted (although others dispute this figure). Many of these Jewish converts to Christianity did not see conversion as a betrayal of their roots, and remained connected to the Jewish community. Heinrich Marx would continue to maintain warm relations with his brother Samuel, the Rabbi of Trier, and with the members of the Trier Jewish community. To Heschel HaLevi, accepting Christianity was simply a stepping stone to his success and the success of his children.

Indeed, what motivated the turn of the century conversions was not persecution; it was success. Despite prejudicial laws, Jews at the time were far more prominent than before, and had celebrated achievements. But they wanted more. Deborah Hertz in “How Jews Became Germans: The History of Conversion and Assimilation in Berlin” writes that many of the Jewish converts saw conversion to Christianity as an act of personal and cultural emancipation; they were not embracing Christianity, but rather the idea of being fully German. One of the more famous converts, Heinrich Heine, quipped that a conversion to Christianity was “a ticket of admission to European culture.” Upwardly mobile German Jews were already successful; but conversion gave them the possibility of entering exclusive circles and professions. By converting to Christianity they could realize their bourgeois dreams.

What happened in Berlin at the turn of the 19th century is a preview of the next 250 years. Jews in the Middle Ages had to struggle with hatred and antisemitism; they may have achieved material success, but were always outsiders, subject to official and unofficial discrimination. But in the contemporary era, Jews have achieved equal rights and integrated into the mainstream; and now, in the United States and elsewhere, Jews are full members of society. But this has not brought to American Jews a golden age of Judaism; on the contrary, it has increased assimilation.

The correlation between Jewish rights and assimilation raises a difficult question: what happens when we are no longer hated? Critics of Judaism have argued that Jews may very well disappear without antisemitism. Baruch Spinoza wrote that the Jews managed to retain their identity in exile only because of antisemitism. “As to their continuance so long after dispersion and the loss of empire,” he wrote, “there is nothing marvellous in it, for they so separated themselves from every other nation as to draw down upon themselves universal hate … that they have been preserved in great measure by Gentile hatred, experience demonstrates.” This theory sees Jewish identity as a reaction, a refusal to bow to the harshness of antisemitism; and without antisemitism, the Jews would disappear. Based on his theory, less hatred of the Jews should lead to fewer Jews.

Spinoza dismissed the value of Jewish identity, which is why he needed to explain Jewish survival. And a supporter of Spinoza’s theory might feel vindicated by contemporary assimilation, which they might see as the disappearance of a people whose survival was purely an act of defiance.

However, Spinoza’s theory doesn’t account for the fact that assimilation predates exile. The Torah itself predicts assimilation multiple times; in our own Torah reading it says “Beware that you do not forget the Lord your God … lest—when you have eaten and are full, and have built beautiful houses and dwell in them. When your herds and your flocks multiply, and your silver and your gold are multiplied, and all that you have is multiplied; when your heart is lifted up, and you forget the Lord your God …” (Deuteronomy 8:11-14).

The Torah sees decadence as the cause of assimilation; the worship of success gets in the way of the worship of God. Assimilation is not directly caused by a lack of persecution, and even occurred in the Jewish Commonwealth in Biblical times. Rather, it is materialism that impacts Jewish identity. Whenever success is more important than spirituality, and fame and fortune become the ultimate goal of life, Judaism will slowly disappear.

Whenever success is more important than spirituality, and fame and fortune become the ultimate goal of life, Judaism will slowly disappear.

Rabbi Ovadiah Seforno takes this lesson a step further. In his commentary to Deuteronomy 8:2, he says that it is a nisayon, a test of character, to have every material need provided for. Confronting difficult conditions is a nisayon, but so too is the pursuit of happiness; it is easy to lose our soul when we have everything we need. And while Jews have managed to survive centuries of Crusades, inquisitions, massacres and pogroms, we find ourselves unequipped to handle equal opportunity and material success.

In the last two centuries, American Jews have come a long way in overcoming discrimination. They have asserted their rights, and made a point of opening up previously restricted private clubs to Jewish membership. Rabbi Jonathan Sacks z”l  would joke that perhaps that’s the way to fill up empty synagogues: just put up large signs outside synagogues declaring “no Jews allowed,” because contemporary Jews would make certain to get into any restricted institution! Sadly, for too many Jews, getting into the restricted golf club is more important than returning to a neglected synagogue.

Sadly, for too many Jews, getting into the restricted golf club is more important than returning to a neglected synagogue.

Throughout history, Jews have been able to handle adversity; but as of yet, we haven’t figured out how to handle success. We have to reconnect to our mission, remember “that man shall not live by bread alone,” and that our commitment to covenant, community and character is the only way forward.


Rabbi Chaim Steinmetz is the Senior Rabbi of Congregation Kehilath Jeshurun in New York.

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Mercedes-Benz Must Crack Down on Antisemitism and Support for Iran

The New York University political theorist Bertell Ollman advised his students in the late 1980s to first read the business section of the New York Times, so they will know what happens before the news later appears on the front page as political events.

Plainly put, economics plays a decisive role in political events. This is certainly the case in Germany.

Human rights concerns, the fight to combat Jew-hatred, and Western values have never been front and center in animating Germany’s domestic and foreign policies.

The business of Germany is exports, which explains why an approach aimed at German business is required if one wishes to affect the country’s political superstructure. Working the other way around has proven to be largely futile.

Political leaders in the southwestern state of Baden-Württemberg have shown no desire to end their promotion of BDS and support for the clerical regime in Tehran. To change this state-sponsored antisemitism, the focus needs to be on the international automobile giant Mercedes-Benz, whose headquarters is located in the state’s capital city, Stuttgart.

BDS is an abbreviation for the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions campaign that targets Israel. According to the resolutions passed by the German and Austrian federal parliaments, BDS is an antisemitic movement.

The state government and city of Stuttgart furnish a bank account, via their near 50% ownership in the Baden-Württembergische Bank (BW-Bank), to an organization devoted to destroying the Jewish state, the pro-BDS Palestine Committee Stuttgart.

Michael Blume, the commissioner tasked with combating antisemitism in Baden-Württemberg, along with the state’s Governor Winifried Kretschmann and Interior Minister Thomas Strobl, have refused to take actions against the BDS account.

Winfried Kretschmann, incumbent governor of Baden-Wuerttemberg and member of the German Greens Party (Buendnis 90/Die Gruenen), speaks to supporters at a Baden-Wuerttemberg state election rally on March 9, 2016 in Stuttgart, Germany. (Photo by Sean Gallup/Getty Images)

In fact, Blume, who has faced accusations over the years of trafficking in antisemitism, liked a Facebook post equating Zionists with Nazis.

Rabbi Abraham Cooper, Associate Dean of the Los Angeles-based Simon Wiesenthal Center, said regarding the BW-Bank: “They should follow the decisions by some of Germany’s most prominent banks to end any relationship with the antisemitic BDS movement. In 2021, everyone knows what BDS’s goal is: The elimination of the Jewish state.”

Blume has also made no effort to encourage Germans not to buy Ben and Jerry’s ice cream due to the company’s BDS activity.

The university city of Freiburg retains its twin city partnership with the Iranian city of Isfahan. The clerical regime in Isfahan holds an annual al-Quds Day rally promoting the destruction of the Jewish state. The eliminatory antisemitism of the authorities in Isfahan has not fazed Blume or municipal leaders in Freiburg.

As for the German automaker, “Leading managers of Daimler-Benz lent valuable assistance to the National Socialists before Hitler became Chancellor in 1933,” Bernard P. Bellon writes in “Mercedes in Peace and War: German Automobile Workers, 1903-1945.”

“The corporation even claimed that it was responsible for ‘helping to motorize the [Nazi] movement.’”

“On a massive scale, Daimler-Benz threw tens of thousands of men and women, including foreign workers and concentration camp inmates, into the battle to produce engines for the German air force,” Bellon writes.

According to the New York Times, “Daimler-Benz used Jewish women from the concentration camps at Ravensbruck and Sachsenhausen as worker-slaves. One group of female inmates working at Daimler-Benz was moved back to Sachsenhausen in the final weeks of the war, apparently to be gassed. They survived to tell the tale when the camp’s gas chamber failed to function.”

In 1944, Mercedes-Benz employed about 46,000 forced laborers, about 15 percent of whom were Jews. In 1988, the company announced it would pay nearly $12 million in compensation (about $260 per employee).

If Mercedez-Benz seeks to internalize the lessons of its role in the obliteration of European Jewry, it can use its leverage to influence change in the recalcitrant positions of its host state’s leaders.

If Mercedez-Benz seeks to internalize the lessons of its role in the obliteration of European Jewry, it can use its leverage to influence change in the recalcitrant positions of its host state’s leaders.

What can the automobile giant do? First, it can announce it will relocate all of its production operations, or some of them, to a German state that does not sponsor BDS and help to mainstream the Iranian regime’s lethal antisemitism against Israel.

Thanks to U.S. sanctions and the efforts of former U.S. Ambassador to Germany Richard Grenell, in 2018 Mercedes-Benz announced a freeze of its operations in Iran.

If Mercedes-Benz decides to remain inactive against the antisemitism and pro-Iranian regime policies of its headquarters state, consumers should take this into account when purchasing cars.

Baden-Württemberg is a dangerous place for Jews to live and has become arguably the most antisemitic state in Germany. Kretschmann, Strobl and Blume remained largely indifferent to the case of Serkan P., who fled to Turkey in June after allegedly torching a synagogue in the city of Ulm. The state authorities failed to notify the federal government, and thereby damaged the chances to apprehend Serkan P., the Stuttgarter Nachrichten paper reported.

Michael Rubin, an Iran expert at the American Enterprise Institute, wrote an article for the National Interest titled “Germany is a bad ally.”

“Since the time of German Foreign Minister Klaus Kinkel, Berlin has consistently allowed the promise of commercial contracts to undermine consensus with regard to Iran’s nuclear program and Iran’s horrendous abuse of human rights,” Rubin wrote.

He continued, “Both [former German Chancellor Gerhard] Schröder and [his successor, Angela] Merkel have consistently turned a blind-eye or even sought to bury intelligence showing Iranian cheating on its nuclear commitments in order to augment Germany’s own commercial relations.”

A WikiLeaks diplomatic dispatch revealed the widespread truth that dare not speak its name, but was cited as a reason for Merkel’s refusal to shut down the Hamburg-based European-Iranian Trade Bank (EIH): “The German business community is very powerful.” This despite the bank being sanctioned by the U.S. for financing the Iranian regime’s illicit nuclear and missile programs.

The key takeaway is that economics takes priority over power politics and the fight should focus on getting German corporations to influence their state and federal governments.

Germany’s government has reversed a few of its pro-Iranian regime policies, but only when the cost-benefit analysis showed that sticking with Tehran would entail greater damage to its economic interests.

The time is long overdue for Mercedes-Benz and other businesses in Baden-Württemberg to pressure state and municipal political leaders to end their support of BDS and Iran’s clerical regime.


Benjamin Weinthal is a fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies. Follow Benjamin on Twitter @BenWeinthal

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A Moment in Time: The Path to Serenity

Dear all,

On a recent bike ride, there was so much on my mind that I could barely think:

Navigating the Holy Days in a ongoing pandemic.

Writing sermons while parenting twins entering those wonderful ”twos” years.

Balancing priorities.

Wondering why I ate the cookie (which motivated me to go on the bike ride in the first place).

Yes, there was a lot going on.

But then I came across this beautiful lake. I saw the walkway, and I wondered in that moment in time, “What is the path to serenity?”

I sat by the water for a long time without an answer. So I got back on my bike.

And you know what? For the remainder of my ride, my soul was at peace.

Where will you discover your path to serenity this week?

With love and shalom,

 

Rabbi Zach Shapiro

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