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July 23, 2016

2016 Election Blog #22: Trump’s Acceptance Speech: Implications for America and its Jewish Community

The Trump address at the Republican National Convention was one of the most unique performances by an American public figure. It would represent a distinctive combination of a populist spokesperson filtered with a mix of traditional Republicanism. His remarks would reflect the same type of social appeal that would mark Andrew Jackson’s campaign 1828, while it included elements of Wendell Willkie’s 1940 Republican campaign.

The mixture of “America First” ideals as seen in Willkie’s candidacy and Richard Nixon’s focus on “law and order” would frame this 75-minute address. His closing of borders and his rejection of immigrants coming to this nation from specific regions and countries would resonate both to this historic posture of early 20th Century Republicanism and more directly to elements of his political base.

On occasion the Republican nominee would introduce several traditional conservative principles, especially in connection with the Supreme Court nomination process, his views on the Second Amendment, and his position on church-state. But outside of these specific references, the Trump effort would be singularly populist in style and content, aiming to tear apart support for trade agreements, a core feature of past Republican Administrations and to move away from other principles of Republicanism.

Critics point to the dichotomy created by Mr. Trump when noting the rise in urban crime and his commitment to make government work for inner city youths, while in the same context describing himself as the “law and order candidate” embracing the power and role of the police.

His assault on American engagement in world conflicts would likewise reverse a core doctrine of Republican interventionism and in particular the Neo-Conservative commitment by replacing failed regimes with democratic institutions of government. His rejection of US interventionism at least on the scale promoted by Reagan and Bush Administrations would mark a major break with his host party.

Indeed, as with all major political addresses, it would introduce the necessary pro-Israel declaration. Yet unlike any other political platform in American history, the Israel statement of the 2016 Republican Party specifically rejected language affirming the party’s commitment to a two-state solution. The statement can be seen as one that could embolden those in the Jewish State who seek to annex the West Bank as part of a greater-Israel platform.

How will America’s Jews respond in the aftermath of the Republican Convention to Donald Trump’s candidacy? The Trump campaign, and more directly his July 21st speech, will arouse some interesting concerns, as well as conversations on his view of America and its future:

Church-State: Donald Trump referenced his desire to reverse Lyndon Johnson’s 1954 legislation to insert into IRS Regulations, a stipulation that if religious organizations, churches and synagogues endorsed political candidates they could lose their 501 ©3 tax exempt status. Trump’s decision to roll back this stipulation is seen as altering the public role of churches and synagogues in the public square. While such an initiative is clearly favored by evangelical groups, most mainstream groups have historically held to this division of church and state.

School Choice: In a brief one-line statement, the Republican nominee endorsed school choice, failing to clarify what specific changes he would propose in changing the options available to parents. Was he suggesting that the government support parochial and private schools?

Second Amendment: Mr. Trump endorsed the support offered to him by the NRA as he embraced the principle that Americans have the right to bear arms as provided for in the Second Amendment; yet, he did not address the rise in gun violence within the society and what steps if any he would propose to deal with the availability of guns in the public square.

Supreme Court: He embraced the appointment of a future justice to the Court who held the same judicial temperament as Justice Scalia.

Environmental Priorities: Trump’s call to revive the Keystone XL oil pipeline project places him in direct opposition to environmentalist groups and to many within the Jewish community who have expressed concerns about such projects.

US Global Role: While some American Jews may welcome Mr. Trump’s desire to withdraw and contain this country’s involvement in world affairs, his retreat from international trade agreements and other commitments that have historically bound this nation to its partners would seem to run counter to the globalist view that has been adopted by most Americans, including many within the Jewish community.

Anti-Semitism: One of the outcomes of concern to the community were a number of reports, as shared by various reporters, confirming a significant amount of social media anti-Semitism, especially following Governor Linda Lingle’s speech on Monday evening and additional anti-Jewish messaging that would unfold over the last several days of the RNC meetings.

Wherever one may be on the political spectrum, the Trump address of July 21st will evoke significant debate. Does his view of America depict the positions and concerns of Jewish Americans or does it represent a message that will be seen as highly problematic to Jewish political priorities?


Dr. Steven Windmueller is the Rabbi Alfred Gottschalk Emeritus Professor of Jewish Communal Service at the Jack H. Skirball Campus of HUC-JIR, Los Angeles. His writings can be found on the 2016 Election Blog #22: Trump’s Acceptance Speech: Implications for America and its Jewish Community Read More »

The Orangefuher Rages Against the World

Let’s enter the realm of color symbolism—not skin color—and what in the Middle Ages were called “the humors.”

Despicable Donald’s orange coiffure bodes ominously this presidential election year. In Irish folklore, the whistle of the blackbird at dawn warned of rain and mist for the coming day. Bottom in Shakespeare’s A Midsummer’s Dream sings: “The ouzel cock so black of hue with orange tawny bill . . .”

Let’s note the New Agers who argue that “the orange Halloween pumpkin originally a totemic symbol for the red-haired Protestant movement.” Of course, red-headed Jews also have a very mixed folkloric reputation. Medieval Catholics were sure that Judas’ hair was red. Medieval prejudices may sometimes unintendedly hit the mark in modern times. The once red-headed, not gray-haired David Duke—Trump recently pled ignorance about him asking “David Who?”—has just announced his pro-Trump campaign for the U.S. Senate from Louisiana.

Now, since The Donald likes to makes fantastic, fabulist jumps, let’s make our own. Make the move from his orange hair to his temperament in terms of medieval humoral pathology—i.e., bright red— signifying the choleric, irascible, dark side on display most recently in his acceptance speech at the GOP Convention in Cleveland. (Having surrendered our NATO allies to Putin in an interview with the New York Times a day before, Trump could not stay on a coherent message for even 24 hours, veering off into yet another paranoid tirade against Ted Cruz the day after delivering his acceptance speech.)

There are mild-mannered red heads. My father had a glorious shock of red hair in 1941 before he lost it all after serving four years in the South Pacific. My red-haired dad, alas not much of a businessman, had the temperament to make a benign president. Not so the Orangefuhrer.

Let’s end with a more prosaic application of temperament to presidential politics. The political guru Michael Barone—in a piece asking “Is America Ready for a Disruptive President?”—answers somewhat positively that “disruption” is very much in the American tradition, citing the Revolutionaries against King George. I guess he preferred that example to the example of the disruptive generation that brought on the Civil War’s mutual bloodletting.

As Barone should well know, there is a disjunction in American history between two things. On one side is an acceptance (albeit sometimes with reservations, as currently re “globalization”) of what the Austrian economist Joseph Schumpeter called capitalism’s “creative destruction”—ushering in new ways of doing business and technologies for old. On the other side of this acceptance of economic change and even instability is a commitment to political stability under established democratic rules of the game. American economic history may glorify “disruption,” but not American political history—with some exceptions that are usually not pretty (which is why the adoption of the stabilizing Constitution was necessary after the disruptive Revolutionary era including a terrible seven-year war).

Trump wants to be accepted—no questions asked—as The Man on Horseback booting out the established political rules of what he calls “a rigged system.” Similar argument were made by those who voted for Hitler in the early 1930s, burying the democratic Weimar Republic.

To paraphrase Winston Churchill, Americans who think that our democracy has become a corrupt, bad form of government have their reasons, but they should wait to see if they really like what they will get under a Trump soft fascist dictator-lite rule.

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Two Munich Outrages from Trumpworld

The Drudge Report is in mourning over the new Munich massacre. Not because 10 people so far have been confirmed killed, but because Drudge has had to deep six his purple headlines that this was another “Allahu Akbar” attack that Donald Trump could blame by association on Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton.

Instead, the shooter, Ali David Sonboly, an 18 year-old dual Iranian-German citizen born in Germany, did not apparently have any ISIS-related or Islamist terrorist motivation. From the first revelation of his Iranian Shiite origins, it was unlikely that he would be a fan of Sunni Muslim ISIS. Rather than shout “Alluhu Akbar,” he voiced obscenities against Turks resident in Germany.

The mentally unstable Sonboly, according to his Facebook Page, was a big fan of mass murder rampages, particularly that committed by far right xenophobe Andres Breivik. Sonboly chose for his own crime the fourth anniversary of Breivik’s murder of 77 Swedes, mostly young people belonging to a Social Democratic Party youth group.

Sonboly’s terrorist act might be characterized as “tertiary terrorism” in that it was neither organized nor even inspired by a terrorist network, but was a “copy cat” imitation meant to pay homage to a mass murderer out of admiration for the crime of mass murder. Sonboly might have picked Charles Manson to idealize, but Breivik was perhaps a better choice because he shared Sonboly’s loathing of (non-Iranian) Muslims in western countries.

As terrorism reaches a sort of critical mass in western societies, more such tertiary acts of copy cat terrorism by the mentally unstable can probably be expected. Shame on the Trump crowd for wanting to exploit them by sowing fear for political advantage.

But the Munich McDonald’s massacre was not the only Trump-related Munich outrage. Simultaneous with it, Trump idea man, former House Speaker Newt Gingrich, suggested that it might be OK to allow Russia’s Putin to gobble up NATO member, Estonia, because “I’m not sure I would risk a nuclear war over some place which is the suburbs of St. Petersburg.” If Trump is elect president, and dominoes begin to fall in a manner reminiscent of the betrayal of Czechoslovakia in 1938 at the Munich Conference, this Friday may be remembered less for the Munich McDonald’s massacre than for a Munich II anticipation of the betrayal of NATO voiced by Gingrich, the likely Chief of Staff in a Trump White House.

Estonia and the rest of the Baltics might be the first sacrifices on Trump’s perverse penchant to appease Putin at NATO’s expense, but Israel also would have reason to fear that the Jewish state, despite Trump’s recent reassurances, might eventually also become a falling domino victimized by Despicable Donald’s feckless foreign policy.

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