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May 11, 2015

When the Knesset tries to muzzle free speech

I am a product of the '60's. I demonstrated against the Viet Nam war, marched for civil rights and against racism. I have boycotted lettuce and grapes, in support of the United Farmworkers; Dow, for manufacturing napalm during the Viet Nam war; Coors, for discriminatory hiring practices against people of color and gays; Nestlé, for its aggressive campaign to sell breast milk substitute to young mothers in developing countries; Target, for its significant contributions to Tom Emmer, the rightwing candidate for Minnesota Governor whose agenda included positions I abhorred on everything; and Walmart, for its poor labor practices (except when my mother Ruth Epstein, who turns 100 this August, insists on going there “for the bargains”).

You get the picture. And while I don't support the boycott of Israel or Israeli-made products, I do support boycotting products made in settlements – and I urge others to do the same. In taking this position, I stand with friends, colleagues, and loved ones in Israel – including Shalom Achshav (Peace Now), the veteran Israeli peace movement. I seek out Israeli wine at my local stores, but only buy it if it comes from one of the vineyards inside the Green Line.

I boycott settlements – and urge others who care about Israel to do likewise – because settlements and their expansion is the greatest obstacle to achieving a two-state solution for Israel and her Palestinian neighbors, and thus the greatest threat to an Israeli future that is Jewish, secure, and democratic.

My position on settlement boycott is consistent with my life-long tradition of fighting the sense of helplessness that comes from seeing policies that are antithetical to my values and my Jewish tradition of trying to “heal the world.” I am, in word and deed, standing up against settlements and standing up for the values I hold dear, including my love for Israel.

That is why I was shocked when Israel’s Supreme Court – a court that historically has been “a light unto the nations” – ruled to uphold a law that makes the mere statement, “I support the boycott of settlement products and urge others to do the same,” illegal.

It is also why, as the president and CEO of Americans for Peace Now, a Jewish, Zionist US organization, I am determined to scrutinize the new Israeli government's policies on peace and democracy, and why I will not hesitate to call it on policies that I believe are disastrous for Israel's future.

I am often asked how, after working so long for Israeli-Palestinian peace, I haven’t given in to despondency and hopelessness. I am asked this particularly following events like the collapse of the peace process, or the formation of Benjamin Netanyahu’s new government, the guidelines of which don’t even mention the Palestinian issue.

How can it be that Israel’s Knesset will soon be introducing a new version of a bill to muzzle left-wing NGOs? 

How can it be, that Israel’s prime minister has made Ayelet Shaked the new justice minister: That the next government of Israel has placed in such a pivotal position a woman best known for driving efforts to weaken Israel’s courts, and who proposed the bill that would limit funding to progressive NGOs.

What keeps me going, I think, is my rage. That same rage I felt (and feel) against misguided war, racism, discrimination, and injustice of all kinds. And, as I have done all my life, I channel my rage over Israeli settlement policies into action. I am not helpless: I can stand up and take action, and I can urge others to do the same. I can educate others to understand and share my rage over policies that threaten to destroy Israel and deprive its citizens of the secure future they deserve. And I can help them see that channeling our rage into pro-Israel, pro-peace action is the best – the only – antidote to the despair that comes from feeling helpless in the face of self-destructive, morally intolerable Israeli government settlement policies.

I will call on fellow Americans who care about Israel as a democracy and a Jewish state to vociferously oppose a Knesset bill to muzzle progressive Israeli NGOs or bills that strive to further disenfranchise Israel’s Arab citizens

As the most reactionary government in Israel’s history is sworn in this week, I am determined to stand for what I believe is necessary for Israel to survive as a democracy and a Jewish state. I hope others will come to understand that supporting Israel means standing against the policies that members of this government espouse. As a dear friend of mine often says, it's not about Right vs. Left, it's about right vs. wrong.

——
Debra DeLee is the President and CEO of Americans for Peace Now

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Israel’s Supreme Court rejects removing Muslim Quarter from Jerusalem Day route

The annual Jerusalem Day march will still go through the Muslim Quarter of the Old City after the Supreme Court rejected a petition to change its route.

The court ordered police to arrest any participants who shout racist slogans or engage in violence or vandalism during Sunday’s march. Arab residents of the Old City must be given full access to their homes and businesses during the march, the ruling also said.

“With a heavy heart, we reject the petition,” Supreme Court Justice Elyakim Rubinstein reportedly said.

The petition was filed by the Israeli NGOs Ir Amim and Tag Meir.

Last year, marchers were caught on video shouting “Death to Arabs” and “Muhammad is dead.”

Thousands of Israelis waving Israeli flags participate in the annual Jerusalem Day march of flags entering the Old City through the Muslim Quarter and making its way to the Western Wall. Jerusalem Day marks the reunification of the city following the 1967 Six-Day War.

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A story of survival and the healing power of familiarity

This time of year, we remember the Holocaust; the genocides in Bosnia, Cambodia, Rwanda  and sadly, many other places. We remember the faces of the victims and the stories so  horrible that hearing them can make one feel sick. And with all this to remember, there are still  tragedies that are lesser known, crimes against humanity so horrific that many would argue it  is impossible that they occurred in such recent history. Yet I am a survivor of such a tragedy ­the Khojaly Massacre of 1992, and one of the female survivors and witnesses of the Khojaly  torture camp.    

As a woman and a Muslim, it is extremely painful to reconcile the horrible trauma of Khojaly  with my faith and traditional culture, and my shame from suffering violations of the most  fundamental components of my identity. As a survivor of torture, I spent years in isolation at  home, watching films about the Holocaust; the only lens that captures anything relative to  what I experienced. I spent sleepless nights soothing myself out of panic with Schindler's List  and The Pianist. Living in that solitary world with films and nightmares was almost as tragic as  the reasons for which I lived there. My life hung somewhere in the balance of total isolation  mixed with the severity of ongoing and extensive surgeries to recover my body from the  brutality of torture and the impact of exposure during my captivity, procedures such as  receiving titanium spinal implants, with every second of this process and pain a reminder of its cause.     

I come from the town of Khojaly in Nagorno ­Karabakh, a region of Azerbaijan once flourishing  and promising for my young generation at the time. In the early 1990’s, all of that suddenly  changed. Most of the world doesn’t even know the name of Khojaly, or that Armenia  perpetrated there one of the most brutal massacres in recent history against a terrified, fleeing  Azerbaijani populace. The night (Feb. 25­26, 1992)  the Massacre began, I ran for my life with  my brother, into the freezing woods, and got captured and taken to the torture camp. I was  only 20 years old…    

With dark irony, I understand why Armenia still denies that Khojaly happened. I understand  this because I will never shake the images of a 2 year old Azerbaijani child, shot while fleeing  with his parents, his blood spattered body suspended in my memory as if in the air for that  moment of gruesome impact. How could anyone face the taking of hundreds of innocent lives,  the bayoneting of pregnant women and elderly, the showering of fatal bullets onto fleeing  children, and mothers holding their lifeless infants. As a victim, facing my past has nearly  broken me, so I imagine that as perpetrators, denial must be of tangible comfort.     

As a Muslim woman, there is a certain and unspeakable pain I feel in explaining to the public  that I was subjected to brutal torture and humiliation, including rape, for many days in the Armenian captivity. Sharing this has been a tragedy for my soul, separate from the cruelties  my body suffered. But I realize that by sharing it, I can live beyond the shadows of shame and  step into the light of my own healing.     

The last few years, my life has dramatically changed. With immense support from my family  and community, I have begun the process of sharing. The hidden parts of my past have  become public and documented. I have begun to make a record of the nightmare I survived.     

Until February of 2015, I had never visited any country in the West. On my first day in  California, I met a Jewish community leader involved in global peace efforts, and we  conducted a radio interview, with an Iranian­Jewish psychologist and talk show host; a  specialist in the survivors of intense trauma and the Holocaust. Through connecting my story  with a caring psychologist, and my new friend, herself the 3rd generation of Holocaust survivors, I realized a powerful sense of understanding I had yet to experience before that  day.     

This feeling expanded when I learned of the Khojaly memorial held at a Los Angeles  synagogue, a week following my visit. The Jewish community’s response to learning of  Khojaly as a parallel to the Holocaust has been monumental for my ability to share and heal.  The genocide in Khojaly stands out as an example of the lowest displays of human depravity.  But now, through the welcoming arms of the Jewish community of Los Angeles, the  connection has been made and the silence broken. For me, this changes everything.     

Through the power of my own healing, I am deeply motivated to help other women face their  own stories of survival, and by doing so, eradicate the shame and loneliness that follows the  fact of torture and trauma. I once thought I could never share what happened, and now I know  that by sharing it, I am part of a larger movement to heal, and not only myself, but the entire  world.  It is my sincerest hope to inspire other survivors, those across the world who have had  the paradigms of their innocence blown away by the tragic cannon of hatred and oppression,  and join together in a unified bond, strengthening each other and the world. Not only the  survivors of torture and genocide, but also women from nations that have never experienced  modern war, for so many women live with the trauma of violence, some even in their own  homes. I strongly believe that through a growing commitment to the familiarity of all who  suffer, this world will become a different kind of place, one that would never allow the pain and  great sorrow of genocide or any kind of violence to happen ever again, to anyone, anywhere.     

Durdane Agayeva lives in Baku with her husband and daughter, and can be reached by email at ​ agayevadurdane@gmail.com ​Durdane truly believes in the power of unified voices, and  hopes to hear from you, your story of survival and your commitment to human rights for all  people.

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Oklahoma lawmakers press U. of Oklahoma to return Nazi-looted painting

Some two dozen Oklahoma state lawmakers are calling on the University of Oklahoma to research if it owns any paintings that were stolen by the Nazis.

Twenty-six members of the Oklahoma House of Representatives introduced a resolution Monday that asks O.U. and its Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art to determine whether any of its paintings were “unlawfully appropriated during the Nazi era.”

The specific painting behind the resolution is Camille Pissaro’s “Shepherdess Bringing in Sheep,” which was donated to the university by Clara Weitzenhoffer upon her death in 2000. The 1886 painting, one of 33 donated to the museum from Clara and Aaron Weitzenhoffer’s extensive collection of French Impressionist art, belonged originally to French department store owner Raoul Meyer.

Meyer’s entire art collection was seized by the Nazis when they invaded France during World War II.

“Shepherdess Bringing in Sheep” changed hands several times, KGOU reported, before a Swiss court ruled in 1953 that Meyer had missed his five-year window to recover the painting. Meyer’s daughter filed a lawsuitagainst the University of Oklahoma in January 2014.

University officials told The Associated Press that the painting’s full ownership history is unknown.

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The Nat’l Jewish Democratic Council’s questions for Scott Walker

Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker, a likely candidate for the Republican presidential nomination, is about to visit Israel for the first time — without media, as we reported last week.

So the National Jewish Democratic Council has ginned up a few questions for him. Some of these are, unsurprisingly, of the gotcha variety. (Like, why is this his first visit, when Hillary Clinton has been there dozens of times? Well, Walker is a governor, HRC was first lady, senator from New York and secretary of state.)

One of their questions leapt out at me, though, not so much for what it says about Walker, but for what it says about how the political discourse on Israel has evolved:

How do your positions differ from Sheldon Adelson, one of the primary backers of the Republican Jewish Coalition (RJC), the organization co-funding your trip? You may recall that last November, Mr. Adelson reportedly said, “So Israel won’t be a democratic state, so what?” Do you think that Israel needs to remain a democratic state in the future? Do you also support a Palestinian state living side-by-side with Israel in peace and security?

Back in 2010, J Street was pretty much on its own when it peppered the Emergency Committee for Israel with questions about whether it supported two states and democracy. It wasn’t that mainstream groups — which the NJDC very much is — didn’t back two states and keeping Israel democratic, it’s just that I can’t recall them calling others out for not doing so.

Now, not backing two states, not worrying about whether Israel remains a democracy, will get you attacked by the Jewish Democratic flagship.

And this, the day after Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu formed a government that is further away from embracing the two-state solution than any government has been since 1993. And on the same day that the leader of the Reform movement asked Netanyahu to please keep Israel pluralistic and democratic.

Preserving the two-states option and keeping Israel democratic have become a cudgel — one that the NJDC evidently believes will keep Jews voting Democratic.

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Netanyahu: Still working to expand coalition

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said he plans to continue recruiting political parties for his governing coalition, which currently holds the minimum required for a majority.

Netanyahu said Monday at a meeting of his Likud Party that he would work to build the “widest government we can achieve,” but did not name which parties he was courting, the Times of Israel reported.

However, leaders of several parties, including Zionist Union and Yisrael Beiteinu, responded to his remarks by emphasizing that they will not join the government, which consists of four parties in addition to Likud: Jewish Home, Kulanu, United Torah Judaism and Shas.

The coalition now has 61 seats in the 120-member Knesset.

Avigdor Liberman, who leads Yisrael Beiteinu and was foreign minister in Netanyahu’s last government, said at a meeting of his party that he had rejected recent invitations from Netanyahu to join the coalition, including an offer to be defense minister. Liberman also accused Netanyahu of having “cheated” voters, according to the Times of Israel.

Yisrael Beiteinu, a far-right party, had been widely expected to join the coalition until last week, when Liberman announced otherwise, saying he objected to deals that Netanyahu had made with other parties in the coalition.

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As House prepares to take up Iran bill, will spirit of compromise prevail?

So Congress considers a bill that would grant it review over any Iran nuclear deal. President Barack Obama says, if it ties my hands, I’ll veto it.

So Sen. Bob Corker (R-Tenn.), the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and Sen. Ben Cardin (D-Md.), get together and they hammer out a bill everyone can live with — one that lets Congress review the Iran deal but doesn’t make a priori demands of the deal that Obama says will tie his hands.

So Obama drops the veto threat, the bill sails through the Senate, 98-1, and next week it goes to the House.

Win-win, right? Back to the days of compromise, right? AIPAC thinks so, the White House thinks so, Cardinthinks so, Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.), the Senate majority leader, thinks so.

But your friendly neighborhood pro-Israel community? Not so much.

Let’s go to Twitter. On one side, the Israel Project’s Omri Ceren and the Foundation for Defense of Democracies’ Mark Dubowitz are calling it a humiliation for Obama. On the other, J Street’s Dylan Williams isdoing the “Yo, Losers” dance.

Why are they still duking it out? And who’s right?

Well, the key in the above narrative is “next week it goes to the House.” Politico reports that the House Freedom Caucus, a conservative group of about 30 members, wants to add amendments to the bill that could reintroduce the provisions that Obama has said are poison pills. McConnell shot down similar amendments. Politico says Speaker John Boehner and Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy also seem to favor a clean bill, but are under intense pressure to allow some amendments.

Enter a letter from 151 Democrats who wrote Obama this week saying they are committed to the diplomatic process. I’ve been talking with folks on the Hill and they say this translates into, “We will block a veto proof majority.” Meaning, if amendments are added, and if Obama vetoes the bill, and if it goes back to the House, there will not be enough support for a veto override.

Really? Let’s do the political math, and also the actual math.

First, the actual math. There are 435 members of the House. Republicans would need 286 votes for an override. If all 151 signatories vote against a veto override, Republicans would have just 284 votes — two short.

Now the political math.

There will be intense pressure on Democrats from the mainstream pro-Israel community to back any bill that emerges. Peeling away two votes from the 151 might be doable.

But there is also small cluster of Republicans who would likely oppose a deal-killing override. I can think of atleast three.

More significantly, Rep. Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.), the minority leader, signed the letter. Leaders rarely sign congressional letters, and doing so signifies close identification with a cause. Pelosi has been remarkablyeffective at retaining discipline in her 188-member caucus.

So win-win? If not, who loses? The answer is, we’ve yet to see.

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Nobel Medal’s Auction Shines Light on Professor Who Shielded Jews

The auction of a Nobel Prize gold medallion on March 30 has brought unexpected attention to a German professor who shielded Jewish students during the Hitler era and defended anti-Nazi resistors.

The Nobel Prize in chemistry was awarded in 1927 to Heinrich Otto Wieland, a biochemistry pioneer, for his research on the constitution of bile acids. Subsequently, he determined the chemical structure of cholesterol.

After the passage of the racist Nuremberg Laws in 1935, which called for the expulsion of all Jewish, or partially Jewish, students, Wieland used his prestige and position as professor at the University of Munich to retain his Jewish students as his “personal guests.”

One of his protected students was half-Jewish Hans Conrad Leipelt, a member of the White Rose anti-Nazi resistance group, who was denounced to the Gestapo.

In a rare display of civic courage, Wieland testified on behalf of Leipelt, who was nevertheless condemned by a Nazi court and beheaded in early 1945. Wieland’s position and prestige saved him from a similar fate.

The Nobel medal, whose gold value alone stands at about $8,700, was put on the market by the late scientist’s grandson through Nate D. Sanders Auctions of Los Angeles.

Bidding started at $325,000 and closed at $395,000, according to Sanders spokesman Sam Heller. In line with company policy, Heller did not disclose the name of the successful bidder.

Since 1901, 889 Nobel Prize medals have been awarded, of which only eight were sold or auctioned by the recipients or their descendants. The prize for Wieland’s 23-karat medallion is in the middle range of the eight sold or auctioned.

The Nobel Peace Prize awarded in 1903 to Britain’s William Randal Cremer for his work in promoting arbitration of international disputes, fetched only $17,000. On the other end of the scale, the medal awarded British scientist James Watson, the co-discoverer of the structure of DNA, was bought for $4.76 million by a Russian billionaire, who then returned the medal to Watson.

Illustrating the vagaries of the market, Francis Crick, the co-discoverer with Watson of the DNA structure, got $2.3 million for his Nobel medallion.

The heirs of William Faulkner, winner of the 1949 Nobel Prize in literature, withdrew the medallion from bidding when the highest auction bid got stuck at $425,000.

Albert Einstein bequeathed his 1921 Nobel Prize medal in physics for display at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem.

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Ethiopian-Israelis call for police officer who beat soldier to go on trial

Ethiopian-Israeli activists called for a police officer caught on camera beating an Ethiopian-Israeli soldier to be put on trial.

At a news conference Sunday in Tel Aviv, the activists also demanded that charges be dropped against protesters arrested in the city last week during a demonstration spurred by the attack that turned violent, The Jerusalem Post reported. They also called for improved conditions for Ethiopian-Israelis in the areas of education, housing and welfare.

“Decision-makers abandoned Ethiopian-Israelis as though they were foreign implants and and not a basic part of the foundation of Israeli society,” activist Inbar Bugale said. “They have ignored the difficult reality that there is an entire young generation that feels it is not part of the Israeli society.”

Also Sunday, the Jewish Agency for Israel said it would immigrants’ eligibility to reside in its absorption centers from two years to three. Natan Sharansky, chairman of the Executive of The Jewish Agency, said the decision would be implemented immediately and that the Jewish Agency would  assume the costs of the third year — the Israeli government funds the first two.

Sharansky called upon the Israeli government to accelerate the development of permanent housing solutions for the Ethiopian immigrants.

“Integrating Ethiopian immigrants into Israeli society is a national mission of tremendous importance, and that begins with the move from immigrant absorption centers to permanent housing,” he said.

Some 4,755 Ethiopian immigrants currently reside in Jewish Agency immigrant absorption centers, including 853 residing there beyond their period of eligibility, according to the Jewish Agency.

The Ethiopian Foreign Ministry reportedly has issued a statement expressing concern over Israel’s treatment of Ethiopian immigrants to Israel.  The statement extensively quotes statements by Israeli officials admitting that the county has erred in its integration of Ethiopian-Israelis, Ynet reported.

Ethiopian government officials reportedly summoned Israel’s ambassador to Ethiopia, Belaynesh Zevadia, to discuss the issue and the recent violent protests in Tel Aviv and Jerusalem.

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High Mountain 4-Wheelin’ for Colorado Wildflowers

Wildflowers reach their peak about the middle of July in the mountainous high altitudes of Colorado. Of course, that can vary year-to-year based on the amount of rain, sun, and lateness of hard freezes, so no year is guaranteed to be a banner. However, the easiest way to reach the best of nature’s wildflower display is by four-wheeling the numerous dirt roads that traverse the Crested Butte area of the Rocky Mountains as well as the San Juan Mountains in Southwestern Colorado.

This is not for the faint-hearted as these dirt roads with stony outcroppings and steep grades can test the skills of many an off-road driver. For some, the vertical drops along with hairpin-turns and switchbacks can be vertigo inducing. It is either an adrenalin rush for the hearty or a weak-kneed reaction by the reticent. I was only too happy to not be tasked for the driving, as I found the bumpy and jolting dirt roads to be challenge enough.

A Photo Paradise

My search for Colorado wildflowers and discovering the “Big Five” was part of a photography nature tour itinerary led by Master photographer Russ Burden, where we plumbed the very best of Colorado high country: in the course of our week we photographed spectacular wildflowers, alpine scenery with reflecting lakes, radiant red-mountains that challenged our light meters, random birds such as grouse, hummingbirds, and yellow-headed blackbirds, wildlife that included deer, marmot, plus snow-shoe rabbits, and even a ghost town left over from the frenzied fever of silver and gold mining days.

In the course of our wanderings, I grilled our leader about what constitutes the “Big Five” in terms of mountain wildflowers. I basically asked, “What five flowers are considered the most colorful and essential to capturing wildflower photos and give a sense of place?” Burden’s list finally evolved to these:

  1. Columbine (blue)
  2. Lupine (light blue)
  3. Paintbrush (scarlet)
  4. Larksur (dark navy blue)
  5. Mules Ears (yellow)

 

 

Wildflower Ecosystems

The higher altitude wildflower ecosystem is generally divided into ranges, with approximate Colorado elevations from 6,500 – 9,500 feet designated as montane, 9,500 – 11,500 feet for subalpine, to 11.500 feet and above for alpine.  Given this range, we photographed diverse colorful wildflowers from the deep red of King’s Crown and pink and white of Queen’s Rose Crown, the dark navy-blue larkspur, and the cream-white of Bistort (all in the subalpine and alpine regions) to bright reddish-purple flowers of the fireweed located in the montane and subalpine, the light-blue lupine from the foothills to subalpine, bright red scarlet paintbrush (montane to lower subalpine), the yellow-orange sneezeweed in the montane, the showy bright yellow Mule’s Ears of the sunflower family, to the Colorado state flower and crown jewel – the blue columbine. These treasures are found from the foothills to alpine regions, mostly in moist open areas, aspen groves and rocky slopes.

Crested Butte and the San Juan Mountains

Our terrain covered the Crested Butte area in the Rocky Mountains to places like American Basin and Clear Lake in the San Juan Mountains, using Silverton as our home base. While at Crested Butte, we did several sunset shoots at Paradise Divide at 11,250 feet, and chased light along Brush Creek Road. Crested Butte could easily be confused for Switzerland because of the “look” and “feel” of the area.  Because of its profusion of wildflowers of all colors, it has been designated by the Colorado General Assembly as the “wildflower capital” of Colorado. Located in the East River Valley, it was once inhabited by Ute Native Americans during the summers:  They were eventually displaced by beaver trappers and then surveyors.

The San Juan range, part of the southern Rocky Mountains, spans the continental divide and boasts 13 volcanic peaks over 14,000 feet. The scenery is considered by many to be the most diverse and perhaps the most stunning in Colorado, with a rugged backcountry wilderness equal to none. This is the source of the mighty Rio Grande, running a course almost 1,900 miles that extends the length of New Mexico into Mexico and then southern Texas, eventually dumping into the Gulf of Mexico.  Abandoned gold and silver mines speak to an earlier time when miners combed the ore-laden mountains for wealth and fortune.  And the historic, coal-fired, steam-powered train plies along the Animus River covering valleys, canyons, and forests in its journey from Durango to Silverton. All these provided wonderful photo ops to add to our expanding photographic portfolio.

Alpine Loop Scenic Byway

We took the Alpine Loop Scenic Byway to access Colorado’s truly wild wildflowers and stunning scenics such as Ore Mountain.  Accessible only with a four-wheel-drive, you will need a vehicle with high clearance. Do not be seduced by these roads as they require skillful maneuvering in the right four-wheel.  (We had a flat tire during the trip). The route consists of 63 miles of unimproved road and reaches heights of 12,800 feet. Allow 4-6 hours for driving time. Along the way you will encounter a profusion of wildflowers ranging from larkspur, bistort, and Colorado blue columbine to avens, alpine timothy, and bluebells.  American Basin and Clear Lake were favorites.

The hours were grueling for photographing wildflowers as we were often up by 3:30 am so that we could greet the light of dawn. Most sunsets were rained out due to the “monsoons” as the locals call it. However, the rain was desperately needed due to a prevailing drought that hadn’t brought much rain the last year. Whatever rain deficit there might have been, I think we made up for it during our week in the southern Rockies. We also experienced some of the most glorious wildflowers ever and I was able to add 4-wheeling to my expanding bucket-list of adventures.

All photos copyright of Karin Leperi

 

Map courtesy of Colorado DOT

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