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November 15, 2017

The War We Rarely Hear About

It seems like so long ago. Do you remember the years 2000 to 2004, when pizza parlors and cafes and discotheques were being blown up by Palestinian terrorists on the streets of Jerusalem and Tel Aviv?

Over those four years of the Second Intifada, according to the Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs website, more than 130 Palestinian terror attacks killed over 1,000 Israelis and wounded thousands more.

I remember how we would brace ourselves for ongoing news of these attacks—which seemed to come weekly. There was almost a sense of despair: How does a free and open society stop suicide bombers who are determined to blow themselves up in the midst of civilians?

By some kind of military miracle, Israel found a way to fight back and prevail. After a particularly horrifying attack on a group of Jews enjoying a Passover seder, Israel launched a massive military campaign to root out terror cells and weapon factories throughout the West Bank. It was called Operation Defensive Shield. This was the loud war that received endless coverage in the media.

Journalism thrives on these kind of wars, when reporters and photojournalists can embed themselves with troops and report from the ground. News consumers are riveted by the dramatic war footage and the human stories that come out of this reporting. Operation Defensive Shield was no exception.

But while the military operation was getting most of the attention, another war was going on, one without reporters and cameras.

This was the quiet war against terror financing, the war we rarely hear about, the war that follows the money and is indispensable.

While one war was rooting out the terrorists, this other war was rooting out the money that funded those terrorists.

The inside story of this financial war on terror is the subject of our cover story this week, as our political editor, Shmuel Rosner, reviews “Harpoon: Inside the Covert War Against Terrorism’s Money Masters.”

I remember meeting the co-author of the book, attorney activist Nitsana Darshan-Leitner, in her Tel Aviv office during the Second Intifada. She had this soft spoken demeanor.

While pro-Israel activists work on “education,” she works on seizing terrorist assets.

I’m sure there’s plenty of top secret information she couldn’t share with me. But what she did share was interesting enough. Darshan-Leitner was fighting her own war against terror, using international courts. She was moved by a visit in the early 1990s to the Southern Poverty Law Center in Atlanta, the civil rights group that used lawsuits to take on neo-Nazis and the Ku Klux Klan. This inspired her to eventually start Shurat HaDin (“Letter of the Law”), an Israel-based nonprofit legal center that has been at the forefront of the legal fight on terrorism.

We often talk about the importance of the “PR War”— about how public opinion is so important in the new media age. Darshan-Leitner has gone in another direction. The tools of her trade are depositions, lawsuits, testimonies under oaths and other legal weapons. While pro-Israel activists work on “education,” she works on seizing terrorist assets. She battles not in the court of public opinion but the court of legal opinion.

Over the past 15 years, according to the Shurat HaDin website, her team has represented terror victims everywhere from Israel and the United States to Canada and Iran. Her group “files motions, seizes assets, and sends warnings to state-sponsors of terror letting them know the consequences of supporting known terror groups. Shurat HaDin has put terrorists and terror-sponsoring organizations on their heels, forcing them to spend vast sums on legal fees and preventing them from using the Western banking industry to fund terrorism.”

Since its inception, Shurat HaDin has won over $1 billion in judgments, which has led to the freezing of more than $600 million in assets around the world, with more than $120 million in actual awards. Talk about metrics.

So, when she emailed me a few weeks ago to tell me about her new book, it was a no-brainer. This is an important and fascinating story. It reminds us that the war against terror can’t be won by tanks and troops alone. The quiet warriors who combat terror in courts and global banks are just as critical. While Operation Defensive Shield was playing on television, the special unit Harpoon was operating. in clandestine places that starved the terrorists of funds and resources.

One of the roles of journalism is to dig behind the headlines and show you what doesn’t always appear in the mainstream press. Darshan-Leitner’s new book does just that, and it elevates the unsung heroes in the war on terror.

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Hillel’s fault, Hotovely’s duty

Last week, Israel’s Deputy Foreign Minister Tzipi Hotovely fell victim to a lack of judgment. She fell victim to a rash decision. The heads of Princeton Hillel canceled her lecture because of complaints and protests from the left against the speech of someone whose very appearance is supposedly considered illegitimate. That’s their instinct: When there are complaints, first you cancel and then you think about the consequences. In this case, these were grave consequences — an official representative of the State of Israel was shunned from an important campus and treated as a leper, as someone whose views are not even worthy of being heard.

We don’t need to feel too sorry for Hotovely, though. Her loss was also her gain: The speech was canceled, but others came in its place. And Hotovely also received a flowery apology from the heads of the organization, who understood the severity of the mistake (“Unfortunately, we did not treat the Israeli deputy foreign minister with the respect that her office deserves” ). And she got an official apology letter from the Princeton chapter itself. And every apology was followed by a press release, and another mini headline, so the small damage of the canceled speech turned into an advantageous PR tour.

Hotovely is known in Israel as one of the more right-wing representatives of the ruling Likud party. She has advocated the annexation of the West Bank, invited an extremist anti-intermarriage organization to the Knesset, used biblical quotes to justify territorial claims, and famously declared that she “dreams of seeing the Israeli flag on the Temple Mount.” Obviously, all this does not make her very popular with the Israeli or Jewish American left. That being said, she is still a high-ranking official representative of the State of Israel.

Everything Hotovely said about the cancellation of her speech is true. Hotovely mentioned the “liberal dictatorship” as the cause for the cancellation. And she is right: This cancellation is a sign of a problem. It’s a sign of over-sensitivity to complaints, of spinelessness and of fear of anything that smells of Israel, especially of anything that smells of right-wing Israel. Quite a few young Jews in America — as well as heads of organizations, opinion leaders and rabbis — face the same problem. And Israel is not to blame for this, not Israel and not its policies. The responsibility, in this case, falls on the shoulders of the Jews of America. They are the ones who need to decide if they want to stand up for themselves or fold at any slight sign of criticism. They are the ones who need to determine their level of commitment to having an open discussion with the real Israel, not an imaginary Israel that votes for different representatives.

This need for an open discussion with the real Israel was on the minds of the leaders of the Jewish Federations of North America in their conference this week in Los Angeles. The GA 2017 summit was held in the shadow of an external crisis — the Kotel, conversion, everything that the Israeli government wants to do and they do not accept. The summit was also held in the shadow of an internal crisis — the federations need to be considerate not only of Israel but also of their donors. And if the donors are angry, the federations should be angry too.

It seems Hotovely has an opportunity to play a positive role in bettering this situation, even though she is in a somewhat tricky spot. On the one hand, one could understand the temptation to continue making political use of the unfortunate incident that occurred to her. On the other hand, perhaps she should kindly be advised to stop with the politics — she has already made her political gains — and focus on being deputy foreign minister. That is, to utilize the “incident” to create a dialogue, a quiet, pleasant, open dialogue between friends who are trying to sort things out, not between opponents who are trying to do damage control (Hillel) or make use of a political opportunity (Hotovely).

This week I asked someone familiar with the incident whether there is any chance of a meeting between the heads of Princeton Hillel and the deputy minister. I was told that maybe in the future. I asked why not now. This remark was met with silence. I believe that this silence points to a suspicion, a fear that a meeting could result in another fight, another sermon, another need for an apology.

I’m not suspicious of Hotovely. She surely wants the good of the Jewish people, and thus I assume she would be glad to have such a meeting, even if it came with no political gain. She should invite them to a talk and explain what her positions are on different important issues that certainly concern them too: How Israel is going to look in the coming decades, whether they have a place in such an Israel (and what type of place that is), and how they are supposed to justify to their friends Israel’s insistence on giving preference to one Jewish denomination at the expense of others. She should invite them over and clarify beforehand that this will be a conversation with no press releases, with no need for apologies or repentance, with no sour discussions of “who was right and who was wrong.” It has already been established: She was right — they were wrong. Now it’s time to move on.

 

 

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