L.A. Unity Trip: Statements from the Rabbis
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. Many of them have been inspired by extraordinary faculty like the ones we met at BGU who, in addition to being first-class scholars and cutting-edge researchers, model what it means to be involved with their community.</p>
<p>Thinking about both President Peres and the young chalutzim of Ayalim, one of the rabbis quoted the verse from the prophet Joel: “And your old shall dream dreams, and your youth shall see visions” (Joel 3:1).</p>
<p>Those dreams and visions continue to animate this wonderful, complicated and confusing place that matters so much to each one of us. It was a privilege to be part of this mission and to stand together with my colleagues to reaffirm the oath that Israel really matters to us all. </p>
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” title=”The Unity Trip”>The Unity Trip.
L.A. Unity Trip: Statements from the Rabbis Read More »
Click here for the full story on 

. Many of them have been inspired by extraordinary faculty like the ones we met at BGU who, in addition to being first-class scholars and cutting-edge researchers, model what it means to be involved with their community.</p>
<p>Thinking about both President Peres and the young chalutzim of Ayalim, one of the rabbis quoted the verse from the prophet Joel: “And your old shall dream dreams, and your youth shall see visions” (Joel 3:1).</p>
<p>Those dreams and visions continue to animate this wonderful, complicated and confusing place that matters so much to each one of us. It was a privilege to be part of this mission and to stand together with my colleagues to reaffirm the oath that Israel really matters to us all. </p>
<hr />
<div style=)
” title=”The Unity Trip”>The Unity Trip.
L.A. Unity Trip: Statements from the Rabbis Read More »
Have you noticed how the people who work in luxury hotels never actually use the word “hotel” to refer to the place? They call it “The Property,” or “The Resort,” or sometimes even “The Estate,” which, I imagine, is supposed to describe something much grander, more awe-inspiring and worthy of one’s hard-earned money than a mere “hotel.”
I had occasion to “experience” (their word) one such Property last week, for one night, thanks to the generosity of two friends who treated me to the trip, and, let me tell you, I might as well have fallen through a rabbit hole and straight onto the set of “Twilight Zone, the Movie.”
It’s a beautiful place — elaborate but tasteful, with a friendly, helpful staff that is courteous without being condescending, and enough space that you need a map and a scooter, plus maybe a day’s worth of food and water, to make your way from one wing to another. It’s also so empty that you can lie for hours by the pool or walk half a day on the beach without running into anyone but a hotel employee. My hosts, I’m told by a bright-eyed young woman at the reception desk, are paying for only a “standard” room (I take it that means “the cheapest”), which means I will be assigned a “standard view” (it turns out to be a tree that blocks whatever lay beyond it). It also means that I will be charged a $30 “parking fee,” a $12 “baggage fee” (which is not the same as the “baggage handling fee” — the first one is a tax on baggage in general, whether you have it or not) and (I swear I’m not making this up) a $3 “housekeeping fee.”
“Wow!” I tell the girl at the desk. “The place must really be suffering!”
She has no idea what I mean.
“To have to charge $3 for housekeeping,” I explain. “I don’t even think Motel 6 does that.”
The housekeeping fee, she explains most cordially, is for rooms booked at the discounted midweek rate.
“What’s that?” I ask. Judging by the emptiness of the place, the fact that it’s rumored to be near bankruptcy because of low occupancy, I imagine she’s going to say, $150.
“Six hundred dollars,” she says, “plus tax. The regular rate is $750.”
Six hundred dollars, plus tax, parking and baggage fees, it seems, doesn’t quite cover the cost of the room. “Management” has determined that the $3 is essential to the financial viability and superior service of The Resort.
“So,” I ask, looking around at the empty lobby and even emptier patio and dining room, “can I check into the room already?”
The girl smiles as if I’m the village idiot who’s come to the big city for the first time.
“Check-in time is 3 p.m.,” she says.
I mention that I suspect I’m the only guest at this entire “Estate” that day, and that she may, therefore, be able to find one single, solitary room, out of the 1,200 on “The Property” that’s ready for me to check into. She “invites” me to enjoy “the grounds” and wait till 3.
“The grounds” are breathtaking, but I keep getting lost every time I turn around because I can’t keep track of which tower I’m in, which set of elevators I should use and what floor I need to go to. The lobby, it turns out, is on the fifth floor; my room is on the second; the pool is on “P,” but to get to it you have to take one elevator to level five, cross from one tower to another, take another elevator to “P,” go down a set of stairs…. This, I imagine, is what it’s like to get through customs in North Korea if you’ve walked there on foot all the way from Japan.
Not that I’m complaining, mind you. The place is so pleasant I’d be happy getting lost in it any day of the year. I just can’t understand why it needs to be so empty, or pushed into bankruptcy by its creditors. Can’t “Management” lower the rates on these rooms a little? Make them more affordable without losing money on them? Isn’t making some money better than making no money?
Armed with my Economics 101 education, I march back to the front desk at The Property that evening, and ask to talk to Management.
Management is a tall, blond gentleman who embodies everything you’ve ever read and loved about Orange County and its beaches. I tell him I’ve noticed that business is slow.
“You think maybe things are a little too expensive here?” I venture. Like the one chocolate truffle I just bought at the gift shop, for example. It was $8. You can clean two and a half rooms with that.
“Our truffles are imported,” he says, so charmingly I can’t get annoyed with him.
“From where?” I ask, “Tibet?”
He thinks about it for a second.
“I can find out for you,” he says, embarrassing me with his helpfulness.
“Can’t you lower the room rates a bit?” I ask.
The rates have already been lowered, he reminds me. My $600-plus-tax is proof of that. Then he says, “Any more than that, and one risks attracting a different class of guests — the kind that steals towels and bathrobes.”
Now, I don’t know about you, but it has never occurred to me that anyone who can pay $300 a night for a hotel room belongs to the towel-stealing class. I don’t believe these hotel owners are so protective of their towels as they are of future profit margins. I think they refuse to lower rates for fear of revealing the truth about the emperor: that the rooms were overpriced to begin with. Better to suffer for a year or two, lay off dozens, perhaps hundreds of employees, many of them working for minimum wage, then come back and rake in the old profits once the economy gets moving.
If the economy gets moving — given that unemployment numbers are still on the rise and that they’ll keep rising as long as businesses such as this one stick to their guns of greed and fire employees instead of lowering rates.
Eight o’clock Friday morning, I’m served my walking papers by a hotel employee who slips the bill under my door. I call down to the front desk and ask for a 1 p.m. checkout. The girl says she has to ask Management if she can “offer” me a “complimentary hour.” She comes back a minute later.
“We’re all out of complimentary hours on The Property,” she says. “But we can offer you a 5 p.m. check out for half the room rate.”
Gina Nahai is an author and a professor of creative writing at USC. Her latest novel is “Caspian Rain” (MacAdam Cage, 2007). Her column appears monthly in The Journal.
How to Rescue the Resort Read More »
Read a Palestinian response to this column here.
Read Rabbi Joshua Levine Grater’s response here.
I don’t quite get the brouhaha that is going on in the Jewish world about J Street. Some Jews are convinced that this new organization poses a threat to Israel’s interests, while others are equally passionate about the need for an organization that will counter AIPAC and critique Israeli policy for the sake of peace.
I’ve heard all the critiques of J Street, and I share many of them. But what I still don’t get is why people are making such a fuss about an organization whose message is so outdated and unoriginal.
Listen to some of their pronouncements and tell me if they don’t equal a triple shot of Valium. Hey, did you know, for instance, that J Street believes in diplomatic solutions over military ones? And in a negotiated end to the Israeli-Arab and Israeli-Palestinian conflicts?
And get a load of this: They believe in a two-state solution! Two states living side-by-side in peace and security! Because, they say, ending the Palestinian conflict is in the best interests of Israel, the United States, the Palestinians and the region as a whole.
Talk about going out on a limb. J Street believes it’s really important that we resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. No kidding. And what’s their brilliant brainstorm for how to do that? “Consistent and concerted diplomatic engagement by the United States.”
Wait a minute. Haven’t we heard all this before? Like maybe 30 years ago — and at every failed peace meeting since?
Well, yes, but J Street has put a fresh coat of paint on this fixer-upper. They’ve mastered the art of preaching mind-numbing clichés and making it look like they’ve found the Holy Grail.
Let’s look, for example, at the cliché that “consistent and concerted diplomatic engagement” — a euphemism for pressuring Israel — has a positive impact on the peace process. A good example of this engagement has been the demand on Israel to freeze all its settlement construction, a policy that J Street actively promotes. How has that engagement worked so far?
Let’s just say that since the United States made this demand six months ago, the Palestinians have taken to it like a pit bull discovering a tasty dog bone.
Does anyone remember that in the past, the Palestinians would come to the negotiating table without ever asking for this construction freeze — and that just over year ago, Mahmoud Abbas was knee deep in negotiations with Israel?
J Street is so sure of itself that it is still pushing for this construction freeze, even after it’s clear that it has pushed the parties further apart and even after the United States itself has softened its demand.
This shouldn’t come as a surprise, because groups like J Street are still stuck in the old paradigm that the key to reaching peace is for Israel to make more concessions. History suggests otherwise. If the other side has been so poisoned that they want your destruction more than they want peace, making unilateral concessions only makes things worse, as we saw after the Gaza withdrawal.
But recognizing this sober reality would wreak havoc on J Street’s marketing and fundraising. It’s too messy and inconvenient. It would require too much original thinking. Better to stick with milquetoast themes like “pro-peace and pro-Israel” and the need for “broad public and policy debates.”
This idea that what’s missing right now in the Middle East is a “healthy debate” among American Jews is a narcissistic fantasy. Many “pro-peace, pro-Israel” American Jews, myself included, had plenty of debates when we supported the many concessions for peace Israel made over the years.
Now that Israeli society has decided to proceed more cautiously, the fact that we’re not critiquing the Israeli government doesn’t mean we follow them blindly; it means that we agree with them.
And the reason we don’t scream so loudly for peace is not because we don’t have a group like J Street to help us express ourselves, but because we’d love to see, for a change, more screaming for peace coming from the other side.
If you ask me, what the Middle East needs more than anything today is not a J Street but an A Street.
This would be an Arab organization that would do what no Jewish organization can do: rally peace-seeking Arab moderates to the cause of peaceful coexistence with a Jewish state. If the Jews can rally their own for peace, why can’t the Arabs? Why should Jews have an exclusive on self-criticism and internal pressure?
Can you imagine how transformational it would be if a high profile, “pro-Arab, pro-peace” organization pressured Palestinian leaders to dismantle the teaching of Jew-hatred in Palestinian society — a hatred that has made a mockery of all moves toward peace?
Can you imagine the impact on the peace process if 1,500 Palestinian peace activists gathered in Washington, D.C., for a conference against hatred?
Sure, it all sounds like a pipe dream, but not any more so than the outdated delusions coming out of J Street.
David Suissa is the founder of OLAM magazine. You can read his daily blog at suissablog.com and e-mail him at {encode=”dsuissa@olam.org” title=”dsuissa@olam.org”}.
We Need ‘A Street,’ Not J Street Read More »
The L.A. Jewish community remained on alert this week as police continued their hunt for a gunman who shot and wounded two congregants at a Sephardic synagogue the San Fernando Valley.
The shooting occurred at 6:20 a.m. on Thursday, Oct. 29, in the underground garage of the Adat Yeshurun Valley Sephardic Synagogue in North Hollywood.
A young man, described as dark skinned and wearing a dark, hooded sweat shirt, approached one worshipper arriving for early morning services and tried to shoot him, but the gun jammed.
When a second congregant approached, the gunman shot both men in the legs, then fled and has not been apprehended. The two victims were identified as Maor Ben-Nissan, 38, and Allen Lasry, 53.
Yehuda Oz, 57, was inside the synagogue with about 20 other congregants when he heard four shots. Then one of the victims ran into the synagogue, bleeding and screaming for help, Oz said.
Police immediately alerted all Los Angeles synagogues and Jewish institutions, which had been under heightened security precautions since a shooting rampage 10 years ago at the North Valley Jewish Community Center wounded a half-dozen youngsters and later left a postal carrier dead.
Among the first on the scene at Adat Yeshurun were responders from theHatzolah emergency aid team, joined later by L.A. Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, L.A. County Supervisor Zev Yaroslavsky and representatives from Chabad, the Anti-Defamation League, the Jewish Federation Valley Alliance and the Simon Wiesenthal Center.
Tensions throughout the city escalated two hours after the synagogue shooting when a police bomb squad arrived at Wilshire Boulevard Temple in midtown Los Angeles to investigate an abandoned and suspicious-looking canvas shopping bag on the premises.
After cordoning off the Reform synagogue, the oldest Jewish house of worship in Los Angeles, and conducting a three-hour search, police announced an all-clear.
The North Hollywood Sephardic synagogue’s membership of some 150 families is made up mainly of North African Jews, with a sprinkling of Latin American and Israeli Jews. Its building is located in the heart of a growing Orthodox community.
Police continued their investigation over the weekend. As of Monday, investigators had largely ruled out a hate crime or robbery as possible motives and were checking whether the shooting might have been related to a personal business dispute.
In a separate incident, Rabbi Avraham Zajac discovered Monday morning that the outside walls of the Chabad-Lubavitch of South La Cienega synagogue had been spray painted with graffiti, including the words “F—- Hate.”
An LAPD officer investigating the incident declined to classify it as a hate crime, but Chabad is asking the local police commander to reverse this decision, according to Baila Romm, a member of the Chabad security committee.
Shooting, Graffiti Unsettle Area Synagogues Read More »
I arrived in Israel in 1984. I didn’t speak or understand Hebrew, didn’t have a job and didn’t have a friend. In my pocket I had the name of the one person I knew in the entire country: a middle-aged Israeli American woman I had heard lecture on contemporary Hebrew literature at an Orthodox synagogue in Berkeley. After her talk, I mentioned to her that I would soon be moving to Jerusalem. She scribbled down her address and told me to come by for Shabbat.
She had a daughter my age, Shulamit, with blonde hair and green eyes. Shulamit spoke English, Hebrew and Italian, and I was certain there was no more perfect woman in the world for me. She asked me if I wanted to volunteer with her one weekend at a place called Beit Hagalgalim. I didn’t know what that meant, but I didn’t care.
We took the bus up to a small, simple house in a quiet neighborhood in Herzliya Pituach, about 20 minutes north of Tel Aviv. I noticed a makeshift ramp that led to the front door.
We walked up, opened the door, and I looked at a room full of children in wheelchairs — galgalim (wheels). Shulamit introduced them to me, they said “Shalom,” I said “Shalom” back, and that was the extent of my Hebrew vocabulary.
Beit Hagalgalim was started in 1979 by Miriam Schwartz, a Jerusalemite of commanding energy, intellect and compassion, who noticed that in the press of Israel’s security and economic crises, the needs of its most vulnerable — its disabled children — were being grossly neglected.
The program, run by a nonprofit called the Shai Society, relied on volunteers to spend Shabbat and summer vacations with the children, tend to their needs and have fun with them. The kids had a variety of conditions: muscular dystrophy, cerebral palsy, spina bifida. They were from all different backgrounds — while Israeli society separated the healthy by neighborhood, income, religiosity, Arab and Jew, the handicapped didn’t get to revel in such distinctions. They were all in the same boat, and we volunteers — one for each child — were there with them.
During the week, I took Hebrew classes at a Jerusalem ulpan and wrote articles for different English-language publications. But each weekend I followed Shulamit up to Beit Hagalgalim, where my education really began.
At night the children called out to us from their rooms — many were unable to turn themselves in bed. My Hebrew was weak, so I would lie in bed praying another counselor would leap up first, saving me from having to communicate on my own. One night, a boy named Yossi, who had spina bifida, called out, and no one moved. He called out louder, “Help me!” but I seemed to be the only one who heard.
I walked into the boys’ room, and he gave me a command in Hebrew — “turn me,” one phrase I already knew from experience. I turned him, tucked him in and began to walk away. He called out again. This time I froze — I had no idea what he was saying. I asked him to repeat himself. He did. I asked him to say it slowly. He did, loud and slow. I didn’t get it — was his colostomy bag full? Was his windpipe clogged? He raised his voice.
“What?!” I said, breaking out in a cold sweat. “I don’t understand.”
Finally the boy next to him, who spoke a little English, roused.
“Robert,” the boy translated. “He just said good night.”
I worked like a dog to improve my Hebrew, becoming fluent so I wouldn’t inadvertently kill a child.
Shulamit and I never gelled — another Zionist dream shattered — but I returned to Beit Hagalgalim to volunteer every month, and for much of my summers. The volunteers I met there became some of my closest Israeli friends — smart, generous and idealistic — simply the country’s finest.
The children were the toughest Israelis I met, in a country whose true religion is toughness. I was once wheeling a thin, pale 11-year-old girl named Elisheva through a busy Tel Aviv mall when she finally had had enough of the pitying stares. We passed a group of chachchachim — Israeli gangstas.
“What?!” she screamed at the top of her lungs. “You’ve never seen a wheelchair?! What am I, in a zoo? Mind your own f—-ing business.”
I hustled us to an elevator as she continued to attack.
I often wondered how my feelings and thoughts about Israel were shaped by the fact that I came to know the country first through Beit Hagalgalim. My Israel was a place of intimate struggles, of the heroism of kind hearts and the pettiness of staring, judgmental eyes. It was not One Big Story but many small ones, all complicated, each one a universe.
Since I left Israel in 1987, Beit Hagalgalim continued to flourish. Today, in addition to the original house, there are centers in Jerusalem, the Negev and the Galilee. The four centers provide activities for 300 children, teens and young adults ages 12 to 30, using 300 volunteers.
This week, one of the counselors I’ve stayed close with e-mailed to tell me that Beit Hagalgalim, like so many charities, is facing a severe funding crisis. Most of the money the group raises comes from Israel — the families of the children themselves pay a nominal fee — but the group could use some American benefactors as well.
For me it’s a no-brainer: Beit Hagalgalim is Israel at its most beautiful.
For more information, visit http://www.beitgalgalim.org.il.
To read a 2002 Jewish Journal article on Beit Hagalgalim, click here.
WATCH JUDGE GOLDSTONE DEBATE FORMER ISRAELI AMBASSADOR DORE GOLD: HERE
Last year, the Israeli human rights group B’Tselem released a video showing an Israeli soldier shooting a rubber bullet into the left foot of a bound and blindfolded Palestinian demonstrator at close range while a lieutenant colonel and other soldiers watched. After an army investigation of the incident, a military court charged the battalion commander with conduct unbecoming an officer.
At that point, B’Tselem petitioned Israel’s Supreme Court, asserting that the charge was not severe enough. After deliberation, the Supreme Court concurred and overturned the Military Advocate General. It demanded criminal charges, such as assault, be filed. Israel has its flaws, from its self-destructive occupation and settlement policies to its fractious political system. But the oversight the Israeli courts exercise over the nation’s military — while also not perfect — is rare even among democracies.
You wouldn’t know that from reading the United Nations Fact Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict report, otherwise known as the Goldstone report. This week, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu will face what Ha’aretz called his greatest international test to date: whether to give in to world pressure and follow the report’s recommendation to launch in independent commission to investigate Israel’s 2008-9 invasion of the Gaza Strip, or whether to reject both the report and its recommendation.
If the prime minister chooses the former, he risks giving legitimacy to a report that is as one-sided and shoddy as its critics say. If he completely ignores it, he risks isolating Israel diplomatically. Leonard Fein, certainly not one to shy away from criticizing Israel when the need arises, has written that while the report is “flawed,” Israel’s best hope to avert an international backlash is to consent to its own investigation. This seems like the sensible, judicious middle course, and, fancying myself a sensible moderate person, I was about to use this column to support it.
Then I spoke to David Benjamin.
Benjamin, a retired lieutenant colonel who served from 2001 to 2005, was one of the top legal advisers to the Israeli security establishment, heading the legal team responsible for advising military commanders and Civil Administration officials on all matters related to the Gaza Strip. He was speaking in Los Angeles under the auspices of the
Israel Policy Forum, a center-left public affairs group out of Washington
[NOTE CORRECTION: Benjamin’s trip was sponsored by The Israel Project, a pro-Israel information group out of Washington].
Benjamin, I assumed, would agree that complying with the report’s most anodyne directive is a simple way to move beyond it. “No,” he said. “Not at all. I don’t think Israel should give in. Israel should do nothing about the report. We should carry on doing what we’ve done.” What Israel has done and done well, Benjamin said, is investigate its own actions.
“Goldstone completely missed the point,” said Benjamin, who read all 500 pages of the report. (I read the 50-page summary.)
“He doesn’t know what Israel’s legal system is about. He says the IDF can’t fairly investigate itself, but civilian control is built into the system. The civilian attorney general can overturn any decision of the military court, and Israel’s High Court of Justice, the Supreme Court, can overturn any decision of the attorney general. You can have a fair investigation when the military knows it is accountable to two tiers above it.”
Israel has more than 70 non-governmental organizations that can and do bring cases to the bench, as well as an independent and feisty press. It has been investigating incidents of war crimes and human rights abuses from Operation Cast Lead since it ended. It has opened 12 new cases based on incidents described in the Goldstone report.
Although Israel refused to cooperate with the commission, Benjamin knew Goldstone and his three fellow commissioners had these facts before them — Benjamin himself co-authored the 160-page briefing Israel submitted to the commission prior to the investigation.
“They pretty much ignored it,” Benjamin said. He concluded that the commission’s bias was deep and irreversible. Its indictment of Israel and its relative softness toward Hamas were forgone conclusions.
That assessment is bittersweet for Benjamin. A native of South Africa, he studied law at the University of Cape Town. Goldstone was his “icon,” a fellow South African jurist who headed the commissions that investigated the Rwandan genocide and the Bosnian conflict.
“I read his judgments,” Benjamin said. “I studied him. I thought if Goldstone is everything he’s cut out to be, the report was going to be fair. But he’s made a huge error in judgment.”
I asked Benjamin if Israel committed war crimes in Gaza.
“Of course,” he said. “We know there are soldiers who cross boundaries, and we do our best to convict them as well. We’re investigating and prosecuting all the time. Israeli society has a vested interest in its court system.”
Read the report and read Benjamin’s briefing — both at jewishjournal.com — and it is easy to understand Benjamin’s frustration. The commission glosses over the fact that Hamas kills Palestinians who testify against it, that its use of human shields is its defining tactic and that Israel was actually fighting a proxy war against Iran and Iranian missiles (mentioned once, in a footnote). It was a brutal war with many civilian Palestinian casualties. But the Goldstone report, in its shallow and one-sided portrayal of the conflict, does Israel, the Palestinians, and justice itself no favors.
WATCH JUDGE GOLDSTONE DEBATE FORMER ISRAELI AMBASSADOR DORE GOLD: HERE
The Goldstone Follies: Live debate with Judge Goldstone Read More »
Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas announced he would not run for reelection.
In a live televised speech Thursday evening from his headquarters in Ramallah, Abbas said he would not run in the elections he has called for January.
In response, a Hamas spokesman said Abbas’ decision not to seek reelection was a rebuke to his supporters, the Obama administration and the Israelis.
“We advise him to … face the Palestinian people and tell them frankly that the path of negotiations has failed. Halt negotiations with the occupation and take practical steps toward reconciliation,” the spokesman said.
Hamas has said it does not recognize the upcoming elections and will not participate.
Abbas reportedly told White House officials late last month that he would not seek re-election, because the peace process is not advancing. President Obama reportedly called Abbas personally in response.
Abbas announces he won’t run for reelection Read More »
There is “nothing to be worried about” at a newly discovered uranium enrichment site in Iran, the head of the United Nations nuclear watchdog said.
In an interview with the New York Times marking the end of his tenure as head of the International Atomic Energy Agency, Mohamed ElBaradei told the newspaper Thursday that U.N. inspectors who visited the underground nuclear site near the holy city of Qom late last month said the site is “a hole in a mountain.”
Iran revealed the existence of the site in September and agreed to allow nuclear inspectors to visit.
IAEA head: No worries about Iran nuclear site Read More »
A Jewish community center in Montreal opened on a Saturday for the first time.
The controversial decision to open the Canadian city’s YM-YWH/JCC on the Jewish day of rest went ahead on Oct. 31 after a compromise was reached with community leaders who opposed the move, the Jewish Tribune reported Thursday.
According to the agreement, only some of the center’s facilities such as the gym and pool will be accessible to the public on Saturday. Also, no Jewish employee will be required to work that day, use of electricity will be minimal and the offices and restaurant will remain shut.
While the Montreal Board of Rabbis still objects to the Shabbat opening, it said it welcomed dialogue with other members of the Jewish community.
“The dialogue is consistent with one of the core missions of the MBR, which is to build bridges between all segments of Montreal’s Jewish community and to foster communal unity,” Rabbi Adam Scheier, president of the rabbinical board, was quoted as saying by the Jewish Tribune.
In August, board members voted in favor of opening the center to the public on Saturday, promising to be considerate of those who opposed their decision.
“We are more than aware of the debate around this issue,” Executive Director Michael Crelinsten told The Suburban newspaper. “We have spoken with many members of the community. We have met formally with Federation CJA and a number of key rabbis, and have had conversations with others. We’re fully apprised of the range of feelings people have about this.”
Proposals to open the center on Shabbat were voted down in 1999 and 2003.
A statement issued by the center said its decision to open on Saturday reflects its commitment to reach out to children and families who wish to use its facilities over the weekend.
Montreal Jewish center opens on Shabbat Read More »