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August 29, 2016

Huma Abedin separating from Anthony Weiner as his new lewd images emerge

Longtime Hillary Clinton aide Huma Abedin said Monday she is separating from her husband, Anthony Weiner, a day after it emerged the disgraced former congressman sent a suggestive photo of himself next to a sleeping toddler that the New York Post reported was his son.

On Sunday, the Post published exchanges between Weiner and an unnamed woman that included sexually suggestive messages and photos. The two were said to have been corresponding from January 2015 to August of this year.

One photograph, reportedly sent in July 2015, shows former New York congressman from the waist down wearing only a pair of boxers. Next to him is a sleeping child identified by the Post and others as his son, then 3.

Abedin, who serves as vice chair of Clinton’s presidential campaign, said in a statement that she had decided to separate from Weiner, but that the pair remained focused on the well-being of their son.

“After long and painful consideration and work on my marriage, I have made the decision to separate from my husband,” Abedin’s statement read. “Anthony and I remain devoted to doing what is best for our son, who is the light of our life. During this difficult time, I ask for respect for our privacy.”

Weiner, who is Jewish, and Abedin, a Muslim, wed in July 2010, with former President Bill Clinton officiating. The two are featured in the recent documentary “Weiner,” about his aborted 2013 campaign for mayor of New York City.

Earlier this month, Weiner blamed the New York Post for setting him up for another online sex scandal, as the newspaper published a suggestive exchange between him and a man who had posed as a female college student.

Weiner resigned from Congress in 2011 after he was caught sending an explicit photo to a female Twitter follower and later admitted to sending photos to several women. Two years later he attempted a comeback by running for mayor of New York and was caught flirting on Twitter again and sexting using the nom de plume Carlos Danger.

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Returning to School and Facing a Wide, Open World

Like many mothers across the world, I am excited and preparing for my daughter as she returns to school this month, after a busy but enjoyable summer holiday. It is a proud but bittersweet time of year for all parents, because we miss our children as they depart for long days and studious nights, but we also know that each day dedicated to learning and study will empower our children to become intelligent, knowledgeable adults; one day all too soon!

For me, this is an especially sentimental time, as I consider the opportunities that my daughter has before her, and how lucky we are to live in a society that makes education for all children such a high priority.

My country, Azerbaijan is a secular majority-Muslim democracy. Our government is one that also encourages and supports diverse religious identity and expression. In Azerbaijan, Muslim women, just the same as Jewish and Christian women, are offered an education and bounty of opportunity that is virtually unheard of in any other Muslim society, and is in many above and beyond what has progressed in many Western nations. It is also indistinguishable from what is offered and available to Azerbaijani men.

I reflect on this as I watch my young daughter prepare her supplies before the start of school, and the attention to organization and detail she applies to her education; something she cherishes. My daughter faces a world of limitless possibility, because she was born and raised in Azerbaijan, in a country that granted women the right to vote in as far as 1919 – an entire year earlier than the United States; and where today, over 50% of PhD candidates are women. When she first began attending school, years ago, I remember her pride and delight in learning that throughout the entire Russian Empire, which Azerbaijan was part of back then, the very first secular school for Muslim girls was opened in Baku, Azerbaijan’s capital, in 1901.

Like so many mothers, I wonder what my daughter will do with her life, and what great impact she will make on the world as she continues to grow. I like to tell her stories about other Azerbaijani women, to inspire her and remind her of the many choices she has before her. Like how as early as 1931, Leyla Mammadbeyova became the first Azerbaijani female aviator and the first female pilot in the Caucasus, Southern Europe and the Middle East, all the while raising six children and training thousands of paratroopers and pilots. She also became the first woman pilot to fly solo between Central Asia and Southern Europe, breaking records and barriers that many nations have yet to come close to even considering.

Perhaps my daughter wants to study politics, law or public policy, and I tell her about Azerbaijan’s First Lady, Mehriban Aliyeva, and her global humanitarian work as a UNESCO Goodwill Ambassador. I also remind her that before becoming First Lady, Mrs. Aliyeva became a successful medical doctor. I tell her also about the Honorable Tatiana Goldman, an Azerbaijan Supreme Court Justice, who is also Jewish, or Ganira Pashayeva and Sevinj Fataliyeva, both active members of the Azerbaijani Parliament, and many other women serving as deputy ministers, and those managing entire government agencies. We take pride knowing there are actually 21 women currently elected to Azerbaijan’s Parliament (that has 125 members altogether), including Bahar Muradova, the Deputy Speaker; and how this proportion of elected women is comparable to the United States Congress. I always tease my daughter that there is definitely room for 22. In case my daughter wants to serve her country one day, I tell her about many courageous women proudly serving in the Azerbaijani Armed Forces.

I feel confident that however she applies her education, it will be doing something that makes a positive difference for the world. In the meantime, I continue to share with her examples of her fellow countrywomen, and all they have achieved, and I make sure to encourage her to work hard and to cherish every moment of this opportunity, and to see it as a blessing. I make sure to remind her that our country, founded in the spirit and strength of harmonic diversity, is a country where girls and women are treated as equals to boys and men, and succeed as leaders in education and as professionals, across every sector of society.

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Between the beards and the burkini

How far can and should a country go in order to preserve its culture and character? This is the basic question in the dispute over the burkini ban in France. This is the basic question in the debate over Donald Trump’s suggestion to interrogate immigrants to the US about their beliefs and positions – for instance, to see if they have anti-Semitic sentiments –  in order to determine if they are worthy of entering America’s gates. This is also the basic question at the heart of many of Israel’s public debates. In a fast changing world, which, on the one hand, is subjected to quick globalization that blurs countries’ national and religious character and, on the other hand, is threatened by extreme ideologies that want to impose on it a strict new cultural regime, there is no country that isn’t dealing with this important question.  

Banning the burkini is not essentially different from banning the shtreimel from the public sphere, but it is very different on the practical level: it’s hard to find any French Jews who wish to impose Jewish law on French society; it’s much easier to find Muslims who wish to impose Sharia law on the general population. It’s difficult to find Jews secretly planning acts of terror, but it has been proved that there are such Muslims. Here we already have another question to consider: do we go by principle – asserting that there is no reason to ban the burkini while the shtreimel is allowed – or are practical considerations to be taken into account, suggesting that these are two different policy decisions?      

The principle vs. practical question is very relevant to Israeli society too. For instance, in the debate about letting haredi students study in gender-segregated campuses, which also don’t let female lecturers lecture in front of men. Or in the debate about whether Knesset members should only appear at events in which the national flag is raised. Or in the debate about an egalitarian platform at the kotel. Or in the debate about letting soldiers grow a beard.

All these debates have to do with the question of what Israeli culture is, how flexible it is to change, and how open it is to diversity. In the case of Haredi campuses, if Haredis can study according to their own beliefs we would see more diversity – but it would also entail empowering a worldview that believes in gender segregation, a worldview with expansionist intentions. If legislation makes mandatory to raise a flag in every public event in which an MK appears, this means enforcing a strict norm of collective stateliness on many people who don’t feel at ease with it. In the Kotel case, we would once again have more diversity (a platform for non-Orthodox Jews) – at the price of a stately standard, which has an element of coercion to it. In the case of banning most soldiers from growing beards, this means updating a norm, which is the result of societal changes, but which doesn’t sit well with the ideal of those who are in the position to enforce the old norms.

This is really a kind of tug of war that is necessary for Israeli society as it is anywhere else. It’s a kind of tug of war which gets worse if the pullers on one side feel that the pullers on the other side will never stop pulling, even after bringing their opponents past the line.

If the French were certain that the burkini is just a burkini, and that it isn’t another stop on the way to additional Islamic norms being accepted in the French public sphere, they wouldn’t be so insistent. If Trump were certain that the new immigrants to America would integrate into American society as he understands it, rather than continue speaking Spanish, or continue living in immigrant communities that are susceptible to outside foreign influences, he wouldn’t want them to pass an ideology test. If the Haredi parties were sure that the egalitarian platform at the kotel wouldn’t lead to additional moves which are intended to put the state’s stately orthodoxy in peril, perhaps they would be less insistent about this particular point. If the Israeli right were certain that the Israeli left would never try to question Israel’s status as a Jewish-Zioinst state, it would obviously not try to force redundant flag waves.  

But the French – rightly – are not convinced. And Trump – rightly – is not convinced. And the Haredis – rightly – are not convinced. And the Israeli right – rightly – is not convinced. That’s why everyone is pulling the rope and not letting go. That’s why they’ll continue pulling. In the best case, until a point of equilibrium is reached. In the worst case, until the rope tears apart.

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