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May 7, 2014

Let it go: Removing the stigma

I never met my paternal grandfather, even though he lived until I was 13. Aaron Dov Krotinger was one of the first graduates of the Jewish Theological Seminary in New York with a degree in Jewish education, and he once served as a principal for many religious schools. But because of severe mental illness, he lived in a New York state hospital from 1926 until he died in 1974, teaching Torah classes only to the other inmates. When I was young, my parents, adopting the conventional wisdom of the times, told my sister and me that our grandfather had died when my dad was 3 years old — the year he entered the state hospital.

May is Mental Health Month, which was started by Mental Health America in 1949. The theme this year is “Mind Your Health,” to emphasize the important role of social relationships, diet, rest and exercise in protecting and improving mental health and building resiliency. 

These days you can talk publicly or post on social media about almost any affliction — cancer, autism, even Alzheimer’s disease — and you can easily find a sympathetic ear and a fellow traveler. But when it comes to serious mental illness such as major depression, schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), people feel far less able to be open.

Mental illness affects people of every age, race, religion and income. In 2012, the National Institute of Mental Illness estimated that 9.6 million adults ages 18 or older in the United States had a serious mental illness, representing 4.1 percent of all adults in the U.S. In addition, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention estimates that 13 to 20 percent of children living in the U.S. (up to one in five children) experience a mental disorder in a given year, and an estimated $247 billion is spent each year on childhood mental disorders. 

Some Jews may be at higher risk than the general population. As recently reported in Haaretz, new research by Israeli and American scientists uncovered a gene among Ashkenazi Jews that increases the chances of developing the mental disorder schizophrenia, as well as schizoaffective disorder and manic depression. 

Given these numbers and genetic predisposition, why is there still such a high level of stigma within the Jewish community surrounding these disorders? Is that invisible wall of stigma preventing us from providing social support to those in our community who may need it the most?

Dr. Abraham Havivi, an adult and child psychiatrist and also an ordained rabbi, said,  “Even though we know logically that mental illness means that something is wrong with part of your brain, and your brain is just another part of your body, we somehow feel differently about it” than we feel about other physical ailments, for example heart disease or diabetes. He added that because we equate our brains with our minds, and our minds are such a core part of our sense of self, we take it more personally when a mental problem arises.

The good news is that serious mental illness (SMI) can be treated, yet in 2008 just more than half (58.7 percent) of adults in the U.S. with a serious mental illness received treatment for a mental health problem. Treatment rates for SMI differed across age groups, and the most common types of treatment were outpatient services and prescription medication. But you can’t get treated if you don’t see a mental health professional first. 

Havivi said that, in his opinion, most rabbis do a good job of referring congregants to mental health professionals when needed while also offering spiritual support, such as conferring a misheberach blessing (traditional Hebrew prayer for one who is ill). Whether congregants are willing to share their mental health issues is another barrier, but even that can disappear if understanding and sympathy replace the invisible mark of shame attached to these conditions.

For families actively affiliated with synagogues and other Jewish organizations, serious mental illness still can be very isolating. A mother of a 25-year-old adult child with mood disorders and high-functioning Asperger’s syndrome told me, “While there are now many Jewish special needs programs for younger kids in Los Angeles, there’s almost nothing for Jewish young adults with social differences.” She suggested that a special section of JDate or a dedicated Moishe House (for young Jewish professionals) would be very helpful in connecting young Jewish adults with similar challenges.

From all accounts, my grandfather was very intelligent and a gifted educator, a human link between the old family ties in Europe and the new hopes they had for the U.S. Yet his very existence was denied, even by his own family, until his death. It’s time to let go of that stigma.

If you or a loved one needs help with mental illness, Jewish Family Service is a great place to start, and the first step is to call its toll-free central intake at (877) 275-4537. NAMI, the National Alliance on Mental Illness, is the nation’s largest grass-roots mental health organization and offers a wide range of educational, support and advocacy services. There are affiliate groups in the San Fernando Valley, Westside and the South Bay. For more information, visit nami.org.

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Israel, U.S. divided over Iranian nuclear enrichment deal

Israel insists Iran be denied uranium enrichment capabilities under a potentially imminent nuclear deal, a demand that risks opening a new Israeli-United States rift, officials said on Wednesday.

The dispute, a major topic for a visit to Jerusalem by U.S. National Security Adviser Susan Rice on Wednesday and Thursday, appeared part of Israeli efforts to weigh in on world powers' difficult talks with Tehran before a July 20 date for a deal.

Though not at the table, Israel matters in Western capitals given its fear of a nuclear-armed Iran and threats to attack its arch-foe preemptively if it deem diplomacy a dead end.

A November interim accord easing sanctions on Iran made clear Washington and five other world powers would let it enrich uranium on a reduced scale under a final agreement distancing it from the means to make a bomb. But Israel wants the Iranians to be stripped of all disputed nuclear projects.

Highly enriched uranium can fuel nuclear warheads. Iran says it seeks peaceful atomic energy and medical isotopes only.

“Are we going to agree on enrichment? No,” an Israeli government adviser briefed on Rice's visit told Reuters.

“We would be happy to see July 20 pass without a deal,” the adviser said, adding that there was worry in Israel that Obama, facing possible gains by Republican rivals in the mid-term U.S. elections of November, might be tempted to accommodate Iran now.

This view seems unlikely to go down well with Obama, a second-term Democrat who has sparred in the past with Israel's right-wing prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, over strategies for Iran and peacemaking with the Palestinians.

“INTENSIVE CONSULTATIONS”

The adviser described Israel's hard line as sincere but declarative, rather than a prelude to a new Middle East war, and a signal to supporters in the U.S. Congress to keep up pressure on U.S. President Barack Obama not to compromise with Iran.

Rice tweeted that she was “looking forward to robust and intensive consultations” in Israel and that the allies' security cooperation “has never been stronger”. On Tuesday, White House spokesman Jay Carney said her visit to Israel would not produce any new developments regarding Iran.

Russia, which is among the six world powers negotiating with Iran, said parts of the final agreement could be agreed at a scheduled meeting in Vienna next week.

Some Western diplomats and experts privately acknowledge forcing Iran to halt all uranium enrichment activities, as stipulated in U.N. Security Council resolutions, is unrealistic given the scale of the program and resistance from Tehran.

Speaking on condition of anonymity, a U.S. official said Rice came to Israel “representing the six powers”, adding: “The question of enrichment, how many (uranium purification) centrifuges Iran should keep, is the big one.”

The U.S. official voiced confidence that a deal with Iran, if achieved, would prevent its heavy water facility at Arak from producing significant amounts of plutonium – another fissile material that could be used for nuclear warheads.

While that would be welcomed by the Israelis, their main focus has long been Iran's build-up of uranium stocks which might allow it to refine enough fuel for a bomb in short order.

Israel, widely assumed to have the region's only atomic arsenal, was angered last month when U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry suggested cautious openness to a nuclear deal that would keep Iran 6 to 12 months from the weapons threshold.

A former Israeli security official said Tehran would be five years away from the threshold if the demand for a full Iranian nuclear rollback were met. But the Israeli advisor said the government had not presented any such formulation.

“I've not seen or heard anything about what our 'acceptable' threshold would be,” the adviser said. “But I do know that less than a year would be unacceptable.”

Writing by Dan Williams; Editing by Tom Heneghan

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While the world was burning

Do you remember Roy Lichtenstein’s Pop Art portrait of an anguished woman, her hand over her face, tears falling from her eyes and a speech balloon above her head saying, “I can’t believe it. I forgot to have children!” The implication was that this woman was so busy ticking off career achievements that she had been deaf to the sounds of her biological clock. 

I imagine an updated version of that painting: the same woman, older and with evidence of her worldly success in the background — children, a home, her computer, maybe even a shattered glass ceiling. This time her speech balloon announces, “I can’t believe it. I forgot to save the planet!” 

As we hover at the tipping points of environmental degradation, how many of us are distracted by our own ambitions, racking up earthly accomplishments while ignoring the imperatives on behalf of the earth? 

The environmental and economic policies offered in this week’s Torah portion, Behar, provide correctives that might help us avoid the impending ecological horrors. Behar offers agricultural guidelines to protect the land from depletion and fiscal strategies to prevent the economic inequities that characterize our society and privilege corporation over commonweal. 

Behar introduces the Sabbatical year, which provides the land with a year of rest and renewal every seventh year. It also mandates the Sabbatical release of slaves and the reversion of all property to its original owner. Behar promulgates the value asserted in Psalm 24:1: “The earth belongs to YHVH along with all the world and those who dwell upon it.” As Vivian B. Skolnick says in her Torah commentary, “The Biblical Path to Psychological Maturity,” “All possessions, whether land, humans or wealth are on loan for a certain length of time, but everything ultimately returns to the creator.” 

 Before my life was blindsided by grief, which led me to write about bereavement, I worked for the Ecology Center for Louisiana in the early 1970s. The issues were not so different. Grief counseling and environmental activism encounter the same stumbling block: denial. The denial of death obscures acknowledgement of the state of the planet. When we don’t confront our own death, we fail to reverence the fragility of all life. Believing we will live forever, we assume that the earth will eternally absorb the byproducts of our overconsumption. 

But this blazing hot day at the beginning of May shines light on the facts: The first decade of the century was the hottest in recorded history. The Arctic sea ice has melted to one of the lowest documented levels. The level of carbon dioxide molecules in the atmosphere, for which 350 parts per million is considered a tipping point by many, has reached 400 parts per million. Plant and animal species are disappearing at an alarming rate. What about the crazy weather? And the threat of wildfires when we have little water to extinguish them?

Many of these facts were reported by Daniel Smith in a recent article in The New York Times Magazine, “It’s the End of the World as We Know It … and He Feels Fine.” Smith wrote about Paul Kingsnorth, a former environmental activist in the UK and a founder of the Dark Mountain Project, which approaches the ecological crisis with “mourning, grief and despair.” 

“We are living,” he told Smith, “through the ‘age of ecocide,’ and like a long-dazed widower, we are finally becoming sensible to the magnitude of our loss.” 

Kingsnorth, as reported by Smith, believes that “human activity — greenhouse-gas emissions, urbanization, the global spread of invasive species — [is] driving the planet toward a ‘mass extinction’ event, something that has occurred only five times since life emerged, 3.5 billion years ago.” He sees “no chance of stopping climate change.”  

This is bleak. But it needs to be. Denial does not shatter easily. In Judaism we do not deny death. We wash dead bodies to prepare them for burial. We hear the thump of earth as it is shoveled onto the coffin. We encourage mourners to take the time they need to give full expression to the range of emotions that accompany grief. 

We need to be that blunt about the state of our planet. 

I know how bad it is. In Louisiana I have seen firsthand the consequences of human activity on the environment. I visited after both Hurricane Katrina and the BP/Deep Horizon oil spill. Everything we feared in the ’70s has come to pass. 

But I’m not ready to concede the effort. I have a daughter. She may have children. I am married to the earth. But I know that taking short showers, recycling, composting and driving a Prius is not enough. This is a catastrophe of biblical proportions, and heeding the words of this biblical portion will inspire us to support broad political and social responses to avert the disaster. 

The liturgy gives us a daily opportunity to align with ultimate values, embody them and walk them into the world. Each day we pray for “blessing upon the face of the earth.” Be that blessing. Break through the denial. Get to work. 

The biological clock of the planet is ticking. Can you hear it? If not now, when? 

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On visa waiver issue, U.S. wants to know: What’s Israel doing?

The question U.S. officials have about Israel’s quest to get into the visa waiver program is: If Israel wants in so badly, what steps is it taking?

The question comes up in this Newsweek piece by Jeff Stein about how allegations of Israeli spying on U.S. soil inhibit Israel’s joining the visa waiver program.

I’ve written about how other factors also inhibit Israel’s joining the program, which allows for visa-less travel between the countries. One is Israel’s allegedly discriminatory treatment of Muslim- and Arab-Americans; another is a spike in visa refusals stemming from what U.S. officials say is the burgeoning phenomenon of young Israelis traveling to the United States to illegally peddle Dead Sea products. (The maximum refusal rate for entry into the program is 3 percent, and Israel’s currently stands at over 9 percent.)

The allegations Stein outlines — mostly involving industrial espionage — are not new, and I’ve heard them myself over the years from reliable sources.

One of Stein’s sources gets at what what I’ve also heard underpins U.S. frustration with Israel’s visa waiver quest in all three areas, which is: What steps is Israel taking to meet the requirements? Why is it relying on its friends in the pro-Israel community and in Congress to resolve issues that Israel’s government is better placed to resolve?

From the Newsweek article:

“The Israelis haven’t done s**t to get themselves into the visa waiver program,” the former congressional aide said, echoing the views of two other House staffers working on the issue. “I mean, if the Israelis got themselves into this visa waiver program and if we were able to address this [intelligence community] concern—great, they’re a close ally, there are strong economic and cultural links between the two countries, it would be wonderful if more Israelis could come over here without visas. I’m sure it would spur investment and tourist dollars in our economy and so on and so forth. But what I find really funny is they haven’t done s**t to get into the program. They think that their friends in Congress can get them in, and that’s not the case. Congress can lower one or two of the barriers, but they can’t just legislate the Israelis in.”

I’ve heard similar sentiments. Israel was until recently unwilling to budge at all on the discrimination issue, although Barak Ravid at Haaretz reported last month that it will ease conditions for Palestinian Americans.

On the illegal-worker issue, Israel and the United States set up a joint task force last month to consider how best to handle it. Prior to that announcement, U.S. officials made clear to me that they did not see the phenomenon of an Israeli network training Israeli young people to break U.S. laws as a problem for Americans to solve.

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Milken conference explores Israel-California tech partnership

When Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and California Gov. Jerry Brown signed an agreement in March to boost economic cooperation between Israel and California, positive feelings were high, but details were few and far between.

Plans became clearer — if only a little bit — at the recent Milken Institute Global Conference at the Beverly Hilton, which took place April 27-30.

Seven breakout sessions and panels with renowned businessmen, politicians and academics involved Israel and topics such as energy, agriculture and health, but it was the final one on April 30 that directly related to implementing the memorandum of understanding signed by Netanyahu and Brown two months ago in Silicon Valley.

The goal of that pact, both leaders said at the time, involves solving problems in the areas of water conservation, alternative energy and cybersecurity threats. It gives Israeli companies access to California’s Innovation Hub (iHub) Program, which is composed of 16 research clusters around the state.

Led by Milken senior fellow Glenn Yago, the local panel featured the likes of Nathan Brostrom, the University of California’s executive vice president for business operations, and David Siegel, Israel’s consul general in Los Angeles.

And although, as Yago said afterward, accomplishing concrete steps in a conference is always difficult, his goal was to gather under one roof major players from Israel and California who will play a role in helping both states work together.

“Neither the prime minister nor the governor had any interest in it just being a photo op or a press release,” Yago told the Journal. “They want the two states to really develop a global platform for breakthrough technologies.”

Take water, for starters. Israel is widely regarded as the most advanced nation in water conservation and purification. It has, after all, turned what was desert and swamp into a developed, vibrant nation. 

From its early-warning leak systems that allow farmers and water officials to detect dribbles before they become bursts, to desalination technology that allows Israel to safely draw a large portion of its annual water consumption from the Mediterranean Sea, it may have much to offer California, a state facing a severe drought. 

In a way, the memorandum of understanding signed by the two governments’ leaders came after years of intimate economic cooperation at the market level. Firms like Netafim, an Israeli irrigation company with an office in Fresno, and BrightSource Energy, a solar-thermal company with projects in the Mojave Desert, already have brought Israeli technology to the massive California market.

One new thing the Netanyahu-Brown agreement may have done was give the economic ties that already exist more attention, and make local governments across California aware of the benefits that so many Israeli firms can provide.

“Much is already happening between Israel and California,” Siegel said. “It’s a matter of giving it visibility and communicating to government officials and private sector and public sector officials the significance of Israeli technology in areas that are critical to California.”

The consul general told the Journal that one way the agreement could be implemented is by establishing a think tank or a nongovernmental organization to coordinate turning the promises of the intergovernmental memo into concrete economic development. 

In March, building upon the deal signed in Silicon Valley, Los Angeles City Councilmember Bob Blumenfield introduced a measure to establish a task force for increasing cooperation between Los Angeles and its sister city, Eilat, in a number of areas, including water technology. 

One Israeli businessman who came in from London for the conference was Yariv Cohen, chairman of Kaenaat, a London-based economic development firm. An expert in bringing niche technologies to the global market, Cohen hopes that California can serve as a testing ground for Israeli technologies that could benefit much of the developing world.

“We are working now on how to redesign the tools that create public-private partnerships to promote the scaling-up of clean energy,” Cohen said. 

In other words, once California’s government works more at integrating advanced Israeli clean-energy technology — a key component of Netanyahu’s and Brown’s agreement — Cohen may then be able to bring “the technologies that have been developed and tested in Israel here to emerging economies,” particularly ones that have chronic shortages in two areas of economic development — water and energy. 

Cohen summarized how he sees Israeli technology using the California market to go global: “Use the strength of Israel, the ‘startup nation,’ and California, the ‘scale-up nation,’ to deal with world problems.”

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From family ghosts, a story of ‘The Immigrant’

Since the mid-1990s, writer-director James Gray, 45, has made haunting, operatic films about the fraught relationships between immigrants and their children as they struggle to assimilate and to achieve some measure of the elusive American dream.

His debut feature, “Little Odessa” (1994), depicts the tragic travails of Russian-Jewish parents, their wayward gangster son (Tim Roth) and the younger brother who worships him (Edward Furlong), all set in the insular Russian-Jewish émigré enclave of Brighton Beach, N.Y. “Two Lovers” (2008), also set in Brighton Beach, is the coming-of-age story of a young Jewish man (Joaquin Phoenix) who is torn between a Jewish and a non-Jewish woman (Gwyneth Paltrow).

Now Gray’s brooding new film, “The Immigrant” — which was nominated for the Palme d’Or at the 2013 Cannes Film Festival — serves as a kind of prequel to his previous émigré sagas, as it follows a Polish-Catholic woman, Ewa (Marion Cotillard) who arrives at Ellis Island in 1921, only to fall into the clutches of a Jewish pimp, Bruno Weiss (Phoenix in his fourth turn in a Gray film).

During an interview at the Four Seasons Hotel, the warm, cerebral Gray said the period drama “is the most personal and autobiographical of all my films” — inspired in large part by his own Russian-Jewish family’s passage through Ellis Island in the early 1920s and their difficult journey beyond.

The film opens as Ewa, along with her sister, Magda, enters the immigrant-processing center after a harrowing journey from her war-torn country in the filthy steerage section of an ocean liner. Magda, who is ill, is almost immediately swept away to the hospital infirmary; Ewa, meanwhile, is scheduled for deportation until she is “rescued” by a seemingly charming businessman, Bruno, who soon coerces her into working in his shady burlesque show, and eventually as a prostitute, in order to raise money to spirit Magda out of her lengthy quarantine. Ewa’s salvation seems to emerge in the form of Bruno’s cousin, Orlando (Jeremy Renner), an enigmatic stage magician who turns out to have his own troubled past; a dangerous love triangle ensues as Ewa fights to survive amid the teeming tenements of the Lower East Side.

In person, Gray, who is tall, bearded and decked out in well-worn jeans and spectacles, appeared to be living out his own version of the American dream, posing (albeit self-consciously) for a Variety photo shoot and ordering room service before settling down for an interview. He began by regaling a reporter with the family stories that informed Ewa’s odyssey: In the early 1920s, he said, White Army troops rode their horses into his great-grandparents’ dry goods store in Ostropol, and beheaded them in front of his cowering 16-year-old grandmother. “At least once a week for the rest of her life, she would wake up from terrible nightmares about that,” Gray said.

Gray’s Russian grandfather, who eventually built up a modestly successful plumbing business in New York, nevertheless hoarded a decrepit Ford truck in the garage of his row house in Rego Park, Queens, “because you never know when they might come for you,” he would say.

Even so, the plumber never learned much English, spoke almost exclusively in Yiddish and Russian, was often moved to tears while speaking of his hometown and longed for the old country all of his days.

“There was a profound melancholy about his experience that was passed down through my father to me, and I tried to infuse those emotions into the film,” said Gray, who grew up in Queens.

The movie, he added, “was also a way for me to explore the wrenching dislocation of migrating to a new place. What I was trying to express was that the American dream is not bogus, but it’s also not honey. It’s complex, and it’s something you keep fighting for. It has both beauty and ugliness at the same time.”

Gray said he made the character of Ewa Catholic in part to cause her to feel even more an outsider on the Jewish Lower East Side; her religion also fit thematically with Gray’s interest in exploring what he called “the Madonna-whore complex” as well as issues of forgiveness and redemption. 

To create the character of Bruno, Gray drew on his great-aunt’s tales of a mercurial Jewish pimp and also the historical figure of Max Hochstim, who used his connections with officials at Tammany Hall and elsewhere to lure women into prostitution.  

“Of course, I worried that Bruno might become some sort of negative Jewish stereotype, which is why I made Jeremy Renner’s character a kind of positive counterbalance to him,” Gray said.  “But I also wanted to make Bruno more than just a jerk. … He is deliberately called a ‘kike’ in several scenes because I wanted to show the terrible anti-Semitism of the time and to suggest that, indirectly, that kind of bigotry became a source for who Bruno would become in this hostile environment.”

America was not always the Promised Land for Gray and his family. His father, who had earned a doctorate in economics at Columbia University, encountered devastating business legal battles around the early 1990s, even as Gray’s mother fell ill with brain cancer and died two years later, at 49, when the filmmaker was just 20.  Gray helped care for his mother during her illness, throughout which she had agonizing seizures: “It was so painful to watch her suffer and to be helpless to do anything about it,” he said.  

Several years later, he channeled all those emotions into “Little Odessa,” a script he penned when he was still severely depressed, and in which the movie’s matriarch (played by Vanessa Redgrave) is also dying of brain cancer, to the anguish of her husband and two sons. 

Things picked up for Gray when he was able to secure a producer and financing for “Little Odessa” on the merits of his moody USC student short film, “Cowboys and Angels,” which he made only a year and a half after graduating from the film school; at just 24, he was lauded as a wunderkindauteur to watch.

While Gray’s subsequent films, including “The Yards” (starring Mark Wahlberg) and “We Own the Night,” received mixed reviews in the United States, he became a superstar in France, where Le Monde once dubbed him “one of the great American directors of our time.” “The Immigrant” became his fourth film to premiere in competition at the Cannes International Film Festival.

One of Gray’s direct inspirations for “The Immigrant” came as far back as the 1970s, when he visited the visitors’ center at the then-newly reopened Ellis Island with his grandfather. “He walked in there, and the first thing he did was burst into tears,” Gray recalled. “It felt like the entire place was inhabited by ghosts — the ghosts of our entire family — and I thought that might be a good starting-off point for a film.”

After finding a treasure trove of family documents several years ago, Gray began researching “The Immigrant” in earnest, including myriad visits to the library at Ellis Island and plying his older relatives for memories. He also read up on prostitution in the early 20th century, even perusing a bawdy 1915 pamphlet about hookers — all described as lapsed heiresses — whose services could be purchased for a price. Bruno uses the same shtick to present his harem in the film.

However, the sex scenes in “The Immigrant” are almost non-existent: “It would have been absolutely idiotic to include extensive and explicit sex because it would have been completely distracting to what the point of the movie is,” Gray said.  “I suppose if I had included those kinds of sequences, perhaps the film would have garnered a kind of sleazy attention, but I wouldn’t have been able to live with myself. Then the film would have become a kind of anthropological study of a hooker, which is not what I had in mind.”

“The Immigrant” opens in Los Angeles on May 16.

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Israel/Palestinian Authority negotiations stalled – What should be done now?

Mahmoud Abbas’ Fatah-controlled Palestinian Authority (PA) has now concluded a reconciliation agreement with Hamas, the United States- and European Union-recognized terrorist organization that controls Gaza and calls for the destruction of Israel (Article 15) and the murder of Jews (Article 7) in its charter. 

With this Fatah-Hamas agreement, Abbas has both ended negotiations with Israel and pushed the PA into flagrant violation of the Oslo Accords, which prohibits the PA from working or forming coalitions with terrorist groups. Even the State Department’s spokeswoman, Jen Psaki, responding to the news of the Hamas-Fatah reconciliation deal, observed, “It’s hard to see how Israel can be expected to negotiate with a government that does not believe in its right to exist.”  

Given these developments, what should pro-Israel Americans be working toward?

First, this bleak development, exposing yet again the PA’s lack of interest in a genuine peace, makes it imperative to do now what should have been done years ago –– demand a complete cessation of U.S. aid to the PA until it actually fulfills its signed obligations under the Oslo agreements. 

For 20 years, the PA has violated the Oslo Accords, which required the Palestinians to outlaw and dismantle terrorist groups; arrest, jail and extradite terrorists; confiscate illegal weaponry; end incitement to hatred and murder in the PA-controlled media, mosques and schools; and cease naming schools, streets and sports teams after terrorists.

Moreover, despite formal recognition of Israel by the PA, neither Fatah, which controls the PA, nor Hamas, which competes for control of it, has ever accepted Israel at all, let alone as a Jewish state –– the only sort of recognition that would have any meaning.

Abbas has said, “It is not required of Hamas, or of Fatah, or of the Popular Front [for the Liberation of Palestine] to recognize Israel.” Senior Fatah leader Mohammed Dahlan stated, “We demand of the Hamas movement not to recognize Israel, because the Fatah movement does not recognize Israel, even today.” That’s why PA maps, stationery, atlases and textbooks label the entirety of Israel as “Palestine.”

This should have been a decisive issue from the beginning. Had it been, the PA would have had to choose then and there between U.S. aid –– over $600 million per year –– or being a terror-promoting regime. Instead, it got both.

The collapse of the Oslo talks in 2000, despite American diligence and Israeli concessions, was thus preordained. The PA rejected offers of statehood in 2000 and 2008, yet the Obama administration has refused to draw the obvious conclusion that matters cannot continue as they have if any hope of a genuine peace emerging is still on the table.

Second, unnamed U.S. officials are spreading the story that the recent talks failed not because Palestinians won’t accept Israel as a Jewish state, fight terrorist groups or cease incitement, but because Israel refused, among other things, to cease building homes in existing Jewish communities in the West Bank. Accordingly, this is the time for Israel’s supporters to mount a campaign to expose the lie, a lie based on a willful misreading of Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention that these communities are illegal.

Article 49 prohibits forced deportations of civilians to and from sovereign territories. It also prohibits an “occupying power” from transferring “parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies.” But because the West Bank was earmarked for Jewish settlement by the 1920 San Remo Conference, because Israel has neither annexed nor reached a comprehensive peace treaty, and because the Israeli government hasn’t forcibly moved any of its citizens into the West Bank, it is unallocated territory under international law and not subject to Article 49. (Jordan illegally occupied the West Bank from 1948 to 1967 and relinquished its claim to it in 1988.)

The willful international misrepresentation of Article 49 permits the depiction of Israeli settlements as “illegal” and Israel as a serial abuser of human rights. This is the engine of the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions strategy, which seeks to delegitimize and isolate Israel. The Obama administration cannot embrace the fiction of the illegality of Jews living in the West Bank without incurring uproar in Congress and from the American public, but has nonetheless flirted with it in recent public statements, calling these Jewish communities “illegitimate.” For pro-Israel Americans, now is the time to expose this unacceptable pretense. 

Israel’s supporters can also point to the Australian government, which has publicly rejected the idea that Jewish communities in the West Bank are illegal. We should be working toward the U.S. Congress passing a resolution affirming the legality of Jewish life and development in the West Bank.

It is our job now to help shift the debate, away from blaming Israel for frustrating peacemaking efforts or indicting it for nonexistent crimes, and instead hold the Palestinians accountable for their refusal to recognize and make peace with the Jewish state. We must encourage American leaders to demand that the PA fulfill its Oslo obligations to end incitement, outlaw terrorists groups, arrest terrorists and recognize Israel, and threaten the cessation of U.S. aid if it does not. If America does that, perhaps the Palestinians can start transforming their regime and society toward peace.


Morton A. Klein is national president of the Zionist Organization of America.

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Vermont Avenue communities on display in Santa Monica

Nearly every day for a year and a half, Pamela Mayers-Schoenberg woke up at 7 a.m. and traveled along one of Los Angeles’ longest streets, Vermont Avenue. She’d snap photos of the people on the street, capturing scenes from the various distinct neighborhoods. These photos are on display at the dnj Gallery at Bergamot Station in Santa Monica through May 31. 

For Mayers-Schoenberg, 44, who also owns dnj, this is her first exhibition of her own work at the gallery. She chose to showcase her “The Vermont Project,” which she completed in 1998, because she wanted to educate people about the rich cultures that exist within the city. “People don’t travel enough in Los Angeles,” she said. “I started a more educational component to my gallery. I thought my project would be a good addition.”

The Vermont Avenue exhibition includes 50 black-and-white photos of Harbor City, South Central (now known as South Los Angeles), Hollywood, Koreatown, and Los Feliz, all taken along the 23-mile street. 

Mayers-Schoenberg documented Muslim men praying in a mosque, products on display at an Asian grocery store, Latino children inspecting plants in a garden and African-American men handing out literature about the 12 tribes of Israel. There are pictures of boys warming up for a jog, a couple dancing at an outdoor restaurant, customers at a food truck, churchgoers standing with a priest and kids coloring in a classroom. 

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Israel-PA peace process: Keep calm and carry on

After nine months of behind-the-scenes diplomacy, Secretary of State John Kerry’s Israeli-Palestinian peace initiative hit its deadline last week with few outward signs of progress. With the talks at an impasse, Kerry declared that the US would need to “pause” in its efforts to mediate a final agreement. For the parties and their American mediator, the question is, what happens now? Despite the expiration of talks, the need for a two-state solution–with a secure, democratic and Jewish Israel living alongside a secure, viable and independent Palestinian state—is stronger than ever.

Yet without tangible progress toward that goal, the specter of unhelpful unilateral actions and a renewed cycle of bloodshed threatens to diminish the chances of reaching a final agreement. Nonetheless, the Israelis, Palestinians and Americans can take several concrete steps in the short term to ensure the viability of the two-state solution.

1. Keep the peace. Most importantly, they need to follow the medical maxim: do no harm. All parties must refrain from any actions that would damage the prospect of future negotiations, particularly as they relate to security. Israel is today experiencing the most peaceful period in its history, which Israeli officials have in significant measure credited to security cooperation with the Palestinian Authority (PA). Preserving this cooperation is critical and it is incumbent on the PA to redouble its efforts. An eruption of violence would be destructive for both sides, and could prove fatal to the two-state solution.

To this end, Israel should refrain from taking any punitive measures against the Palestinians, such as withholding tax revenue collected on their behalf. Already facing economic hardship, the PA may not be able to survive if it can no longer pay its employees and provide basic public services. Its collapse could usher in a new wave of unrest and instability, allowing more violent groups to fill the vacuum. 

Similarly, the Americans must not jeopardize the PA’s viability by cutting funding or by shutting diplomatic offices in Washington. With the midterm elections around the corner, some in Congress may be tempted to prove their “pro-Israel” credentials by punishing the Palestinians. What they don’t realize is that doing so would be extremely harmful to Israeli security.

Israel must also do its part to keep the peace by cracking down against perpetrators of “price tag” attacks on Palestinians. Like the Palestinian groups in the Gaza Strip who launch rockets against Israel, these elements seek to crush the two-state solution with another round of violence. This extreme minority must not be allowed to succeed.

Further, as recent comments from American officials have indicated, it is of paramount importance that Israel restrain settlement activity in the West Bank, especially in the sensitive areas in and around Jerusalem.

2. Palestinian reconciliation? Wait and see. On the matter of Palestinian reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas, the US and Israel should take a “wait and see” approach. Though the rival groups pledged to form a unity government in the coming weeks, the deal still has yet to be implemented, and Israel and the US should withhold judgment until the details are known. They should make clear that if the new government keeps its current agreements recognizing Israel and renouncing violence, the door to future diplomatic efforts will remain open.

3. Put a framework on the table. To test both sides’ seriousness, the US should put forward a framework agreement of its own, addressing the final status issues of borders, security, refugees, Jerusalem, and mutual recognition. The solutions to these issues are well known and have the support of majorities of both Israelis and Palestinians. By laying out these consensus positions, the US could ignite a public debate on both sides, which could compel Israeli and Palestinian leaders to make clear whether or not they are willing to move forward.

4. Build pro-Israel support behind US leadership. Finally, the pro-Israel community here in the US has a critical role to play in building political support behind the American leadership necessary to resolve the conflict. As the renowned Israeli author David Grossman has remarked, “We cannot afford the luxury of despair.” Failure to achieve a two-state solution not only threatens Israeli and Palestinian interests, but also American ones. Though the current talks have ended without success, we must address the causes in a clear-eyed fashion without retreating to defeatism and the well-worn talking points of the past.

As they enter this “pause,” both sides can lay the foundations to make future negotiations more successful. By keeping the peace and with a US framework leading the way, next time can and must be different.


Richard M. Goldwasser is an attorney in Chicago and a member of J Street’s board of directors.

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