And so, Netanyahu is out. Finally out. He was ousted as Prime Minister a few weeks ago, but on Saturday night the act of vacating the PM’s House was completed. The residence on Jerusalem’s Balfour Street is waiting for its new occupant (one that has no intention to live there— Bennett keeps his home in Raanana, not wishing to uproot his family from where they reside). For some Israelis, this symbolic act was akin to a king vacating his palace following a dethrone. For others, it merited barely a shrug. Netanyahu lost, Netanyahu must leave, Netanyahu leaves—what’s the big deal?

He left after midnight, and still, a few demonstrators were there to cheer his departure. It is probably hard for him to detach himself from a position he occupied for a dozen years, but often it seems as if his rivals have similar difficulty. They cannot detach themselves from the long battle to oust Netanyahu. They cannot just go home and relax. Like soldiers who refuse to believe that the fight is over, and remain in the jungles, preparing for their next attack, Netanyahu’s most committed foes are on the watch for his return.

Like soldiers who refuse to believe that the fight is over, and remain in the jungles, preparing for their next attack, Netanyahu’s most committed foes are on the watch for his return.

He certainly plans on returning, and certainly hasn’t lost his chance of returning. As the opposition leader, Netanyahu dedicated his first few weeks to causing as much trouble as he could to the coalition, and had a few legislative successes. On the other hand, his unrelenting presence is also the most effective glue for those wanting to keep the coalition together. He is the one whose presence legitimizes a vote by an Arab party for a law that Arab Israelis abhor, a silence of a leftist party amid a compromise with the settlers, a rightwing acquiescence when ideology prevent the coalition from passing what the right deem crucial legislation. He, Netanyahu, makes all these compromises and concessions possible.

He could withdraw and let the coalition begin its inevitable process of erosion. But he does not do it, because of internal political calculation. As long as he is active, as long as he is engaged in a fierce fight, it is difficult for his Likud rivals, who patiently awaited their turn, to mount an effective coup against him. For him, that’s the real challenge. Neither Bennett, nor Lapid nor Gantz could be the ones who steal his voters away. If Israel goes into another round of election, in a year, or two, or three, Netanyahu’s challenge is to still be there, as head of Likud. Surely, a personal triumph in another round is far from guaranteed, but it is possible. It is possible—as long as Netanyahu is there.

In the meantime, Israelis begin to get used to the title “Prime Minister” attached to a different person. After such a long time, this is not easy. There are grown-ups in Israel who have no memory of a PM other than “PM Netanyahu.” They are also getting used to the title being attached to a person without much political power, and without an ability to make decisions on his own. Netanyahu was revered and feared by his partners, and could fly solo when he felt a need to do such thing. Bennett has to be the cooperator in chief, and conductor of an orchestra of many soloists, each having an ego as large as his, each having an instrument without which no melody can be played. Thus, there is a constant need for everybody to forget, forgive and accept their limited ability to control the other players. Bennett decided to demolish a house of a terrorist without telling Foreign Minister Lapid in advance. Lapid was not happy with this decision, but what can he do? Finance Minister Lieberman revoked the eligibility of Haredis studying full-time in yeshiva for childcare subsidies. Bennett and Saar weren’t pleased with this decision. But what can they do?

A government of constant compromise looks like this: when possible, the ministers compromise. When impossible, the boldest and most invested leader makes a decision, and the others must accept it. In other words: the less one worries about the government falling, the more leverage one has over his partners. Lieberman does not seem to worry much—he has a stable constituency and a winning agenda (anti-Haredi) on which to rely. So, he is very powerful. Bennett must worry, as he is left with few voters and no natural constituency. So, even though he carries around the title of “Prime Minister” he is less powerful.

Still, everybody within the coalition is careful not to overplay his or her hand. Courtesy of Netanyahu, the coalition has a tank filled with fuel to burn. On Saturday, Netanyahu evacuated the Balfour Street residence, but not yet the consciences of Israelis. He still resides in our minds. He still occupies a space in the minds of the Ministers and the Knesset Members who together constitute one of the most bizarre coalitions ever to materialize. Netanyahu is no longer on Balfour Street. But Netanyahu is still in our heads.

Shmuel Rosner is an Israeli columnist, editor, and researcher. He is the editor of the research and data-journalism website themadad.com, and is the political editor of the Jewish Journal.