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March 15, 2010

Brazil’s president refuses visit to Herzl’s grave

Brazil’s president said he would not visit the grave of Theodor Herzl during his first official visit to Israel.

President Luiz Ignacio Lula da Silva, who arrived in Israel on Sunday, refused to visit Herzl’s grave, which is part of the itinerary for visiting foreign officials this year in honor of the 150th anniversary of the father of Zionism. The Brazilian president is reportedly scheduled to visit the grave of Yasir Arafat during a visit to Ramallah.

“It is an insult to Israel’s citizens and to Zionist communities around the world,” World Zionist Organization head Hagai Merom said Monday. “Avoiding putting a wreath at Herzl’s grave is the same as refusing to visit the graves of Mustafa Kemal Ata Turk in Turkey or the tomb of Mahatma Ghandi in India.”

U.S. Vice President Joe Biden visited the grave last week.

Lula said prior to his trip that new countries should help mediate between Israel and the Palestinians.

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犹太人的“四书” The “Four Books” of the Jews

  犹太经典之中最出名的是圣经。

  圣经是部文集,其中第一部分叫” title=”Neviim(意思是“众谕者”)” target=”_blank”>Neviim(意思是“众谕者”),这部分用一个汉字翻译,我选择“经”——圣人之书。承天命者(被上帝选中之人)劝谕百姓。

  第三部分叫做Ketuvim(意思是“多[卷]书”),这部分用一个汉字翻译,我选择“纪”——各种其他类型(典经之外)的纪录,或者“集”——其他圣人时期的文献的集合。

  这“典、经、纪”在一起,即犹太人的圣经,希伯来语是 犹太人的“四书” The “Four Books” of the Jews Read More »

No rap over the knuckles this time

We might have put this behind us.

That’s what some members of the Obama administration should have been thinking this week as the brouhaha over Israel’s authorization of 1600 new housing units in Jerusalem has been allowed to explode into a diplomatic crisis.  Vice President, Joe Biden, touring the region had stinging words of rebuke for his hosts despite repeated apologies from Israeli government leaders.  He refused to be mollified, even as he mouthed platitudes about his understanding of the unfortunate timing of the announcement.

In almost every other administration, such an event would have been pasted over with a mere rap across the knuckles and an exchange of polite assurances that such a diplomatic gaffe would not recur.  But on Friday the Obama administration, perhaps believing that getting tough with Israel only serves to enhance its bona fides with the Arab world, decided to escalate the matter.  Secretary of State Hilary Clinton, claimed that the action “undermined trust and confidence in the peace process and in America’s interest.”White House political chief David Axelrod piled on yesterday, lambasting Israel for what he described as “an affront.”

Why?  Almost anyone who lives in Jerusalem knows that the area in dispute, Ramat Shlomo, is a Jewish neighborhood and has been so for thirty years.  It is surrounded by other Jewish neighborhoods and no Israeli in their right mind would consider surrendering it in any final peace deal with the Palestinians. Giving up Ramat Shlomo would be the equivalent of giving up the world famous Hebrew University on Mount Scopus, the tony Jerusalem suburb of French Hill and even the Jewish Quarter of Jerusalem’s Old City.  All three are just as integrated into the Jewish identity of Jerusalem as Ramat Shlomo.  Only by accepting the Palestinian narrative – that all of Jerusalem belongs to the Palestinians, could anyone possibly envision the suburb as future Palestinian territory.

All of which brings us to the question of what, exactly, the Obama administration is trying to achieve with this demonstration of diplomatic muscle.  Surely it now understands how the Palestinians manipulate the news and use their own refusal to negotiate, as a bargaining chip in itself.  Certainly it must appreciate, that such Palestinian grandstanding is a reflection not of their political strength but of their weakness –  as Mahmoud Abbas and his lieutenants use such diplomatic opportunities to drive a wedge between Israel and its U.S. ally.

Well, maybe not.  Listen to what Hilary Clinton’s spokesman, P.J. Crowley, had to say on Friday:

“ Mrs. Clinton spoke this morning with Prime Minister Netanyahu …to reinforce that this action had undermined trust and confidence in the peace process and in America’s interests. The Secretary made clear that the Israeli government needed to demonstrate not just through words but through specific actions that they are committed to this relationship and the peace process.”

I suppose, then, that Israel had not demonstrated sufficient commitment to the “relationship and the peace process” by withdrawing its settlements and troops from Gaza and certain areas of the West Bank – and receiving nothing but rocket fire in return; or by imposing a ten month freeze on construction in the West Bank or, for that matter, by giving up, over the past 17 years, more than one thousand lives of its citizens to Palestinian terror.

Categorizing all such painful sacrifices as ‘past history’ and irrelevant to future negotiations, this U.S administration now sees only Israeli infractions and reticence and nothing of the same kind among the Palestinians.  Where is Hilary’s condemnation of the Palestinian education system which continues to brazenly demonize Israelis and Jews and encourage suicide missions for children?  Where is Hilary’s alarm about the ubiquity of anti-American sentiment in the Palestinian controlled territories, fanned by Palestinian clerics and political leaders?  Where is the sense of outrage that with the tremendous aid the Palestinians receive from the European Union and the United States, there is still, after 17 years, no effective accounting for much of it.

In the same week in which Obama’s State Department offered an apology to Libya’s Moammar Gadhafi for Crowley’s dismissal of Gadhafi’s “Jihad speech” against Switzerland and the opening of an “era of good relations” with Syria, accented by the appointment of a new U.S.  ambassador, it seems oddly ironic that its best friend in the region is the one country whose conduct is targeted as inimical to U.S. interests.

With such a venomous attitude towards friends and an open arms attitude towards enemies, it becomes clearer by the day what should have been obvious from the very beginning: the Obama administration has no Middle East policy other than to reprimand or pressure Israel.  That might seem appropriate seeing that Israel has the only government in the Middle East with apparently anything to either gain or lose by coddling U.S. support.

Avi Davis is the President of the American Freedom Alliance in Los Angeles.  His daily posts can be found at The Intermediate Zone www.avidavis.wordpress.com

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犹太人的“四书”: The Jewish “Four Books”

  犹太人的经典之中最出名的是圣经。

  圣经是部文集,其中第一部分叫Torah(托辣,意思是“教导、训诲”),这部分用一个汉字翻译,我选择“典”——帝之书。按犹太传统,托辣乃帝(上帝)亲授。用“典”,还可以表达Torah所含“典章律例”。

  第二部分叫做Neviim(意思是“众先知”),这部分用一个汉字翻译,我选择“经”——圣人之书。承天命者(被上帝选中之人)劝谕百姓。

  第三部分叫做Ketuvim(意思是“多[卷]书”),这部分用一个汉字翻译,我选择“纪”——各种其他类型(典经外)的纪录,或者“集”——其他圣人时期的文献的集合。

  这“典”“经”“纪”在一起,即犹太人的圣经,希伯来语是TaNaKh(塔纳赫)——Torah, Neviim, Ketuvim的首字母缩写(T-N-K)。

  圣经之外,最重要的,也是使犹太人保持其犹太特性的不可或缺的经典,是Talmud(有“学习”之意),这部包罗万象的巨著用一个汉字翻译,我选择“传”——诠释“经”(圣经)之书。

  “典”“经”“纪”“传”,此犹太“四书”。

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Happy Passover, Danny DeVito

In Barry Levinson’s 1987 movie Tin Men there’s two scenes that always struck me as getting to the emotional core of Passover. The first takes place at a bar.  Danny DeVito plays Tilley, a guy whose wife just left him for a man he loathes, and whose house and car have just been repossessed.  He’s talking to Sam (played by Jackie Gayle) one of the tough old Jewish cons he works with.

SAM: I’m beginning to believe in God.

TILLEY: You were never one of those athiests, were you?

SAM: No, I’m not saying that, but I’m beginning to give God more thought.

TILLEY: So, what’d you do.  Have some kind of religious experience?

SAM: I tell ya…I took my wife for lunch yesterday…We went and had some smorgasbord, and it kind of happened.

TILLEY: You found God at the smorgesbord?

SAM: Yeah. I go there… I see celerey; I see the lettuce, tomatoes, cauliflower,…and I think, All these things come out of the ground. They had corn—out of the ground. You say to yourself, How can all these things come out of the ground? You know what I’m talking about? All these things come out of the ground.

TILLEY (not understanding): Yeah.

SAM: I mean, how can that be? Out of the dirt all those things came. And I’m not even getting into the fruits… I’m just dealing with the vegetables right now. With all those things coming out of the earth, there must be a God.

TILLEY: I’m not getting the same religious effect that came over you. I don’t know why, but I don’t feel like running to a church to pray right this second.

SAM: You gotta admit, it’s amazing.

TILLEY: Yeah, yeah….

Cut to many scenes later, when Tilley’s life is even more in the toilet, and he finds himself at Thor’s Smorgasbord.  He walks to the salad bar, pauses to look at the bountiful array of vegetables, and time seems to stand still. A beautiful light, a spiritual peace descends upon him.  And he prays:

TILLEY: God, if you’re responsible for all this stuff down here, maybe you got a moment’s attention for me….

Of course it doesn’t work out—a woman tries to cut in front of Tilley and he gets annoyed and snaps back.  The moment of transcendence for him was another chance to plead his case. But for a second, you almost believed the power of the salad bar bounty to work its magic on Tilley.

Around Passover, that feeling Sam had overcomes me as well.  The seder table, when its foods reflect the bounty of spring, the green bursting forth of life, should anchor us in gratitude and awe. That’s also why when I cook for Passover, I try to use as many young new green things—chard, dandelion, artichokes, mint, dill, new potatoes, green garlic, leek shoots, pea tendrils—as possible. 

A few years ago, just before Passover, I was making one of those mad dashes into yet another market to pick up yet something else I had forgotten on my list. Leeks.  How could I forget the leeks?

I ran into the Whole Foods on Crescent Drive in Beverly Hills, a market that’s rarely on my shopping loop, but that I just happened to be passing that day.  Leeks Leeks leeks.  With the kind of focus that only having 26 people for a seven course dinner in five hours can bring to a shopper, I beelined for the produce aisle: sweaty, frantic, feeling about as spiritual as a piston.

As I paused to scan for leeks, a man’s voice nearby called out to me.

“Hey, can you reach the chard?”

I didn’t see a soul around, but the voice was familiar as it was unplace-able. Then I looked down to my right. It was Danny De Vito.

“It’s up there,” he said.

De Vito pointed up, arm outstretched like Moses showing the way into the holy Land. I looked up an saw what he saw: a wall of glistening variegated chard: deep green, beet red chard,  lemon yellow, all bursting out from the top produce shelf, where clearly he couldn’t reach. Suddenly I was in the scene from Tin Men with him.

“Sure,” I said.  I reached up, pulled down a bunch, and handed it to him.

“Thanks,” the actor said.  He lifted the sheaf of greens in his hand. “Beautiful stuff.”

That was a good way to begin Passover.

[RECIPE] Passover Vegetable Tian

1 pound new potatoes

1 pound green garlic

1 pound leeks

1 pound fennel

1 pound fresh baby artichokes

1/2 cup olive oil

3 T. fresh dill

2 fresh mint

2 fresh bay leaves

1 bunch watercress

1/4 cup white wine

salt and pepper

Clean all vegetables and cut off inedible parts. Slice potatoes in 1/4 inch rounds. Slice garlic, leeks, fennel in 1/4 inch slices. Quarter artichokes. Chop herbs. Heat olive oil in large oven proof casserole over a high flame. When hot, add the fennel, leeks, garlic, potatoes, artichokes, bay leaf, salt and pepper. Stir, reduce flame to medium low and cover. Let cook 30 minutes, until vegetables are soft.  (You can also cook in a 400 degree oven.)  Uncover, raise heat, add wine, stir until evaporated.  Stir in dill, mint and watercress. Cook another 5 minutes, uncovered.  Serve hot, warm, or room temperature.

 

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L.A. Federation leaders voice concern on conversion law in Knesset meeting

L.A. Federation Leaders Voice Concern on Conversion Law in Knesset Meeting

Jay Sanderson and Richard Sandler, president and chairman of the Jewish Federation of Greater Los Angeles, were part of a delegation that met on Monday in Jerusalem with Israeli Knesset member David Rotem (Yisrael Beiteinu), who proposed a controversial new conversion bill that has roiled Israeli politics.

Rotem’s committee was charged with finding a solution to the ultra-Orthodox hold on conversion, which has made converting in Israel a difficult and often fruitless process, and has impacted Diaspora conversions as well.

Rotem’s proposed bill would enable municipal chief rabbis to perform conversions, expanding the number of converting courts, and would limit rabbis’ ability to annul conversions. But the law also includes provisions that could threaten a convert’s citizenship eligibility under the law of return. The bill is currently held up in the Knesset law committee, which will take the matter up again after Passover.

The delegation representing Diaspora Jewry was led by Jewish Agency for Israel (JAFI) Chair Natan Sharansky and The Jewish Federations of North America (JFNA) Senior Vice President Rebecca Caspi, director of JFNA’s Israel office. They delivered a letter strongly opposing the bill to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu last week, and this week met with Rotem, along with L.A. Federation leaders and leaders from federations in St. Louis and Dallas. The delegation asked that the committee consult with representatives of Diaspora Jewry before it takes steps on conversion issues that could have far-ranging impact.

Rotem told the group that no laws would be passed before the Knesset’s Passover break, and assured the group that no future bill will affect the status of conversions outside of Israel, according to a JFNA statement.

“We have received assurances that we will be consulted in this process so that the views of world Jewry are taken into consideration,” Sharansky said after the meeting.

Sanderson, who was leading his first mission to Israel for top lay leaders, said: “We were encouraged by the frank and open discussion with MK Rotem. It is clear to us that there is a sincere will on the part of Rotem, and indeed the government, to find ways to improve the situation governing conversions in Israel, without compromising the rights and dreams of Jews of all persuasions.”

The Reform movement also expressed strong opposition to the bill, saying it would give the chief rabbinate authority over Law of Return eligibility, undoing a fragile status quo that allows non-Orthodox converts to be recognized as citizens.

“This legislation will certainly reopen one of the most divisive battles in the Jewish community. The proposed legislation will lead to a situation in which Jews-by-choice would be treated differently and denied recognition as Jews under the Law of Return, in direct contradiction of Israeli Supreme Court rulings.  Additionally, it may lead to the delegitimization of all non-orthodox conversions performed outside of the State of Israel,” said a statement released by the Union for Reform Judaism.

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Why American has no Chief Rabbi

In my eleven years living in England I often observed, as did many others, that Anglo-Jewry lacked the vibrancy and innovation characteristic of American Judaism. The absence of an electrifying sense of Jewishness and communal dynamism was a subject much discussed among the Anglo-Jewish leadership. In areas like per capita philanthropy and social services, Anglo-Jewry led the world. But in communal programming and affiliation it was hemorrhaging numbers at an alarming rate.

Some said that Anglo-Jewry’s relatively small number accounted for fewer truly original ideas. Others spoke of the natural reticence and lower-key disposition of the English in general and Anglo-Jewry in particular.

In truth the principal reason for the stagnant state of Anglo-Jewry relative to its American counterpart lay elsewhere. Anglo-Jewry is profoundly hierarchical while American Jewry is profoundly meritocratic. Britain, for example, has a Chief Rabbi who is the community’s titular head and Ambassador to the wider community while in America a rabbi’s standing is judged not by any communal appointment or particular title but by effort and impact alone. The absence of a communal hierarchy means that individual Rabbis and communal leaders can innovate and try new and transformative programming without having to fit into an existing infrastructure of control or thought.

In both countries it is interesting to note that its two most successful ideas over the past two decades – Limmud in the UK and Birthright in the United States – originated with activists who were working outside the main organs of the established community. And that’s because giant bureaucracies often stifle originality. But in the UK where the bureaucracy affects the most important leaders of all – its spiritual guides – it is extremely challenging for Rabbis to go up against the spiritual status quo.

We see the same problem manifesting itself in Israel where Rabbinical innovation is strongly limited by the hierarchical demands of an established Chief Rabbinate. In effect a Rabbi is made to feel that someone is watching over him at all times. Being an impactful leader requires the freedom to maneuver and innovate. But wherever there is a Chief Rabbinate there is strong pressure to fit in and conform. And I only partially buy the argument that having an orthodox Chief Rabbinate helps to solidify orthodoxy as the community’s main and established current. In the final analysis, an ossified orthodoxy that retains hegemony by communal fiat will always feel oppressive and invite rebellion, whereas an orthodoxy that is alive and pulsating will rise to the fore naturally and be embraced organically. In America there is no orthodox Chief Rabbinate. Yet few would argue that orthodoxy is now the community’s most potent, effective, and vibrant force. And it became that way without being artificially propped up.

There is more.

Having a Chief Rabbi assumes community cohesion in name rather than fact. Whoever, therefore, occupies the position is immediately compromised by having to be all things to all people. In the United Kingdom, the community is bitterly divided between orthodox and non-orthodox. One of the things I found most distasteful about being an orthodox Rabbi in the UK were the constraints put on me from working publicly with my conservative and reform brethren on matters of great communal concern. In the United States it would be unthinkable for an orthodox Rabbi to be prevented from working, say, to defend Israel on campus with his reform counterparts. But in the UK sharing a public platform with the non-orthodox clergy is sacrilege. This prohibition served in no small measure to sow unlimited enmity between reform and orthodox Jews even in areas where there should be clear unity and agreement. The most famous example was when we orthodox Rabbis were prevented from attending the funeral of Rabbi Hugo Gryn, a holocaust survivor and Britain’s most celebrated reform Rabbi. Is it not better for orthodox Rabbis to use halacha, Jewish law, as their guide rather than rigid communal orthodoxies? And can you imagine any halacha that would forbid a Rabbi, of all people, from burying another Jew?

The limitations of having a Chief Rabbinate explains a paradox of British Jewry under the leadership of Rabbi Jonathan Sacks. On the one hand, Sacks is universally admired as one of the eloquent Jewish thinkers of our time. A gifted communicator in both the written and spoken word, Sacks combines scholarship with a thoroughly modern understanding of contemporary events and social currents. Yet, the UK community has stagnated and shriveled under his leadership. Indeed, the paradox of Sacks’ leadership is how, amid Britain being privileged with arguably the most effective Jewish apologist of our generation, anti-Semitism and anti-Israel sentiment has exploded under his watch as never before. Some of the highlights include the British High Court ruling, unbelievably, that the orthodox community has no right to determine whom the members of its own community are, the arrest warrant issued against former Israeli Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni by a British court, the decree that produce from the West Bank had to labeled as having been grown by Jewish settlers, and the ban by the British academic establishment of Israeli academics at their conferences. How could such an outpouring of anti-Jewish emotion erupt under Sacks’ capable watch? The answer is that in many of these cases Sacks only tangentially engaged himself. A Chief Rabbi is a member of the establishment and establishment figures – seeking respectability above all else – always try and avoid confrontation.

The closest thing America ever had to a Chief Rabbi was Stephen S. Wise who chose to be very guarded and tightlipped during the holocaust, shirking from nearly every political confrontation with his close friend Franklin Roosevelt. The Simon Wiesenthal Center has produced a brilliant documentary about his tragic reticence entitled ‘Against the Tide,’ which serves as a moving and cautionary tale of ever concentrating too much Jewish communal power in a single, establishment voice.

Rabbi Shmuley Boteach is the founder of This World: The Values Network and has just published ‘The Blessing of Enough.’ Follow him on Twitter @RabbiShmuley.

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Ben Stiller’s Greenberg

Before the “Night at the Museum” and “Meet the Parents” franchises made Ben Stiller one of the biggest comic superstars of his generation, the actor played the dramatic lead in a riveting independent film, “Permanent Midnight,” based on Jerry Stahl’s memoir of battling drug addiction while working as a television writer.  At the time, Stiller told me he was drawn to “Permanent Midnight” because, like Stahl, he considered himself “funny and Jewish and not particularly confident or comfortable” in his own skin. He added that he felt “somewhat of an outcast in the WASP culture;” and that he has felt pressured to assimilate not because he is self-hating, but because he hates when people typecast him.

A dozen years later, the now 44-year-old Stiller has made another independent film in which he plays an even more prickly dramatic lead, awash in midlife crisis.  Stiller portrays the eponymous anti-hero in Noah Baumbach’s “Greenberg,” which opens March 19 and revolves around a fortyish misanthrope who is “a potentially repellent walking contradiction, an emotional porcupine who uses what he perceives as brutal honesty in order to perpetuate a big lie, that is, that he doesn’t really need anybody else,” the Hollywood Reporter said.

Having failed to make something of himself while his friends have developed successful careers and families, Roger Greenberg has left New York to house sit for his well-to-do brother in Los Angeles, where he is attempting to recuperate from a nervous breakdown.  There he chances to meet his brother’s twentysomething assistant, Florence Marr (Greta Gerwig), who turns out to be relationship material, in part because she is so passive she is able to absorb all of Greenberg’s abusive behavior and deflected self-loathing.

The depth of his self-hatred apparently extends to his Jewish background, as evidenced when Greenberg is persuaded to attend a Bel Air bar-be-queue where he meets up with some old Jewish friends.  These men are comfortably chatting about whether anyone has been to so-and-so’s seder;  various Jewish connections, and what constitutes a “Jewish” gesture (“You’re doing this,” one of them says to Greenberg, miming his effusive hand gesticulations).  “I’m half [Jewish],” Greenberg says.  “You look full,” a friend replies.  The appalled Greenberg has as much disdain for this Tribal schmoozing as he professes for his wealthy friends whom, in his opinion, have abandoned creativity in order to become successful. “Most people think I look Italian,” he says, sulkily.  “My mother is actually Protestant, so I’m not Jewish at all.”

Stiller’s own mother, the actress Anne Meara, converted to Judaism upon marrying fellow actor Jerry Stiller; Ben Stiller unabashedly identifies with the Tribe and also has mined his background to comic effect (during his stint as a presenter at the 2010 Academy Awards,  he peppered his “Avatar” spoof with Hebrew).  In “Meet the Parents” and its sequel, “Meet the Fockers,” Stiller plays a nebbishy Jewish nurse who is continually humiliated by his WASP father-in-law (Robert De Niro), a former CIA agent.  The third installment in the franchise, “Little Fockers,” will hit theaters Dec. 22, with a screenplay by Stiller’s longtime in-house writer, John Hamburg.

“The non-Jewish characters in the films are not anti-Semitic,” Hamburg told me last year.  “But there is the sense that Ben feels out of place among WASPS and also because he is a man who is not a doctor, but a nurse, which creates a kind of stigma.”

At the time of the interview in March 2009, Hamburg said he was “doing his own take” on an existing script for “Little Fockers.”  So how will the fictional interfaith couple raise their children? “When you have a couple of kids – when you have twins – and you have a Jewish dad and a non-Jewish mom, you’ve gotta make some compromises,” Hamburg said.  He wasn’t telling whether only one of the children will have a bris.

“Greenberg” is the latest film by Noah Baumbach, who specializes in difficult and despairing characters and who received an Oscar nomination for his excellent 2005 drama “The Squid and the Whale.” In a Journal interview, Baumbach said the title of “Squid” alludes to “The Clash of the Titans” diorama at Manhattan’s American Museum of Natural History; but it also becomes a metaphor for the battle between a confused Jewish teenager and his hypercritical, intellectual father (Jeff Daniels).  The characters were inspired by Baumbach’s life with his own parents, both lauded writers, in Brooklyn in the 1980s.  The filmmaker said that even though his mother is Protestant, he identified as Jewish because he felt a connection with the People of the Book.  He wrote “Greenberg” with his wife, Jennifer Jason Leigh, who also stars in the movie.  Baumbach and Leigh are expecting their first child this month.

Read our story on Ben Stiller 

Read our story on John Hamburg and the “Meet the Parents” franchise

Our story on Noah Baumbach

 

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Biden’s failed mission

In its determination to prove it is not the Bush Administration, the Obama Administration has gone out of its way to curry favor with the Arabs and criticize Israel. Having succeeded in alienating most of the Israeli public, the administration sent Vice President Joseph Biden to Jerusalem to convince Israelis they have a friend in the White House, but Biden couldn’t stick to the script and managed to reinforce their fears rather than reassure them.

Biden was prepared to say all the right things, and did say many of them, but when he decided it was necessary to publicly blast Israel for announcing the construction of more homes in its capital, he frittered away any chance he had of accomplishing his objective. This is not to defend the Israeli decision, which substantively may have been justifiable, but could not have been publicized at a worse moment. Still, Biden could have just as easily told Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu behind closed doors that this was an embarrassing and stupid announcement. Friends keep their disagreements private as much as possible, a lesson Obama could learn from Bill Clinton’s stewardship of U.S.-Israel ties.

The biggest problem with Biden’s condemnation is that it reinforced the view that the administration’s policy is tilted off the table in favor of the Arabs. For more than a year now, Arab leaders have stuck their fingers in Obama’s eye and refused to cooperate in any way with his initiatives. The Palestinians have been equally persistent in demonstrating by word and deed that they have no desire whatsoever to discuss peace. They have obstinately refused to enter direct negotiations and repeatedly engaged in incitement, which most recently featured threats of provoking a holy war. Meanwhile, Biden and the rest of the administration have not uttered a word of criticism. Had he at least remarked on the Arab record when chastising Israel, he might have blunted some of the damage, but, instead, he is leaving Israelis with a worse impression of the administration than before he arrived.

It was not surprising that Mahmoud Abbas immediately used the Israeli announcement as a pretext for pulling out of the indirect talks he had finally agreed to and which few people outside the Obama administration believed were worth undertaking in the first place. Again, Israel’s announcement may have been ill-timed, but has nothing to do with the recalcitrance of the Palestinians.

If Biden really wanted to do something for the Palestinians, he would not feed their latest tantrum. Instead, he should point out to Abbas the simple historical truth that the longer he waits to negotiate an agreement with Israel, the more Jews will be living in the areas he wants and the less land he will get in the end. Had Jimmy Carter said this to Yasser Arafat 30 years ago when 12,000 Jews lived in the West Bank, the conflict might have been resolved. Now, nearly 300,000 Jews live in that same area. Whose side is time really on?

It was nice that the Vice President visited Israel, and his intentions were good, but given Israeli insecurities about this administration Biden was a poor substitute for the president. The truth is the political aspects of U.S.-Israel relations are shaped by the Prime Minister and the President and envoys and other underlings simply don’t matter.

Despite the tensions, Obama cannot yet be compared to America’s most anti-Israel presidents – George H.W. Bush and Dwight Eisenhower—but his administration is certainly the most tone deaf and naive.

Obama himself has to travel to Jerusalem and speak directly to the Israeli people and convince them by word and, more important, by deed, that he is indeed their staunch ally. So long as suspicions remain, and the administration continues its one-sided public approach to the conflict, it is only making the prospect of diplomatic success more remote. Without the conviction that America has its back, Israel cannot afford the risks required for peace.

Mitchell Bard is the author of “Will Israel Survive?” and “48 Hours of Kristallnacht: Night of Destruction/ Dawn of the Holocaust” (Lyons Press).

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