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August 23, 2018

The Looming Deaths of Litmus Tests

Jeremy Corbyn may become Britain’s next prime minister. If so, he could become one of the most challenging political figures Israel has ever encountered. And he could become the most hostile leader ever to head a friendly country.

Corbyn could pose a diplomatic dilemma of great magnitude for Israel: What do you do when an anti-Semite, a supporter of terrorists, a vehement anti-Zionist, an enemy — yes, I think Corbyn is Israel’s enemy — takes over leadership of a country that is both important and friendly.

Israel has a long history of dealing with unfriendly leaders of other countries. Many were heads of enemy countries. They were no surprise and no real challenge — you dealt with the leader the way you dealt with his or her country. Some leaders were not heads of enemy countries but of countries whose importance for Israel was marginal. Again, they posed relatively little challenge. 

Then there were the skeptical or reluctant heads of countries that were both important and generally friendly. President Dwight D. Eisenhower was such a leader of the United States. Francois Mitterrand was such a leader of France. Israel was not always pleased when it needed to interact with these men, but no sane observer of foreign affairs would claim that they were enemies of Israel. 

Israel has dealt with anti-Semitic leaders in the past. Luckily, most of them had one of two qualities: Either they made an effort to hide their tendencies, making it possible for Israel to ignore them, or they were leaders whom Israel could fairly easily ignore, such as Kurt Waldheim of Austria. 

Corbyn is different. He is a vicious enemy of Israel and the Jewish people. He is an enemy who might head an important and generally friendly country. If he were to become Britain’s next prime minister, how could Israel deal with him? How could it not? 

Litmus tests are important. They are signs of where the political winds are blowing.

It is not always easy to draw a clear line separating the ordinary critic of Israel — say, Barack Obama — from the hostile critic. Jimmy Carter? He worked for peace. Pat Buchanan? Ron Paul? As standard America-first politicians, had they been elected to a position of great power, they would worry Israel but not make it cringe in disbelief.

Corbyn, as a politician, is a clear-cut case — the clearest cut one can make in today’s world, when stating plainly that one hates Jews and Israel is still beyond a certain pale. Yet, Britain under Corbyn would be harder to pin down. If British voters choose to elect him, it will not be because of his attitudes toward Israel and Jews or a statement of their resentment toward Israel. It will be a statement of indifference. It will be a statement of “We have priorities other than Corbyn’s views on Israel.” 

A Corbyn victory would not mean Britain is anti-Semitic. It would mean that Britain no longer has a litmus test that determines anti-Semitism to be a disqualifier of politicians (assuming it had such a test in the post-World War II era). 

Litmus tests are important. They are signs of where the political winds are blowing. That’s why I am currently interested not just in British politics but also in the candidacy of Michigan congressional hopeful Rashida Tlaib, who last week lost the endorsement of J Street. Because of her views on Israel, not even the lefty Jewish group was willing to vouch for her. Tlaib won the Democratic primary and is running unopposed in the November general election race, so she is virtually assured of becoming a U.S. congresswoman. 

To be clear, Tlaib is no Corbyn. Not close. She did not carry flowers to the graves of terrorists. She has expressed no anti-Semitic views that I am aware of. But she supports a one-state solution — in other words, the elimination of Israel. To me, this seems like a signal of the possible looming death of the Israel litmus test or the two-state-solution litmus test as we have known it.

She will not be a prime minister of a country. She will only be a congresswoman whose impact on Israel is little or none. Corbyn worries me. Tlaib doesn’t. But the erosion of a litmus test is the erosion of a litmus test in both cases.


Shmuel Rosner is senior political editor. For more analysis of Israeli and international politics, visit Rosner’s Domain at jewishjournal.com/rosnersdomain.

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When Is a Place No Longer ‘Good for the Jews’?

In every national setting throughout our history as a Diaspora people, we Jews have faced “a moment of truth” when our political status changed. This disruptive moment occurred either because of a government edict expelling Jews, or by societal changes that led to mobs threatening and at times killing Jews. Living amid such uncertain conditions defined our political status. 

When do we know that a country is no longer safe for Jews?

My own family history of more than 300 years was tied to Germany. My grandparents believed that because of their deep family roots in and loyalty to the German state, they would face no personal threats with the rise of Nazism. They thought their trust would be affirmed by the fact that my grandfather had received the Iron Cross medal for his German military service in World War I. His patriotism defined his standing. But Hitler reminded Jews that there would be no security, despite their deeply rooted ties to Germany or, for that matter, any other country in which they resided.

In many societies in which Jews have lived, having to decide whether to stay or leave was forced upon them by events totally outside of their control. Expulsions, inquisitions, decrees and pogroms determined their status and fate. In a survey of Jewish history, one finds examples of single events — such as the emergence of key political figures or the presence of a new social, political or economic condition — that altered the status and well-being of Jews in particular communities or societies. In the medieval period, myths about Jews triggered actions against them, whether we reference the Blood Libel or the false accusations of their responsibility for the Black Death, or bubonic plague. The Crusaders in their pilgrimages to Jerusalem would destroy entire communities of European Jews.

For most of our history, Jews were a stateless Diaspora. We were a people without a physical homeland and frequently without options. This condition left us bereft of a safety net, a permanent place with which we could identify. Over the centuries, the very idea of a homeland would inspire our sages and poets to envision what Zion represented. The idea of a physical act of returning was a powerful motif in our rituals, as symbolized by the last lines of our Passover Haggadah: “Next year in Jerusalem.” Similarly, the observance of Tisha B’av recalls our physical destruction at different moments in history, reconnecting us back to the idea of homeland. 

In modern times, with the rise of nationalism, the status of Jews would change. The French Revolution abolished the practice of treating people differently based on their religion or origin, which had existed under European monarchies. The Declaration of the Rights of Man in 1789 guaranteed freedom of religion. In the early 19th century, through his conquests in Europe, Napoleon Bonaparte promoted the equality of citizens and the rule of law. Historians continue to debate Napoleon’s rationale for his treatment of Jews: Was he interested in welcoming their distinctive communities into European society or did his grand plan seek their total assimilation into the continent’s mainstream Christian culture? 

When recounting all Diaspora experiences, no nation has had as profound an impact on Jewish life as the United States. Some have argued that “America is different,” referencing the unique characteristics of the Jewish experience in this country. Isn’t it true that Jews were here from the outset? This factor alone confirms the deep roots and connections that bind the Jewish communal story to the narrative of this nation. Likewise, the legal guarantees afforded citizens of the United States provide a level of protection and due process unknown elsewhere. Historians have noted how closely Jews are tied to the economic, cultural and political moorings of this nation.

Upon reflection, in every Diaspora community there have been periods of social disruption that created conditions of uneasiness or worse. These “reality moments” alter the status and security of our community. Considering the types of societies in which Jews are living today — mostly Western democracies — the question of their status itself may be seen as disturbing, highly problematic or even unrealistic. Or is the condition of Jews always subject to disruption and change? 

Does the existence of a Jewish state, itself a relatively new phenomenon, guarantee Jews a greater sense of security? If the past 70 years offer us any insights, the answer must be a resounding no. Beginning in the late 1940s, Jews from Arab and Muslim lands left their home countries, as governments across the Middle East and North Africa often would target their respective Jewish citizens, making life increasingly uncomfortable and unsafe for them. In more recent times, European Jews have been the victims of increased hate that is often aligned with anti-Israel expressions. Their long-term status is now subject to debate.

Yet, unlike at any other moment in time, the presence of Israel affords Jews options that previously were unavailable. Not only does the Jewish State provide the promise of a safe haven, but the mere existence of a nation state offers a real, if not symbolic, protector for Jewish communities worldwide. In recent years, however, a debate has unfolded that Israel, by its actions and statements, has contributed to greater instability of certain diaspora communities.

Yet, given the degree of independent choice afforded to citizens living in a democracy, what criteria might be employed to determine the health of a society for Jews? When is it no longer safe for Jews? Earlier this year, on these pages, I constructed a thesis referencing the “end of the Jewish century.” In that article, I identified a number of problematic issues contributing to the changing status of 21st century Jews:

As anti-Semitism rears its presence, yet again, and as Israel is challenged by its enemies and critiqued by its friends, will this next era of the Jewish saga be marked by a period of rejection and the politics of hate as a war on the Jewish century is unleashed? 

Unlike at any other moment in time, the presence of Israel affords Jews options that previously were unavailable. Not only does the Jewish State provide the promise of a safe haven, but the mere existence of a nation state offers a real, if not symbolic, protector for Jewish communities worldwide.

When looking across the expanse of Jewish history, these seven conditions would seem to define the question of status and illuminate that reality moment:

1. When the core values upon which a nation is constructed are no longer seen as being implemented and supported. During the U.S. Civil War, Gen. Ulysses S. Grant’s Order No. 11 removing Jews from the Tennessee River Valley represented the first and only time a specific act of the United States government was directed against Jews. This action created an immediate response from Jewish leaders prompting President Lincoln to have the act rescinded.

2. When government policy is no longer seen as “neutral” on race, religion or ethnic orientation. Soviet Jews would experience significant discrimination as Communist authorities imposed limitations on Jewish admissions to universities and on employment opportunities. 

3. When governments impose restrictions or conditions on the status of Jews and others. Two examples are offered here: In 1827, Russian Czar Nicholas I imposed a series of repressive measures on Jews including compulsory military service. The 1935 Nazi Nuremberg Laws fundamentally changed the legal and social standing of Jews in Germany.  

4. When individual Jews are subject to physical threats or attacks and/or Jewish institutions are being threatened. In the mid 1970’s during the era of Argentinian military rule, as many as 300,000 dissidents were estimated to have “disappeared,” among them 3,000 Jews.

5. When Israel is no longer seen as an ally of this nation or when a “neutral” state suddenly becomes hostile to Israel and to Jewish interests. When countries such as Turkey, having longstanding ties with Israel, end such cooperation and revert to policies hostile to the Jewish state, the impact on its own Jewish citizenry can be particularly challenging. 

6. When Israel’s actions are negatively identified with a country’s Jewish citizens. In recent years, American Jewish students have reported increased tensions and have experienced threats directed against them personally and toward Jewish organizations on campus by Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions supporters and other anti-Israel activists.

7. When economic opportunities are seen as depleted and Jews are blamed for a failed or faltering economy. Following the 1929 stock market collapse, various groups in this nation used the Great Depression as an opportunity to link the economy’s problems with the “Jewish control of Wall Street” and the influence of prominent Jews in the Roosevelt administration. 

Indeed, many will disagree with these measures. Some will argue that not one of these alone defines the “Jewish condition.” But the question remains, how many of these or other criteria might be viewed as essential to the issues of Jewish security? 

If Jews constituted a stateless Diaspora before the existence of the Jewish commonwealth, then once it was established in 1948, a state-based diaspora community would be present. We have seen individual Jews and even at times Jewish communities living outside of Israel adjust their behaviors and practices as a way to protect and ultimately ensure their well-being due to their uncertainty about how a Jewish state would impact their political status. 

With the presence of a Jewish state, is it possible that our enemies have been able to redefine our Diaspora status? In recent times, for example, American -Jewish women seeking to participate in the women’s movement have been labeled “Zionists” and, therefore, their status as feminists is seen as compromised by their ties to Israel. In last year’s Gay Pride Parade in Chicago, participants wrapped in an Israeli flag were asked to leave. Pro-Israel university students face harassment and condemnation for being identified with what is defined as an “apartheid nation.” In 2017, according to the Anti-Defamation League, anti-Semitic incidents in the United States surged nearly 60 percent, the largest single-year increase since the agency began collecting such data.

Feeling secure in American society is possibly no longer framed by the tenets of religious tolerance and multiculturalism. Today, political labels and the reintroduction of anti-Semitism appear to determine one’s status and define a person’s level of security. Do we see these behaviors as merely hostile individual expressions or are they something more? 

For more than 2,000 years the Jewish people would be without their own nation state, suffering from an array of threats and displacements. Now they possess a national Jewish state, only to witness a new wave of assault on their status and well-being. With nearly 80 percent of the world’s Jews living in either the United States or Israel, there has been a narrowing of Jewish political options.

When do we know if it is no longer safe to reside in the country where we are living? Maybe one has to declare oneself a Jew in today’s world of mixed and fluid identities, otherwise the “burden” of one’s Jewishness no longer carries any obligations or commitments in connection with the welfare of the community or in the defense of the Jewish state. 

Modernity may have freed some Jews of this label and of its responsibilities. In other words, one may choose to be Jewish. If that is the new equation, then the question of Jewish security is fundamentally removed — or is it? Increasingly, we see Jews today being defined by others. Our enemies have “named” us by calling us out, even if we don’t necessarily seek to identify.


Steven Windmueller is the Rabbi Alfred Gottschalk Emeritus Professor of Jewish Communal Service at HUC-JIR, Los Angeles. 

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Who’s in Charge of Career Advancement?

Getting a foot in the door of a business as a young adult, especially for someone who doesn’t have any college experience or a strong social support system, is hard enough. Finding a way to turn that entry-level job into a better job within the company is even harder.

Part of the problem, according to a recent report, is that there’s a disconnect between employers and employees as to whom should be pushing workers forward in their careers. The finding reflects a missed opportunity for companies and workers nationwide particularly at a time when businesses say they are struggling to fill so many jobs, 6.7 million by last count.

“Employers don’t necessarily all work under a career pathway mindset,” said Raija Vaisanen, research director for Commonwealth Corp., a quasi-public workforce development agency in Massachusetts. More than 70 percent of businesses surveyed in the state said they don’t have a formal advancement or promotion policy.

“There was no organized structure around having someone move up from entry level into the next phase of their career, whether it was within that same organization, or maybe go to school, or maybe moving to a different company,” said Naome Jeanty, co-author of the report. Employers said they wanted to en-courage mentoring relationships between staff, managers and young adult workers, but said they expected workers to seek these out on their own. 

Most young workers said they didn’t know how to approach that issue. Some felt that if they had a decent relationship with their manager, then they could at least talk about advancement with their boss. “But there was no time set aside to have that kind of conversation,” Jeanty said.  

So, if they are not getting information on career advancement and training from their employers, where are they getting it? A lot of them turn to Google, job boards and their families for information. And some get it from the certain career-readiness programs that helped them prepare for the entry-level jobs in the first place.  

There’s a disconnect between employers and employees as to whom should be pushing workers forward in their careers.

Commonwealth Corp. has put together some advice on how businesses themselves can help good employees take the leap from an entry-level job to the next level.

Managers must be explicit about expectations and opportunities. The report recommends that employers offer workers information and guidance on steps to take, skills to acquire, and how skills are transferrable in a next-level job. 

Create time and space for conversations between managers and employees. Foster an open and welcoming culture with opportunities for employees to approach managers. Create individual development plans for each employee. 

Invest in a system that provides entry-level workers with the skills needed to advance. Be clear about formal and informal training and technical requirements needed to advance in certain positions.

Train managers to capitalize on talent. Teach managers to recognize, encourage and capitalize on talent even if the employee has not approached them.

For organizations that help young people develop the social skills to get entry-level jobs, these are the takeaways from the report that can help prepare them for job advancement. 

Train young people to take charge of their career opportunities. Discuss how to approach managers about advancement. Encourage them to identify and capitalize on opportunities. 

Teach youth to effectively communicate transferable skills. Help youth recognize skills learned previously and make the connections between these skills and those required for jobs they are interested in.

Change the narrative around taking risks. Portray mistakes as opportunities for growth and help them navigate those instances with their employer.


Ramona Schindelheim is the senior business correspondent and executive producer for WorkingNation, reporting on jobs, the future of work and solutions to solving the skills gap. 

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Elul Week Three: From Pain to Miracle

This is the third of six weekly columns by Rabbi Zimmerman leading up to Yom Kippur.


The essential journey at this time of year moves from brokenness to wholeness. Last week, we explored the golden calf story as a metaphor for when we lose connection with oneness. The shattered tablets provide an opportunity to reflect on what is broken in our lives.

Some fractures in our lives occur because we veer off the path. Other ruptures happen to us: We have been hurt or forgotten; we experience losses, illnesses and breakups. 

There’s another powerful story of brokenness that provides an alternative prism for our Elul reflection.

In summer, we commemorate the saddest day of the Jewish year. On the ninth day of Av, Tisha b’Av, we mourn the destruction of the First and Second Temples in Jerusalem and recount the cataclysmic trauma of our people when everything changed.

It is difficult for us moderns to understand the central role of the Temple and the nature of this calamity. The Temple was the Holy of Holies of Jewish life and, in fact, a physical manifestation of Mount Sinai. It was where we connected with God and it represented all that was solid and stable. It was home.

In 70 C.E., soldiers of the Roman Empire destroyed the Second Temple. We were then exiled and dispersed and became refugees.

The rabbis in the Talmud discussed the fall of the Second Temple through a profoundly illuminating process. They wondered why the Temple fell. The easy, historically correct answer would have been that the Roman army was mighty and we couldn’t match their power. But the rabbis moved beyond blame and victimhood, explored the people’s own complicity, and framed their explanation of the event in a spiritual context: The Temple fell because of “baseless hatred” between Jews — sinat chinam.

There’s more. A great miracle happened in the aftermath of the Second Temple’s destruction. Amid their despair, our rabbis realized they had two choices: They could either watch Judaism die or they could build something new — a Judaism of the heart. The latter, they figured, could not be dismantled like a physical building. Their creative response, born in sorrow and grief, changed Judaism forever. 

Out of death came a rebirth of Judaism that continues to sustain us. Torah (study), avodah (work and worship) and gemilut hasadim (acts of lovingkindness) became the replacement for the Temple. Today, we practice the Judaism born from the rubble. 

The rabbis did not move into blame and victimhood. No, they explored the people’s own complicity. 

We often are not directly responsible for the bad things that happen to us. However, we are always responsible for how we respond.

Rabbi Alan Lew z’’l, in his book “This Is Real and You Are Completely Unprepared,” asks us to examine during Elul: What is the recurring tragedy that shows up in our life, time and time again? Furthermore, what in our life did we expect to be solid and everlasting but has fallen apart? 

Often, we are not directly responsible for the bad things that happen to us. However, we are always responsible for how we respond to what happens. This is core to Elul reflection and to our own agency. We look at how we have responded to the events of the year, whether we were at fault or not.

Each one of us needs to do the same: Look at the debris of our year, whether or not we have caused it, and scrutinize how we have responded. If we have spent the year in blame, regret or apathy, the time to turn is now. 

For the rabbis, Tisha b’Av marks the moment of turning and returning. The Torah reading for the holiday speaks of teshuvah, the soul-work we are required to do before we stand as one community and confess our individual and collective brokenness.

For your Elul practices this week, I suggest journaling to the questions raised above and examining your personal experiences with brokenness. My wish for you is that during this process of reflection you may notice a shift, a change — perhaps, you might say, a miracle: The pain that seemed like it would never recede begins to turn. 

We continue the journey next week.


Rabbi Jill Berkson Zimmerman is a rabbi-at-large. She has created a Holy Days Spiritual & Practical Preparation Checklist, available on her website at ravjill.com/hh2018-checklist.

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Life Lessons for Elul – A hedge against the toxicity in today’s politics

Soren Kierkegaard said: “It is perfectly true, as philosophers say, that life must be understood backwards. But they forget the other proposition, that it must be lived forwards.”

Though we’re always living forward, the life lessons we learn help to shape our future. Since this is the season of self-examination leading to the High Holidays, I offer a list of 32 life lessons I’ve learned – there are others, but the number 32 is a significant one in Jewish mystical tradition. It equals the 22 letters of the Hebrew aleph bet plus the 10 “words” of the covenant, and it’s the number equivalent for the Hebrew word lev (lamed – bet), heart, which the mystics teach are the number of pathways to God.

I offer the following as a hedge against the toxicity in the political environment in this country in these days leading to the High Holidays. Some of these I’ve borrowed gratefully from a journalist named Regina Brett and published in the Plain Dealer from Cleveland, Ohio (hers are in italics).

They’re not necessarily a way to God, but a means to a healthier, wiser, and more sacred way of living, at least as I’ve come to believe in them.

  1. God gave us life and our natural abilities only – everything else is either up to us or a result of dumb luck.
  2. Life isn’t always fair, but it’s still good.
  3. Life is short, so cut your losses early.
  4. Begin planning for retirement as a teen by developing your passions and interests, for they’ll sustain you when you get old.
  5. Make peace with your past so it won’t screw up your present.
  6. You don’t have to win every argument, so at a certain point stop arguing.
  7. Love your spouse/partner above all other people and things. If you aren’t married, then nurture the special friendships in your life.
  8. Don’t compare your life to anyone else’s as you have no idea what their journey has been all about.
  9. If you can’t publish what you want to say or do on the front page of The NY Times, don’t say or do it.
  10. Try not to speak ill of anyone, but if you must, do so only with trusted friends and then only so as to understand better how to cope better with people like that.
  11. Don’t procrastinate to see doctors. It may save your life.
  12. Carpe diem. Take pleasure in this day and do what inspires you for we don’t know what tomorrow will bring.
  13. When it comes to chocolate, resistance is futile.
  14. Breathe deeply as it calms the body, mind, heart, and soul.
  15. Take your shoes off whenever possible as studies indicate that doing so will prolong your life.
  16. Too much alcohol and drugs dull the mind and loosen the lips compelling us to say things we may mean but don’t want said and to say things we may not mean at all.
  17. Get a dog or a cat for the love for and from such a creature is unlike anything else we’ll ever know.
  18. Over prepare, and then go with the flow.
  19. It’s not what you say, it’s how you say it.
  20. Speak the truth but only when you know you can be effective and only if it doesn’t cause another person unnecessary harm or hurt. Otherwise, be quiet.
  21. Stand up to bullies wherever they are and whenever you encounter them.
  22. Time does heal almost everything.
  23. Don’t fear or resist change for it is natural, necessary, and an opportunity for growth.
  24. Don’t envy other people’s talent, circumstances or life – you already have everything you require.
  25. Love isn’t just a matter of the heart – it comes from God.
  26. Learn Torah as often as you can – it will enrich, change, and enhance your life and it will inspire you to do what you might never choose to do otherwise.
  27. Support the State of Israel as the democracy and Jewish State that it is regardless of its imperfections, for Israel remains the best hope for the Jewish people to create a utopia worthy of the ethics of the Biblical prophets.
  28. Be modest.
  29. Be forgiving.
  30. Be kind.
  31. Be generous.
  32. Be grateful.

Now, let’s live our lives forward.

 

 

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