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October 30, 2015

Netanyahu: Nazis didn’t need mufti to perpetrate Holocaust

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said he did not mean to suggest the Nazi attempt to exterminate Jews depended on the Palestinian mufti of Jerusalem.

[RELATED: The truth about Jerusalem’s grand mufti and Hitler]

In a post on his official Facebook page, Netanyahu said Friday that he wished to “clarify” the mufti’s relationship with the Nazis. Netanyahu prompted an uproar by saying in a speech on Oct. 20 that MuftiHaj Amin al-Husseini had persuaded Hitler to kill the Jews rather than expel them.

Elaborating on a statement Netanyahu made immediately after receiving criticism for the speech, which some viewed at as absolving Adolf Hitler of some responsibility for the genocide, Netanyahu wrote on Friday: “Hitler and the Nazi leadership are responsible for the murder of six million Jews. The decision to move from a policy of deporting Jews to the Final Solution was made by the Nazis and was not dependent on outside influence. The Nazis saw in the Mufti a collaborator, but they did not need him to decide on the systematic destruction of European Jewry, which began in June 1941.”

Still, “the Mufti was one of those who supported the Nazi goal of destroying the Jews,” Netanyahu added. “My remarks were intended to illustrate the murderous approach of the Mufti to the Jews in his lengthy contacts with the Nazi leadership. Contrary to the impression that was created, I did not mean to claim that in his conversation with Hitler in November 1941 the Mufti convinced him to adopt the Final Solution. The Nazis decided on that by themselves.”

In his Oct. 20 speech, Netanyahu said: “Haj Amin al-Husseini went to Hitler and said, ‘If you expel them, they’ll all come here.’ ‘So what should I do with them?’ he [Hitler] asked. He [Husseini] said, ‘Burn them.’”

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For kids with disabilities, time to move from inclusion to normalcy

Just the other day, I overheard someone saying that they had a wonderful interaction with the “Down syndrome employee” at their local cafe.

Though it happened to have been a sweet story, I cringed. It also got me thinking about the limitations of our campaigns promoting inclusion in the classroom, at work and in other areas of life. Though we have definitely come a long way, it’s clear there is still much to accomplish if an individual can still be defined as someone with Down syndrome, if it’s still something we see.

Unlike other health-related awareness months, Down Syndrome Awareness Month (October) is less about personal health and more about societal wellness. It’s a call to action to celebrate the accomplishments and abilities of individuals with special needs and promote full inclusion for all. But why do we continually have to try so hard to reach this goal? It may be because the goal itself isn’t ambitious enough.

It has been 40 years since the passage of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act. Children with disabilities across the United States are today being educated in “least restrictive environments,” as the law calls for – namely, the general education classrooms in their neighborhood schools. After four decades, the numerous benefits of this kind of inclusion have been well documented, both for children with disabilities and those without.

Inclusion has exposed children with disabilities to socially acceptable behaviors they would otherwise not experience in a separate class. Through increased social interactions with peers without disabilities, they have developed relationships and peer role models and found encouragement.

One such young woman is Madeline Stuart, an Australian with Down syndrome who graced the runway as a model during this year’s New York Fashion Week. Stuart’s mother credits inclusion for her daughter’s rise. As she put it, “This was all possible because the world was ready.”

During my tenure with ALEH, Israel’s largest network of residential facilities for children with severe intellectual and motor disabilities, I have witnessed the successful implementation of inclusion programming and its astounding effects on our children’s growth and development. But while inclusion has made great strides in recent years, and continues to change lives inside and outside the classroom, I can’t help but wonder if it has reached its limits and if we should be expecting more from ourselves as a society.

We may we have set the bar too low. Perhaps it is now time to push harder, to trade inclusion campaigns for the promotion of normalcy.

What does normal look like?

Normal means a sweet anecdote about an angelic cafe employee doesn’t need to mention his genetic disorder. Normal would entail a fierce runway catwalk by a young blond model followed by interviews focusing on who she’s wearing — rather than her bravery for participating “against all odds.” Normal is allowing ourselves to see people, rather than causes or movements or wars to be won.

Where inclusion encouraged us to pull individuals with disabilities out of the shadows and see them as individuals deserving of the same services, resources and experiences, a push for normalcy encourages us to live in a world where inclusion is second nature. In essence, normalcy is daring to aim ever higher.

We will never soar if we become too comfortable in any nest, and I humbly submit that it’s time to look beyond our bastion of inclusion, because even that has become too comfortable. It’s time to spread our wings and embrace normalcy so that the next generation won’t even understand why the promotion of inclusion was ever necessary.

(Rachel Fishheimer is the director of education at the Jerusalem facility of ALEH, Israel’s largest network of residential facilities for children with severe intellectual and motor disabilities.)

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Personal Reflections on Rabin and his Strategic Overview

Twenty years after the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin, with Israelis and Palestinians still mired in the same conflict, hurling the same accusations against each other, once again suffering violence, I keep re-thinking my experiences with him, wondering how the situation would have been different had Rabin lived on. 

I had a date to meet him on the day that the Oslo Accords between Israel and the Palestinians was announced on August 20, 1993. I expected him to cancel in view of the momentous announcement, but instead found him sitting alone in his office willing to share with me his fears about whether the Israeli team negotiated the deal effectively. Still, despite his concerns, he was determined to move forward with the deal, because he saw it as part of his overall strategy for securing Israel’s position in the region. 

Long before most others, Rabin understood the threat from an Iran with nuclear weapons capability seeking hegemony over the Middle East. Because of the relationship between Israel and Iran before the Shah was deposed in 1979, Rabin whose first term as prime minister, 1974-77,  came while the Shah still ruled Iran, knew that the Shah asked for Israel’s help in developing a nuclear weapon and Israel refused.

I first heard Rabin express his concern about Iran with nuclear weapons in 1992 at a meeting in New York with a small group from the American Jewish Congress. He told us there was a window of opportunity of three or four years during which time Israel must try to make peace with the Palestinians. A year later he expanded on his view to me during a private meeting:  “If we have nuclear weapons and Iran threatens us with nuclear weapons, which one of us will blink? We, who care about life or the mullahs who do not care about life?”  

As he explained, to be prepared to defend against the threat from Iran and be secure in the region, Israel first had to have a peaceful relationship with the entities on its borders – Egypt, Jordan and the Palestinians. Israel already had a peace agreement with Egypt forged in Camp David by Begin and Sadat. And Rabin had built an ongoing relationship with Jordan’s King Hussein, who had trusted Rabin enough to meet him in secret even while their nations were at war, leading to a peace treaty signed in October 1994.  The third leg of Rabin’s strategy was to resolve Israel’s conflict with the Palestinians. Those of us at the Oslo Accords signing ceremony (the “Declaration of Principles”) on the White House lawn on September 13, 1993 saw how reluctant Rabin was to shake the hand of the Palestinian Liberation Organization’s Yasser Arafat.  Yet, we could not hear Rabin’s words without being moved: “Enough of blood and tears. Enough.” 

As a result of his years as Israel’s Ambassador to the United States, 1968-1972, Rabin became convinced of the importance of Israel’s relationship with America and the role of the American Jewish community as an integral element in that relationship. To implement his strategy of making peace with the Palestinians, he wanted the support of American Jewish organizations, but he was not comfortable relying on the existing American Jewish organizations, particularly AIPAC. During a meeting in his office we discussed establishing a new American Jewish organization to generate American support. With his backing, several American Jewish leaders, myself included, founded the Israel Policy Forum (IPF)

In June 1993, when we both were awarded honorary doctorate degrees from Bar Ilan University in an open-air ceremony, we heard the voices of Israeli protestors denouncing him. What I didn’t realize then was the ominous quality of the protests; how the extremist religious nationalists were being inflamed by their religious authorities to consider Rabin a criminal and that the political leaders on the right not only made no effort to calm things down but actually attacked Rabin’s peace making efforts. Rabin was assassinated on November 4, 1995, at the end of a rally to support the Oslo Accords by Yigal Amir, a radical Orthodox Jew who had been a law student at Bar Ilan University and who opposed Oslo.

I can’t presume to predict how the course of history would be different if Rabin had not been murdered, but I am convinced that his assassination changed the future dramatically. Rabin’s strategic overview called for peace with the Palestinians to link with peace with Egypt and Jordan.   That, in turn, would have strengthened Israel to confront Iran.  Rabin’s years in the Israel military, culminating in his position of Chief of the General Staff, taught him the importance of avoiding fighting on two fronts.

His military experience also earned Rabin the trust of the Israeli public to protect Israel’s security so they were likely follow his leadership. Similarly, his innate sincerity would have had a positive influence on any Palestinian leader. This combination of trust and sincerity coupled with his strategic overview, would have led Israel to a far better place than where it is today. 

Robert K. Lifton has served as President of the American Jewish Congress; Co-Chair of the Middle East Project of the Council On Foreign Relations and Chair and presently a Board member of the Israel Policy Forum.   He is the author of “An Entrepreneurs’ Journey: Stories From A Life In Business And Personal Diplomacy.”

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Film-maker Polanski relieved after court rejects U.S. extradition request in child sex case

Oscar-winning film-maker Roman Polanski said on Friday he was grateful and relieved after a Polish court rejected a U.S. request for his extradition over a 1977 child sex conviction.

The case of the Polish-born Polanski, now 82, remains an international cause celebre nearly four decades after the crime, with some demanding harsh punishment and others urging that extradition efforts be dropped.

A judge in a Polish court in the southern city of Krakow ruled against the extradition, saying the U.S. judiciary had violated Polanski's rights in the past and that he would be subject to infringements if handed over now.

“The extradition is inadmissible,” judge Dariusz Mazur said.

“The case is over, at least in Poland, I hope. I can sigh with relief. It's difficult to describe how much time, energy and effort this costs, how much suffering it brought on my family,” Polanski told a news conference in Krakow. 

“It's simple. I pleaded guilty, I went to prison. I served my punishment. It's over,” he said.

Polanski pleaded guilty in 1977 to having sex with a 13-year-old girl during a photo shoot in Los Angeles. He served 42 days in jail after a plea bargain but later fled the United States fearing a lengthy jail time if the deal was overruled. 

In 2009, he was arrested in Zurich on a U.S. warrant and placed under house arrest. He was freed in 2010 after Swiss authorities decided not to extradite him.

The United States requested Polanski's extradition from Poland after he made a high-profile appearance in Warsaw in 2014. 

The Los Angeles County District Attorney’s Office has long insisted that Polanski remains a fugitive and subject to immediate arrest in the United States because he fled the country before sentencing. It says his case cannot be resolved until he returns to California to face justice.

“Our position on this matter remains the same,” Shiara Davila-Morales, a spokeswoman for the D.A., said on Friday, declining to comment further.

Since fleeing the United States, Polanski won an Oscar for best director for The Pianist, a film based on a memoir of a famous Polish Jewish pianist and composer who survived the Holocaust. Polanski, who holds both French and Polish citizenship, lives in Paris but also has an apartment in Krakow and regularly visits Poland.

REPEATED VIOLATIONS

Mazur said it was clear Polanski was guilty and deserved to be punished. But he said Polanski's right to a fair trial and right of defence had been “grossly and repeatedly violated” over the years by several U.S. judges and prosecutors, including when the first bargain deal was annulled.

The decision is not legally binding and prosecutors can appeal.

The judge said extraditing Polanski would lead to him being held in harsh conditions for weeks or months in the United States while his case was being processed and would violate his human rights, potentially putting Poland at odds with the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg.

He said the defendant's rights had often been curtailed, judges had failed to live up to standards of judicial independence and Polanski had already been sufficiently punished.

Polanski's U.S.-based lawyer Chad Hummel on Friday declined to comment on the Polish decision. The U.S. State Department had no immediate comment.

Samantha Geimer, the victim in the case, has long made clear she believes Polanski's long exile has been punishment enough. 

Geimer, now in her 50s and living in Hawaii, said in a series of posts on her Facebook page ahead of the Polish ruling that Los Angeles prosecutors should abandon their efforts.

“The message is they will use a teenage rape victim until their dying breath to get some PR, and justice is NOT something they seek for victims,” she wrote.

Polanski's defence lawyers said the film director's fame had made him a target for some U.S. judges and prosecutors who wanted to build a reputation out of the case.

“Roman Polanski's fame has been a burden,” said defence lawyer Jan Olszewski. “There will always be someone who wants to promote themselves on a case attracting wide attention.”

Olszewski expressed disquiet at comments by some members of Poland's conservative Law and Justice party, which has just won an outright majority in parliament, suggesting that Polanski was getting undue lenient treatment.

Polanski appeared, too, to refer to this, saying: “If any decision were to be based on facts, there are so many elements in the case that are in my favour, that I see no risk. But, should it be a political decision – I should be worried.”

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