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December 29, 2025

Tucker Carlson Prefers Qatar to Israel. The Facts Don’t.

When Tucker Carlson insists the United States gets “nothing” from its alliance with Israel — while praising ties with Qatar as “clearly more beneficial” — he isn’t offering strategy. He is expressing his bias and packaging it as realism. His claim isn’t just wrong — it’s strategically incoherent, like choosing to rent from the neighbor who beats his wife and pays off the local gang for “protection,” instead of living next to the reliable neighbor who lends you tools and watches your house when you’re away.

Carlson is too informed for ignorance to be the explanation. His worldview is fact-optional because his goal is narrative, not analysis.

We’ve seen this pattern enough to recognize it. Just last week, Carlson said he didn’t know any American killed by radical Islamist extremists over the past 24 years — a statement that somehow erases San Bernardino, Fort Hood, the Pulse nightclub massacre, the Boston Marathon bombing, ISIS beheadings of U.S. citizens, Americans murdered abroad, and the ISIS-aligned Islamist attack that opened 2025 with 15 Americans murdered in New Orleans. When facts get in the way, Carlson simply denies they exist.

So, when he claims Israel gives America “nothing,” file it properly — propaganda dressed up as foreign-policy insight.

No Pentagon planner, diplomat, or intelligence professional believes Israel offers nothing to America. The record shows the opposite. Israel is one of America’s most reliable allies — and its most stable partner in the Middle East. Qatar, by contrast, is a petro-monarchy that funds the Muslim Brotherhood, shelters Hamas leaders in hotel suites, criminalizes homosexuality and conversion to Christianity, suppresses women, censors dissent, and purchases Western influence like it buys European soccer clubs. Qatar aligns with the U.S. only when convenient — and often bankrolls America’s enemies.

Carlson also claimed Israel has “no resources,” as if national value is measured only in barrels. Beyond being childish, this is false. Israel is now a net natural-gas exporter. It recently signed a $35 billion gas deal with Egypt and — at U.S. urging — is building energy integration with Greece, Cyprus, and much of Europe to weaken Moscow’s leverage. Qatar sells gas. Israel provides alternatives and strategy.

American–Israeli intelligence cooperation is rivaled only by the Five Eyes alliance. Israeli human assets in Syria, Lebanon, and Iran routinely produce intelligence satellites cannot. As Maj. Gen. George J. Keegan Jr., former U.S. Air Force intelligence chief, said, America’s defense capability “owes more to Israeli intelligence input than to any other single source” — at a value analysts compare to multiple carrier strike groups. Carriers project power; intelligence prevents wars and saves American lives.

Joint technology development multiplies the benefits for America. Iron Dome — co-developed and co-produced in the U.S. — protects American troops. Israeli advances in missile interception, cyber defense, UAV tech, tunnel detection, and emergency medicine feed directly into U.S. systems. American fighter pilots regularly train with the Israeli Air Force in joint exercises. U.S. special-operations forces conduct cooperative training with IDF units experienced in combat against Hezbollah and ISIS-aligned elements. And nearly every dollar of U.S. security assistance to Israel boomerangs back into U.S. factories, as American jobs.

Beyond defense, Israel is an innovation engine. Often without even knowing it, Americans rely on Israeli inventions daily — Waze, Mobileye, drip irrigation, CAR-T cancer therapy — and Israel leads in cybersecurity, water tech, AI, wildfire suppression, and trauma care used across the U.S. by first-responders. Israel has produced 12 Nobel laureates. Qatar, despite oceans of gas, has produced none. Israel converts adversity into patents and lifesaving tech; Qatar converts gas into stadiums and PR.

If Israel delivered “nothing,” every U.S. administration — from Truman to Trump and Biden — would not have strengthened the alliance.

Qatar hosts the U.S. base at Al Udeid because it cannot defend itself. Qatar matters for where it sits, not for what it stands for. America is there as a tenant; Qatar keeps the U.S. because it has no alternative. Meanwhile, Qatar funds Hamas and provides platforms for the Muslim Brotherhood. Call that an ally only if “ally” means “useful until the check clears.”

Yet Carlson praises Qatar like a man fresh from a palace-hosted tour. He marvels at the skyline; Israel he labels a burden. He even suggested Christians may be better off in Qatar — because Qatar hosts more Christians numerically and “permits” six churches inside one walled compound. That’s not analysis. It’s TikTok logic mistaking volume for freedom.

In Qatar, 350,000 migrant Christians may worship only inside one state-approved compound. They cannot become citizens. Public Christian symbols are restricted. Proselytizing Christianity is a crime. Conversion from Islam risks prison — or worse.

In Israel, Christians worship freely in hundreds of churches, carry crosses publicly, publish without fear, convert freely, vote, build schools, and serve in the Knesset and Supreme Court. Christmas fills Haifa and Jaffa with public celebrations. No cleric needs government approval to speak.

Critics say America “subsidizes” Israel. What America really does is invest in an ally whose intelligence prevents attacks, whose innovation saves American lives, and whose existence stabilizes a region where wars among Arab states and Iran have killed or displaced millions. On defense, Israel spends far above NATO’s 2% benchmark — over 5% pre-October 7 and nearly 9% in 2024 — and unlike many U.S. allies, Israel fights its own wars and pays with its own blood.

So why does Carlson insist Israel gives “nothing”? Because in certain corners of the new-right, attacking Israel is now performance politics. A dictatorship like Qatar is easier to romanticize. The Jewish state is easier to scapegoat.

We’ve heard the tune before. Nearly a century ago, Jews were regularly blamed for trying to drag America into wars. Today, the voices trying to rehabilitate Hitler and smear Churchill as the purported villain of WWII insist Israel now fills that role. The lyrics change. The melody lingers.

For all his talk of realism, Carlson’s view is built not on evidence but on vibes — likely the Henry Ford “International Jew” variety. But vibes are not foreign policy. America does not choose allies by applause in a YouTube studio. It chooses them for intelligence, innovation, deterrence, and shared values.

On every measurable ledger, Israel delivers. Qatar rents. Carlson may dislike that — but facts don’t yield to monologues, and alliances aren’t forged under studio lights.


Micha Danzig served in the Israeli Army and is a former police officer with the NYPD. He is currently an attorney and is very active with numerous Jewish and pro-Israel organizations, including Stand With Us and the FIDF, and is a national board member of Herut North America.

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Turning a Blueprint of Death into a Plan of Defiance

In a year marked by rising antisemitism and an alarming resurgence of Holocaust distortion, one of the most chilling artifacts of the Shoah has quietly emerged into public view—this time, as a weapon against denial rather than a remnant of it. Businessman and philanthropist Elliott Broidy has acquired one of only two known surviving original architectural whiteprints of the crematoria at Auschwitz-Birkenau for $1.5 million, honoring the 1.5 million Jewish children murdered in the Holocaust.

Far from being a collector’s item, the whiteprint is a stark and irrefutable testament to the mechanized precision of Nazi genocide. Drawn in 1941 by SS architect Walter Dejaco under the authority of Auschwitz commandant Rudolf Höss, it captures the transition point when Auschwitz was being designed not merely as a concentration camp but as a center for extermination.

The purchase comes at a dark moment for the global Jewish community. In the wake of October 7, antisemitic attacks and hate speech have surged worldwide. The murder of 15 Jews at a Hanukkah celebration last week at Sydney’s Bondi Beach underscored how contemporary antisemitism is as dangerous as ever. At a time when the distance between past and present feels increasingly narrow, evidence matters.

“My ultimate hope is that the reemergence of this document ensures that the fight against antisemitism and extremism continues,” Broidy said. “We cannot forget what happened, but we also have to hold onto hope and equip future generations with knowledge and understanding.”

Leading Holocaust scholar Robert Jan van Pelt, who authenticated the document, described it as the “missing piece.” It is the first iteration of a full-scale crematoria needed for the most lethal killing facilities in human history. The date on the plans, October 24, 1941, indicates they were drafted months before the infamous Wannsee Conference of January 1942 where the implementation of the Final Solution was approved. The plans demonstrate that the infrastructure for mass murder was already being developed months before the conference convened.

As slogans, hashtags and manipulated images spread faster than truth, this physical piece of evidence stands as an antidote. It is not interpretation. It is not narrative. It is the Nazis’ own drawing of how they intended to kill.

And Broidy has no intention of allowing it to gather dust. Instead, it will support an extraordinary new effort unfolding in the shadow of Auschwitz itself.

Earlier this year, the Jewish Journal reported that Höss’ private home—the villa his wife once called a “paradise”—was purchased by the Counter Extremism Project (CEP), with Broidy playing a leading role in the initiative. The property, located at 88 Legionow Street in Oświęcim, Poland – 88 being the numeric representation for “HH” or “Heil Hitler” – sits just outside the fence line of Auschwitz. From its garden and swimming pool, Höss’ children could see the smoke rising from the crematoria.

Today, that same property now has a mezuzah on its front door and has been transformed into a global center dedicated to countering extremism, antisemitism, and hate: The Auschwitz Research Center on Hate, Extremism, and Radicalization, known as ARCHER at House 88.

ARCHER will operate in partnership with CEP, the Auschwitz-Birkenau Museum, and UNESCO, with renowned architect Daniel Libeskind—whose parents survived the Holocaust—leading the property’s redesign. The center will host researchers, policymakers, educators, and activists working on extremism prevention, including financial-network disruption, digital platform safety, and counter-radicalization strategies.

What was once the family home of the architect of Auschwitz will soon become one of the world’s foremost institutions dedicated to dismantling the ideological machinery he helped build.

Broidy’s acquisition of the crematoria whiteprint and the creation of ARCHER are intertwined—not just symbolically, but strategically.

In his recent Wall Street Journal op-ed announcing the acquisition, Broidy wrote that he wanted to take possession of this document so it would be used “as an enduring challenge to anyone who would deny the Holocaust or diminish its magnitude.” He argued that at a time when Holocaust distortion is rising, the most powerful response is to preserve, study, and display original evidence of Nazi intent.

Indeed, Holocaust denial no longer hides on the margins. Since the Hamas massacre of October 7, 2023, antisemitic narratives—old and new—have proliferated across social platforms, college campuses, and public demonstrations. These range from classic denial (“the gas chambers didn’t exist”) to modern distortion (“the Holocaust is exaggerated,” “Israel is committing genocide just like the Nazis,” “Auschwitz was a labor camp”).

The Nazis understood the power of documentation. It is why they tried to destroy their records as the Allies approached. Their failure to eliminate all of them is now our greatest strength. A whiteprint is an inconvenient truth for those who wish to reshape the past for political or ideological purposes. By integrating this artifact into the mission of ARCHER, Broidy positions the whiteprint as both historical evidence and a modern tool of prevention.

Broidy has pledged the proceeds of this acquisition toward a first-of-its-kind early-childhood curriculum centered on altruism, empathy-building, and anti-extremist education. Developed by Rabbi David Baron of the Temple of the Arts Synagogue in Beverly Hills, the curriculum aims to reach children long before extremist ideologies can take root.

The logic is grounded in history. Nazism was not born in the gas chambers; it was cultivated over decades—through propaganda, dehumanization, social engineering, and early indoctrination. The crematoria were the final manifestation of an ideology that began in classrooms, youth groups, newspapers, and public speeches.

Teaching empathy is not a soft response to hate. It is the first firewall against it.

There is a profound, almost poetic symmetry in the fact that the whiteprint—once used to mechanize death—is now being used to educate, inoculate, and confront. There is symmetry, too, in the transformation of House 88—from a place where the Höss family lived comfortably just feet away from mass murder to a global center dedicated to exposing the psychology of radicalization and the machinery of hate.

As Ambassador Mark Wallace, founder of CEP, said during the announcement of House 88:

“The ordinary house of the greatest mass murderer will now be converted into the extraordinary symbol of that fight.” Auschwitz has always forced the world to confront two truths simultaneously: the unimaginable scale of evil, and the unimaginable resilience of those who survived to bear witness. The acquisition of the whiteprint and the creation of ARCHER carry that duality forward. Turning instruments of death into instruments of truth may be one of the most meaningful forms of remembrance and resilience that we have left.

As Broidy’s acquisition makes clear, the fight for historical memory is not an academic exercise. It is an urgent battle in real time—one that demands not only preservation of the past, but active protection of the future. What was once used to plan the destruction of Jewish children will now help protect today’s children from the ideologies that made Auschwitz possible. In that reversal lies a new kind of justice. And perhaps, a new whiteprint for hope.

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