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December 2, 1999

Civil Rights Redux

“Farther Along: A Civil Rights Memoir”

by Marvin Caplan.

Louisiana State University Press, $29.95

Black and white liberals, among them an inordinate number of Jews, who fought the civil rights battles of the 1940s, ’50s and ’60s, are now often seen as faintly archaic figures.

Except for Martin Luther King Jr., few of their names are remembered, and even some of their victories, such as affirmative action legislation, are now under widespread attack.

It is the merit of Marvin Caplan’s “Farther Along” to recall the idealism and fervor of the pioneers in a struggle that changed the face of American society and went a long way in overcoming deep-rooted institutional prejudices.

Caplan was born into a family that boasted generations of kosher butchers, first in Russia and then in his native Philadelphia. He was liberated from following the family tradition by joining the army during World War II.

After his discharge, Caplan accepted the invitation of army buddy Harry Bernstein, later to serve with distinction as labor editor of the Los Angeles Times, to establish the monthly “Southern Jewish Outlook” in Richmond, Virginia.

One of the sprightliest chapters in the book describes the efforts of the two young vets to keep the paper afloat, pugnaciously dedicated to end racial segregation and discrimination in the capital of the old Confederacy.

In the morning, Caplan might sell a badly needed ad to the Jewish owner of a large laundry and dry cleaning establishment, and in the afternoon turn out to support the black women pickets trying to unionize the place.

He also did battle, during Israel’s War of Independence, against the anti-Zionist American Council for Judaism and founded the local chapter of the Labor Zionist Organization of America.

After four years in Richmond, Caplan moved on to Washington, D.C. and became a reporter for the Fairchild chain of business publications, but he carried his ideals and ideology with him.

He became a founder and first president of Neighbors, Inc., a group that formed the first integrated housing bloc in the strictly segregated national capital.

After participating in the civil rights struggle as a grassroots volunteer for 15 years, Caplan became a full-time professional in 1963 as executive director of the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights.

For the next 18 years, Caplan was a participant and ringside observer of the country’s most crucial civil rights battles, which he ably documents.

Caplan fought the good fight not only in the halls of Congress, but an equally difficult one within his own family. Despite the clear unhappiness of his three children, he insisted on their attendance at a 90 percent black public school, which had been deserted by almost all other white students.

Now in his seventies and still living in an integrated Washington neighborhood, Caplan, a widower, looks back on his life’s work with pride, but few illusions. “In the decades that followed [the ’60s], victories that once seemed indisputable advances to us — affirmative action, racial integration, for instance — are often questioned by the very ones we thought would benefit from them,” he writes.

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Common Ground

If Aryeh Scheinberg were your typical Orthodox rabbi, the Jewish community of San Antonio would be engulfed right now in an ugly fight that would leave everyone a loser, most of all the children. But Scheinberg isn’t typical, and the Jews of south Texas are at peace. Last August the community opened its spanking-new “campus,” bringing the Jewish federation, family service, community center and San Antonio’s sole Jewish day school under one $18 million roof. “It’s an amazing place,” says Pat Tonkin, who had become the day school’s headmistress in July. “We’re all in it together.”

Tonkin credits much of the good feeling to Scheinberg, the Orthodox rabbi, whose Congregation Rodfei Sholom is about a mile from campus. “He unifies this community,” she says.

Tonkin can rattle off a list of Scheinberg’s qualities, but the most remarkable is probably the fact that he works with her at all. She was converted to Judaism by a Reform rabbi 14 years ago. By Orthodox standards she’s not Jewish. Yet since she took over the school this summer, Scheinberg has accorded her every due respect. Tonkin isn’t Scheinberg’s only fan. Judy Koch, a Reform convert and administrator of the community campus, says Reform converts are “interwoven as Jews in this community in our professional and religious lives, and it’s been his leadership that’s helped make it possible.”

Scheinberg says his approach to Reform converts isn’t all that revolutionary. He decided several years ago that while they weren’t Jews under traditional rabbinic law, it was hard to deny they’d become members of the Jewish community in some genuine sense. In effect, he’s developed a sort of second category: Jewish in communal terms, but not religiously.

“If a convert wanted to come to my shul and be counted in a minyan, or get married, that would be problematic,” Scheinberg says. “But if they were elected to the board of federation, they would be acknowledged as members of the Jewish community. No one is saying they’re more than they are. Nor are they less than they are.” Folks say Scheinberg’s personality is the key. “You understand intellectually that as an Orthodox rabbi he might not recognize us religiously as Jews,” says Judy Koch. “But personally you would never be aware of it, because he treats us with such respect.”

Part of the credit belongs to the quarter-century friendship between Scheinberg and Rabbi Samuel Stahl of Temple Beth-El, the Reform congregation. They cooperate on everything from the day school to Israel Independence Day to co-officiating at weddings — although, Stahl notes, “it has to follow his rules. He will take the halacha to its furthest point, but that’s as far as he will go. It’s the only way we can work together, and I understand.”

Mutual compromise makes San Antonio Jewry a rare island of peace. A community of 10,000 in a city of 1 million, it boasts five congregations, one each from Reconstructionist through Lubavitch. The friendship between Scheinberg and Stahl, the community’s acknowledged patriarchs, sets the tone for everyone. “It’s a very unusual community,” says federation director Mark Freedman.

Scheinberg, a cherubic, bearded man of 60, was raised in Brooklyn, ordained at a right-wing yeshiva and came to San Antonio 30 years ago. San Antonio Jewry has since doubled in size. His congregation has tripled.

Scheinberg denies he’s sacrificed any Orthodox principle in seeking peace.

On the contrary, without bending rules he’s won Orthodoxy new respect. Next year he’s launching a kollel, an adult education institute run by four Orthodox scholars who will live in town and teach full-time, backed by all five congregations.

As for his own congregants, their piety grows steadily. Most Orthodox synagogues outside America’s biggest cities have full parking lots every Saturday, with only a small core fully observant. Scheinberg’s core is so strong that he moved his shul last year to a suburban enclave he had built, Shalom Drive, with a sanctuary surrounded by homes for families wanting to live in walking distance.

Scheinberg likens his stance on converts to a formula advanced by Israel’s Rabbi Shlomo Riskin. Riskin spoke of the “covenant of Abraham,” which binds Jews as a family, and the “covenant of Sinai,” which commits Jews to religious law. Orthodox Jews, Riskin said, should respect non-observant Jews for honoring the covenant of Abraham, even if they reject the Sinai covenant. Scheinberg simply extends the analogy to non-Orthodox converts.

He’s never discussed it with Riskin, though. He’s never discussed it with any Orthodox rabbis outside San Antonio — “not that I wasn’t interested in what they would have to say, but I felt it was in the best interests of our community not to discuss it.” What he means is the opposition might be more than he could take.

Cooperation with Reform has become such a loaded issue among Orthodox rabbis that merely suggesting Reform converts aren’t a threat brings instant condemnation. Just this week Rabbi Michael Melchior, Israel’s Diaspora affairs minister, faced a firestorm of criticism after offering a much milder endorsement than Scheinberg’s.

“We’re reaching a point in all the movements where our ideologies have begun to trump our love of the Jewish people,” says Rabbi Irwin Kula of CLAL, the National Jewish Center for Learning and Leadership, which promotes intermovement dialogue. “What’s happening in San Antonio seems unique. The question is, how much is because it’s San Antonio, and how much is because two people were in a relationship that allowed each to understand the other’s basic needs. That’s genuine pluralism.” Aryeh Scheinberg almost met the limits of his pluralism this summer, when Pat Tonkin was hired as San Antonio’s day-school principal. Besides being a Reform convert, she’s married to a non-Jew. She adopted Judaism as a divorced mother in Houston, drawn by conviction. During her conversion, she says, the rabbi somehow “never, ever said to me” that she was expected to marry a Jew. Since then she’s acquired much more knowledge. She’s also acquired a husband.

Scheinberg says Tonkin’s combination of professional skills, personal qualities, plus Jewish learning and commitment, made her the obvious choice for principal. Still, close to one-third of the school’s 115 pupils come from his congregation. How to educate against intermarriage, when their headmistress is herself intermarried, isn’t simple.

Scheinberg “could have taken the easy way out,” says Rabbi Sam Stahl, “by simply saying she’s not Jewish, so it doesn’t matter whom she marries. But he didn’t do that. He chose to struggle with it.” Scheinberg says he’s not worried. “We’ll find a solution,” he says. He always has.


J.J. Goldberg writes a weekly column for the Jewish Journal.

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Snoozing Toward November 2000

This week, a bevy of presidential candidates paraded before the Republican Jewish Coalition to display their political wares. The RJC did its best to pitch the event as a watershed in Jewish politics, but that’s a stretch; in reality, the first election year of the new millennium is shaping up as a yawner, from a Jewish perspective.

There are few pressing community concerns at play in the unfolding campaigns, few candidates who can unite Jews in outraged opposition, now that Pat Buchanan has joined Marxists, pro-wrestlers and Donald Trump in the comic-opera Reform party.

Inertia, not passion and a desire for change, will drive the Jewish vote next year. That’s qualified good news for the Democrats, but not so good for the GOP.

The big-ticket issues that can stir Jewish voters are largely absent in 2000.

Mideast politics? Forget it; none of the major candidates have expressed more than a passing interest.

Vice President Al Gore, the shaky Democratic presidential front-runner, has the longest connection to the issue, and he may ultimately benefit from his association with a president who is regarded by many as the most pro-Israel ever.

But Gore has yet to light the spark of enthusiasm — in the Jewish community and elsewhere. Mideast affairs will not have the prominent place that they had in his unsuccessful 1988 campaign, when he played the pro-Israel card in an attempt to block the nomination of Michael Dukakis.

Gore’s Democratic rival, former Sen. Bill Bradley, is actively mining the Jewish electorate for support, and if the vice president’s latest campaign overhaul isn’t successful, he may get it.

But Bradley’s appeal is mostly based on the fact that his name never appeared on Clinton-Gore bumper stickers.

On the Middle East, he seems perfectly comfortable with the policies of the current administration. In the Senate, he was never a leader on the issue, and he seems content to continue that tradition now that he’s a presidential candidate.

If you’re looking for sharply different views on the subject, don’t look to the major Republican candidates, who want to talk about Bill Clinton’s character, not the quicksand of foreign policy. And when international affairs surface, the subject is usually China and Russia, not the Middle East.

Texas Gov. George W. Bush, who failed a foreign policy pop quiz recently, is getting some remedial tutoring from a group of Reagan-Bush advisers.

In his first major foreign policy speech two weeks ago, he ranged across the world — but gave the Middle East less than a sentence. Peace process critics and supporters alike will find little to cheer about in his campaign.

Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz) has won friends in the Jewish community because of his international outlook and longtime support for Israel. But as a candidate, the last thing he wants is to complicate things with clear Mideast positions.

In a recent speech to the Arab American Institute, McCain showed that he can throw around Mideast generalities with the best of them when he said that “resolution of the conflict between Arab and Jew represents to many the ultimate challenge. When the commitment is there, the goal is attainable.”

He’s unlikely to get more specific before November 2000.

Publisher Malcolm “Steve” Forbes has been more critical of the Clinton administration’s Mideast efforts, but he is running a campaign in which foreign policy is the tiniest of footnotes, except for his indignant hostility to the United Nations.

As Israel and the Palestinians move into difficult final status negotiations, divisions within the Jewish community over the talks and the U.S. role will widen. But that’s unlikely to play out in the presidential elections, where most candidates will pretend the Mideast is on some other planet.

On the domestic front, there’s plenty of action — but not the kind that’s likely to unite the Jewish community in political action.

The Republican front-runner and his top rival — Bush and McCain — are trying to steer the party back into the domestic mainstream, an effort that will win praise if not a lot of votes from Jews.

Many of the hot-button social issues that galvanize Jewish voters, including school prayer and vouchers, have receded from the days when the Christian Coalition was on the rise; abortion isn’t the overarching issue it once was, at least among the presidential front-runners.

Forbes, vying to become the religious right’s top choice, is pressing these issues — and his dismal polling numbers suggest voters aren’t in a buying mood. Ditto for former Family Research Council director Gary Bauer, who would be scary to many Jewish voters if he wasn’t mired at the bottom of the polls.

The conservative domestic agenda will be much more of a focus in congressional races.

But Jews will not be a significant factor in the contests that will determine the future of Rep. Tom DeLay and Rep. Dick Armey, both Texas Republicans, or any of a handful of other key GOP leaders who tangled with Jewish and pro-Israel groups during the just-completed congressional session.

In states and districts with sizable Jewish populations, the Bush-Gore model — the shift to the center, with decreasing resonance for the agenda of the religious right and almost no mention of foreign policy — will set the tone for 2000.

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Couples Camp

It was 6:00 on a Friday evening. My wife, myself, and 50 complete strangers had just managed to light two candles, each on one tiny table, without burning ourselves. Our names, printed in a groovy font, glistened under the nametags hanging around our necks. We were sitting in a circle, introducing ourselves and saying what the experience reminded us of. Was it any surprise that two-thirds of us answered, “Camp?”

In some ways, that was an apt description of the Cotsen Family Foundation’s Newly Married Couples Weekend at Brandeis-Bardin. Surrounded by the woods of Simi Valley, we were assigned cabins and warned about snakes. Our meals were communal and ended in songs and a distinctive version of Birkat Hamazon, the grace after meal. Everything was circles, from discussion sessions to the “Circle of Community” room we met in; to the Israeli dancing; to the not one, but two songs comparing someone’s life to a circle (Chapin and Taubman) found in the Brandeis-Bardin songbook.

And, just like every camper I know, we were there on someone else’s tab. The Cotsen Foundation, endowed by philanthropist and former Neutrogena CEO Lloyd Cotsen, makes it possible for five groups of couples in their first 18 months of marriage to enjoy such a weekend annually, free of charge.

The Foundation also made possible our übercounselor, Rabbi Scott Meltzer, director of Education for the Brandeis-Bardin Institute and leader of 13 of the 14 Cotsen Weekends to date. Never without a knitted kippah, sandals and pager, he offered guidance through the thorny woods of newlywed life, using as his compass everything from rabbinic teachings to personal anecdotes to his dry, thoughtful wit. And like any good camp counselor, Metlzer kept us steadily programmed and somewhat hazy about our purpose in being there. That he saved for the last day.

On Saturday, our Torah service involved all 25 couples sitting knee-to-knee to form a long line of laps, across which an entire Torah scroll was unrolled. Saturday night was given over to the talent show.

As at the camps I attended, this talent show featured a lot of acoustic guitar. But when “Dodi Li” and “Shalom Rav” ended, “Twist and Shout” and “Everything’s Gonna Be All Right” began, thanks to some real guitar veterans. In fact, despite the connotation of “Newly Married,” the weekenders ranged in age from twentysomethings to fiftysomethings. And not all were on their first marriage, either. One multigenerational clan included a remarried father, his new wife, his two daughters, and their respective new husbands. I hope their rabbi gave discounts for hitching in bulk.

At a certain point, of course, the camp analogy wears thin. No camp I ever attended allowed couples to room together, albeit with separate beds. The couple dynamic seemed to reduce the usually raucous level of “Jewish Geography” and “Do you know’s?” heard when two or more Jews are gathered. In fact, the weekend seemed more designed to bond us as couples than as a group. And in no rec hall, mess hall, or cafeteria did I ever have such excellent food.

What, then, was the purpose of giving the 50 or so of us this experience? Like our counselor rabbi, I’ve saved it for last. The mission of the Cotsen Weekend, according to Meltzer, is “to get newly married couples together, give them an intense Jewish experience, then cut it short — so they’ll be hungry for more in their own lives.” By giving us a space, a time, and an occasion to explore our values, our lifestyle, and our stories, this camp empowered us to make Jewish choices and bring those choices home together. On a deeper level than I thought possible, we returned to urban life as happy campers.

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Reviving a Public School

Four years ago, when Robyn Ritter Simon’s eldest son was ready to start kindergarten, she looked at her local public school and found it lacking. It was not that Canfield Elementary School fell short academically. The Simons live in a West Los Angeles neighborhood that is heavily Jewish and her son would have been one of the few white children — and perhaps the only Jewish child — in his class.

Simon, who grew up in West Los Angeles and met her husband at Emerson Junior High School, was a strong believer in the public school experience. So she won permission to shlep Brandon to Westwood Charter Elementary, a school she regards as a model of enlightened diversity. Still, she continued to look longingly at the school down the street, wishing she could bring to Canfield some of the strong neighborhood support that made Westwood Charter so attractive.

In 1996, while pushing her twins in their stroller, Simon met three other mothers who shared her hopes for Canfield. Though their children were still toddlers, they began to strategize, working closely with principal Sylvia Rogers to address Canfield’s needs. Each of the four found her own area of expertise. Denise Neumann, a former interior designer, dug gardens, organized campus beautification days, and ultimately became president of the Friends of Canfield booster club. Nicole Gorak, a photographer with a background in public relations, spread the word to other parents and owners of local businesses. Teresa Grossman, who works as a bookkeeper for actors and musicians, learned the art of grant writing and helped Canfield win funds for new playground equipment. Simon, a journalist who once hosted a public affairs television show, lobbied Los Angeles Unified School District bureaucrats on Canfield’s behalf.

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Chanukah Calendar

When the Jewish Federation of Greater Los Angeles celebrated the launch of its anti-illiteracy program KOREH Los Angeles in September, the focus was on educators and celebrities to read children’s books to kids. Meanwhile, on the outskirts of the spotlight at that event were some local women who are equally vital in the campaign against illiteracy: the creators of the children’s books themselves.

Nancy Smiler Levinson, Sonya Levitin, Joanne Rocklin and Erica Silverman are all award-winning authors behind some of the books that line the shelves of our nation’s classrooms and libraries.

With Chanukah upon us, the Journal spoke with them (all old friends) and discovered four distinct voices whose nexus is an appreciation for family, a passion for storytelling, and a shared sense of their Jewish roots.

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Balancing Acts

Dealing with the holiday season is no easy task for a modern Jewish family. Tinsel, bright lights and department store Santas seem to leap out from every corner (certainly from every corner mall). Reinforcing the joy, and the values, of Chanukah can be a challenge to a committed Jewish parent.

For a convert to Judaism, or Jew-by-Choice, the issues become even more complex, the emotions more intense. We are, like other Jews, trying to balance the Jewish and non-Jewish worlds. But for us the balancing act is personal: the former world is one we’ve embraced, the latter is one we’ve been raised in and left. Ours is the December Dilemma, and then some.

One problem for many of us is a kind of “holiday amnesia” around any Jewish festival. We have no childhood memories of lighting the menorah, eating latkes or playing dreidel with our friends. For myself, I wish I could download some Jewish memories into my mind. What’s there now are wonderful memories of decorating our family Christmas tree, smelling the pine needles, and being amazed that Santa Claus filled our stocking. After eight years as a Jew-by-Choice, I have only begun to load up on my own family Chanukah memories, but this is the result of a conscious and at times difficult effort on my part. For many converts, this is a season of some sadness and disappointment.

Lisa*, who converted in 1996, is struggling with just such feelings, compounded by the fact that she does not see her family during the holidays. “When I first converted it was easier. I was in a new relationship with Judaism like the ‘honeymoon’ stage and was fine with not seeing my family and doing the tree.” The feelings of love and family Lisa said she associates with Christmas, she now experiences each Shabbat. But still, her December dilemma remains. “I think I have just not dealt with it,” she said. “And just pretending Christmas isn’t happening is not working anymore. Now I am feeling angry and getting in touch with the loss.”

Karen*, who converted in 1998 and recently had a baby, also has many feelings surface at this time of year. She and her husband light the menorah and observe Chanukah in their home and will spend Christmas with her mother. “My husband was born Jewish, was raised Unitarian and had a Christmas tree. Our struggle is simply what to do. There is no place to go and have a family dinner and celebration because we have no family here. I just feel sad and lonely. I remember the ton of presents under the tree, and our baby not having that feels like she is missing out on something. It feels like a loss in our house.”

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The Circuit

If the multitude of Jewish events are any indication, the holidays hit hard this season. To paraphrase Adam Sandler’s “Chanukah Song,” here’s a list of organizations that are Jewish, just like you and me…

Various divisions of The Jewish Federation of Greater Los Angeles celebrated with a slew of functions. The Federation’s Ben Gurion Society held a private cocktail reception at Christie’s.

The Skirball Cultural Center was the spot for the ACCESS Chanukah party, where scores of singles scored latkes and libations.

The Real Estate and Construction Division hosted a “McLaughlin Group”-style debate of industry analysts, moderated by George Smith, on the very CBS soundstage that is home (fittingly enough) to “The Price is Right.” Event chair Michael Brody called the evening “a look at the state of real estate, where it’s been and where’s it’s going. “

The ramifications of Asia’s economic crisis on the United States was the topic of Laura D’Andrea Tyson’s address to the Fashion Industries Division crowd at the Beverly Hilton Hotel. One of President Clinton’s top economic advisors, Tyson traced the economic virus from its beginnings in Thailand and then reassured the handwringers and worrywarts in the audience that, while the country may be in for a slowdown, America should weather the storm without spiraling into deep recession.

The Circuit Read More »

Jewish Croatia: Through the Looking Glass

This past October I found myself, along with four other North American Jewish journalists, flying business class — a wonderful way to fly — to Croatia on Lufthansa Airlines. The Croatian Tourist Office in conjunction with Lufthansa had generously put together a 12 day guest package, hoping we would like what we saw (after all, parts of Croatia, especially the Dalmatian coast on the Adriatic Sea, are quite beautiful). The thought was we would combine descriptions of the famous tourist sights with a report to our readers on the life and times of Jewish Croatia.

There was a certain disarming lunacy about the whole enterprise. Certainly a journalist can discover interesting and important stories to recount about Croatia — its politics, its recent history, and its estrangement from the West; reportage about Croatia’s dying, autocratic President Franja Tudjman and the likelihood of his party’s (the HDZ or Croatian Democratic Union) success in the elections scheduled for Jan. 3; accounts of the high levels of unemployment (nearly 20 percent) along with the moribund tourist trade; or the way in which modern life continues to persist (with energy) in this strange isolated land: from urban Central European Zagreb, the capitol city, all the way to the Dalmatian Coast on the beautiful Adriatic, with its Italian and Mediterranean ambiance looming out of the sea in such lovely port cities as Split and Dubrovnik.

Despite the generosity of the Croatian Tourist Bureau towards me and the other journalists, these are not Jewish stories and have little to do with what might be called Jewish Croatia. Ironically, the outcome in all these political matters — Tudjman’s successor, unemployment, tourism, relations with the U.S. and Western Europe — will determine the fate of Croatia’s 2,500 Jews just as it will the rest of the nation’s near 5 million population.

Jewish Croatia to all intents and purposes is a statistical blip. More than half the Jews, 1,500, live in Zagreb which has a population of about one million. Split, a jewel of a city (population about 200,000) on the Dalmatian Coast, contains about 150 Jews, but not all are participants in the community. In Dubrovnik, with its marvelous old walled city, there are 44 Jews. Bruno Horowitz the leader of the community, explains that services are held infrequently; only “when there are enough tourists to have a minyan.” Carefully he traces through the list of each Jewish family in Dubrovnik: he’s a dentist; she’s a teacher; he’s a photographer; and on through all 44.

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Poverty and Unemployment Plague Israel

The peace process isn’t the news in Israel anymore; it’s poverty, unemployment and hunger. The domestic agenda, the one that Prime Minister Ehud Barak focused his election campaign on, has jumped up and bitten him.

Recent polls show that Israelis, by a margin of over 2-1, think Barak is mishandling these all-important socioeconomic issues. He took a public relations beating on his recent visit to the U.S. As Israelis watched him on TV visiting Wall Street and attending festive dinners with multimillionaires, the faces they saw on their local news were of hungry, hopeless people.

“They ask me if I’m hungry. Am I hungry? Am I hungry? I’m hungry for bread!” an Israeli welfare mother screamed, in a scene repeated over and over on the TV news. The organization of municipal governments came out with a statistic that 135,000 Israelis were hungry or malnourished — a statistic that in the following days was shown to be grossly inflated. But with the condition of Israel’s have-nots undeniably getting worse, the impression of people going hungry stuck.

Unemployment has now reached 9.2 percent nationally — roughly double the American rate. In the dozens of backwater towns of the Negev Desert and Galilee, far from the industrialized center of the country, the jobless rate appears to be in the vicinity of 20 percent.

Approximately one out of every four Israeli children lives below the poverty line, and many, many more live just barely above it.

These are the issues Barak illustrated time and time again in his campaign — “the child who cries himself to sleep because his father can’t find a job,” and “the elderly, sick woman lying on a gurney in the corridor of the hospital because there is no bed for her.” A “change in the order of priorities” is what Barak promised — government intervention on behalf of the poor who, after three years of recession and Reaganite economics under the Netanyahu government, needed help in a big way, and fast.

But since Barak has taken over, he has changed his thinking on economic and social policy. He has become quite a Reaganite himself, leaving it to the business sector to bring economic growth that is supposed to trickle-down to the poor, and provide the government with increased tax revenues to improve infrastructure, education and other vital elements of the public sector.

Recently he has made a number of statements that betray an insensitivity to suffering — or at least an unfortunate ability to appear insensitive.

To the problem of hungry Israelis, he offered charity on the part of those with full stomachs as an answer. “The way is for people to open their refrigerators and find how to prevent others from being undernourished. I don’t know of a citizen in the country who would not take from his refrigerator or table a little food that is there, in order to transfer it to another family which is truly hungry.”

He told industrialists in New York that he wanted to cut taxes for Israelis, and promised that if they came to invest in Israel, his government would let them make their profits unmolested.

His proposed budget for 2000 includes a series of cuts to social welfare, and despite calls by cabinet ministers to spend more money to help the poor, Barak vowed that he would not increase the budget “by even a millimeter.”

Most tellingly, perhaps, Barak has said that when the current monetary czar, Bank of Israel governor Jacob Frenkel, steps down at the beginning of next year, he will be replaced by someone who will carry on Frenkel’s conservative, low-spending, low-inflation policies.

The prime minister is banking on the renewal of the peace process, along with a natural upturn in the business cycle, to fuel the economic growth that should shower blessings on all Israelis, rich, middling and poor.

Israel experienced tremendous economic growth in the first half of this decade, but the boom created jobs almost solely in the center of the country, and mainly in high-wage professions — not for the poor, and not for the people living in the Negev and Galilee, said Dr. Shlomo Swirski of Tel Aviv’s Adva Center, a social policy think tank.

“To break into the high-wage economy you need advanced education and access to the jobs, which few people living in the periphery of the country enjoy. The growth of the Rabin-Peres years didn’t help them. Business investment went to the center, not to the outlying areas,” said Swirsky, a leading expert on development towns.

In Ofakim, which has become a symbol of hopelessness in the Negev, Motti Zohar, director of the state Employment Service said, “We didn’t really feel that much difference between the boom [of 1990-1995] and the recession that’s been going on since. The growth period passed over us.”

Yet Barak pins his hopes on a return to good times. In the meantime, the poor and liberal middle-class who elected him is growing impatient. Wrote Gideon Samet, a columnist for the Ha’aretz daily: “The political story is first and foremost economic and social. What some of Barak’s disappointed supporters are saying is that if he does not stick to his promises to improve their lives, they too will withdraw their support from him.”

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