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August 5, 2015

Letters to the editor: The Federation takes on Iran, Running Springs returns and more

Did Federation Toe the Line or Overstep?

Thank you for Rob Eshman’s thoughtful, reasoned piece regarding Federation’s position on the Iran deal (“Federation: Take It Back,” July 31). Regardless of one’s personal view on the issue, I was stunned that Federation took a position, which I find wholly inappropriate and entirely outside of its proper role. I say this as a Federation donor, and one whose wife worked in senior Federation leadership.
It is heartening that in an environment that often does not reward thoughtful discussion, Eshman called for exactly that on an issue of great complexity and importance. I lean in support of the deal, but certainly respect those who, after study and analysis, oppose it. Unfortunately, those people appear to be a minority, drowned out by the shrillest voices who label any Jew with an opinion contrary to the current Israeli government’s a traitor or a phony Jew. We are better than this, and I hope pieces such as Eshman’s help to reset our dialogue.

Alex DeGood, Los Angeles

I appreciate Eshman’s thoughtful and rational article supporting the Iran deal. Particularly in the face of so many who have never read the deal, and even more who have no idea how close Iran is to a nuclear device.

I am dismayed by the push-button responses of so many uninformed but not surprised by the extremism of Benjamin Netanyahu (who is campaigning our Congress) and Mike Huckabee’s comments about the deal leading Jews to the ovens. 

David Edelstein via email

The position of Eshman and of the rabbis who signed “A Rabbinic Letter of Support for the Iran Agreement” (July 31) — some of whom are colleagues and even friends of mine — should not influence Federation at all. Bottom line on the whole negotiating process and its result shows a bias that willfully disregards the lessons of history.  Probably the best comparison is the Neville Chamberlain appeasement of 1938, giving Hitler what he wanted and crowing about Peace in Our Time. That appeasement did not guarantee peace, it guaranteed World War II. We won that one, thank God, and finally ended it because we had the bomb and Japan didn’t. Our American Jewish Federations need to keep that in mind, even though some of our officials in Washington — elected and appointed — choose to ignore it, as do their self-deluded supporters.  

Well done, Federation.

Rabbi Baruch Cohon via email

Noble/Notable Abstentions 

It was interesting to note a certain commonality in the two open letters signed by local rabbis regarding positions against and for the Iran deal. Absent from each list were the names of some rather prominent and widely respected rabbis in our community. Possibly, those rabbis were not contacted or were out of town. But I believe the absence of some rabbis from each list was not accidental. Clearly, as within the Jewish community and the general population as well, there is a third position regarding the Iran deal, and that is, “We really don’t know, or are not sure, if the deal is good or not.”  Knowing of and respecting some of the rabbis whose names did not appear on either list, I prefer to believe they too are not sure and in their predictably wise judgment, decided not to lead others to conclusions while they themselves were in doubt.

Stu Bernstein, Santa Monica

Fresh Springs in Summertime

We were so surprised to see our son pictured in the Jewish Journal article on Moshava Malibu (“A Fresh Start in Running Springs,” July 31). He was able to participate in this wonderful camp through Yachad, The National Jewish Council for Disabilities, which provided the additional services for him to participate in all of the camp activities as a full member of his bunk. This type of inclusiveness is a hallmark of this camp thanks to the Yachad-Moshava Malibu partnership. We are incredibly grateful.

Ernestina Osorio and David Zingmond, Los Angeles

Thank you for bringing attention to Bnei Akiva’s remarkably expedient purchase and revitalization of the camp in Running Springs for Moshava and its new retreat center. It sounds like the camp is off to a very successful first summer, filling an important gap in Southern California’s array of Jewish camp options.

We at Habonim Dror Camp Gilboa see this development as a healthy sign that Zionist youth movement summer camp is indeed alive and well in the San Bernardino Mountains of Southern California. We moved into our beautiful Bluff Lake campsite in 2011, and are proud to offer our unique camping experience in our own home for the first time in 27 years. It is heartening to see that Bnei Akiva is also thriving once again in its own home after many years of absence. We welcome Camp Moshava to the neighborhood and look forward to future collaboration on the mountain. 

Liz Bar-El, Habonim Dror Camp Gilboa board of directors, president

Letters to the editor: The Federation takes on Iran, Running Springs returns and more Read More »

The long history of Jewish violence in Israel

Last week’s terrible killing of 18-month old Ali Saad Dawabsha in Duma, together with the horrific violence at the Jerusalem gay pride parade, left many Jews stunned, repulsed and demoralized. We have inculcated in ourselves — and projected to our children — the belief that whereas they operate according to a primitive code of morality, we adhere to a standard of ethical virtue. Golda Meir gave crystal-clear expression to this sentiment when she proclaimed: “Peace will come when the Arabs start to love their children more than they hate us.”

But what happens when “we” willingly kill “their” children — when we hate their children with a purity that sanctions all acts of violence? What does that say about us? It is tempting to cast the killers, who wrote “Revenge” on the home where they threw a gasoline bomb that burned the toddler, as complete outliers from Jewish tradition and Zionist history. (In parallel fashion, it may be consoling for some to regard Muslim terrorists as renegades from Islam.)

[MORE: Fighting Jewish terrorism is the burden of Israel’s right]

This kind of thinking may offer some measure of comfort, but it cannot insulate us from the fact that the century-long history of Zionism is replete with acts of terrible violence committed by Jews against Jews and non-Jews. In fact, the Zionist movement emerged on the stage of history with a deep commitment to overcome the perception of millennia of Jewish passivity through strong action. 

Much of that action took the form of self-defense against Arab attack. But not all. Indeed, violence directed against civilians — what some might call terrorism — has hardly been exceptional in Zionism. Perhaps the first major example was the killing, most likely conducted by members of the Haganah, of Dutch Orthodox Jewish writer Jacob Israel de Haan in Jerusalem in 1924. De Haan’s anti-Zionist sensibilities and close relations with local Arabs (at political and sexual levels) were deeply discomfiting to Zionist officials. 

Nine years later, in June 1933, a leading Labor Zionist official, Haim Arlosoroff, was assassinated while walking on a Tel Aviv beach with his wife. His killing occurred in the midst of intense animosity between Labor and Revisionist Zionists in Palestine. One Revisionist-leaning group that was accused of being involved in Arlosoroff’s death was known as Brit ha-biryonim (Alliance of Thugs). The group operated in an environment in which the spilling of blood was seen not as a necessary evil, but as a vital redemptive act, as poet Uri Zvi Greenberg unabashedly declared: “Land is conquered with blood. And only when conquered in blood is it hallowed to the people by the holiness of blood.”

Under cover of such poetic expression, murder became a path of political and ethical rectitude. It prompted members of the Irgun Tseva’i Le’umi (National Military Organization) to plant bombs in markets that killed scores of innocent Arabs during the Arab General Strike in 1938. It justified the actions of the paramilitary group Lehi (also known as the Stern Gang) to plot and execute assassinations of international officials — British minister Lord Moyne in 1944 and United Nations official Count Bernadotte in 1948. And most famously, it led the Irgun to blow up the King David Hotel, where the British Mandatory government and military were headquartered in 1946, leading to 91 deaths. 

All of this activity — and sadly a much longer list could be compiled — occurred well before 1967. It was undertaken in the name of the movement for national redemption. After 1967, a new and explosive element was added to the mix. Violence conducted in the name of Judaism and Zionism was suffused with a highly charged religious, even messianic, fervor that attended the conquest and occupation of the West Bank and Gaza. Jews in Israel who have attacked and murdered political opponents or Arabs since then have frequently done so in the name of God, at times empowered by rabbinic warrants. The toxic and intoxicating blend of religious and national virtue has yielded a lengthy roster of victims, most notably Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, who was assassinated by a Jewish terrorist in 1995; the West Bank mayors who were maimed in 1980 by the “Jewish underground” that set its ultimate sights on blowing up the Temple Mount; Jewish activist Emil Grunzweig, who was killed by a bomb at a Peace Now rally in 1983; the 29 Muslim victims of the murderous rampage of Baruch Goldstein in 1994; the four Palestinian Israelis killed by a Jewish terrorist in 2004; Palestinian teenager Muhammad Abu Khdeir, who was brutally murdered last summer; Shira Banki, who died of her stab wounds from the assault at the Jerusalem gay pride parade; and Ali Saad Dawabsha, the Palestinian toddler who was burned by unknown terrorists. 

It would be very easy to isolate these cases and say that the perpetrators are not “ours.” But they are. They emanate from Zionist and Jewish history, from the heart of our Zionist and Jewish worlds, in which we have all tolerated for too long a language and culture of violence as redemptive. It is therefore our, not their, responsibility to look inside ourselves — into our sources, our curricula, our values, our sense of self — to remove the cancer that lurks. Rabbis, teachers and parents alike share in that task. As we enter the month of Elul, we should bring to our work of cheshbon ha-nefesh an awareness of history and an unsparing resolve to confront the terrible demon of violence within us.


David N. Myers teaches Jewish history at UCLA.

The long history of Jewish violence in Israel Read More »

Iran, Israel & American Jews

The struggle over the Iran Agreement reminds me of the seventeen years I spent as editor of Present Tense, a liberal Jewish-oriented magazine, published by the American Jewish Committee.

In 1990, we featured a detailed investigative piece, “Speaking for the Jews.” Our cover blurb read:  “A growing number of American Jews, including many inside the Jewish establishment, are fed up with the hard-line views of Jewish leaders whom they did not elect and who, in any case, do not speak for them.” Some members of The Lobby were quite upset and Present Tense was shut down soon after for debatable reasons. Even so, the article’s writer, Robert Spero, and the magazine’s editors, were absolutely on target in 1990 and even more so today. In short, the Israel Lobby doesn’t speak for American Jews.

In addition to the fabrications and fantasies concocted by PM Netanyahu’s Israel and endlessly repeated by his followers, it is that for the first time in memory a foreign country –Israel— is publicly fighting an American president’s  foreign policy on American soil. Israel’s allies include Obama-hating Republicans, intimidated, largely Jewish, Democratic politicians, and Bibi-supporting Jewish and Christian Zionist lobbies — none of whom have ever offered any lucid or rational alternatives, and many of them empowered by a few mega-rich and hawkish American Jews.

The truth is that the core of the Iran Agreement is that Iran and six nations decided that Teheran had accepted stringent restrictions for ten years on its nuclear activities and international inspectors will be allowed full access.

A Jewish Journal poll indicates that American Jews largely support the Iran Agreement and do not accept that American foreign policy in the Middle East should be determined by Israeli lobbyists or that of any foreign government. Nor are Israelis completely united against the deal. Former officials of Mossad and Shin Bet, the ex- deputy director-general of the Israel Atomic Energy Commission, and many in Israel’s national security establishment  have broken with Netanyahu on the Iran Agreement.

“As unanimous as the politicians are in backing the prime minister,” J.J. Goldberg wrote in the Forward, “the generals and spymasters are nearly as unanimous in questioning him. Generals publicly backing Netanyahu can be counted on–well—one finger.”

To reject the Iran Agreement means that sooner or later the hopes and prayers of American uber-hawks that the U.S. would be drawn into a war with Iran may well be answered.  For those who love the idea of fighting such a war with sons and daughters not their own, the old saw still applies: “If they loved Iraq, they’ll love Iran.” Meanwhile, no one has yet dared to utter a word about Israel’s vast array of uninspected nuclear bombs.

But for American Jews like me, it’s “Ein Breira,” meaning there is no alternative.

Iran, Israel & American Jews Read More »

Pride Parade slaying sparks calls for change to LGBT protections

The slaying of a 16-year-old girl at Jerusalem’s gay pride parade has sparked calls for LGBT-rights legislation — as well as pushback from those who oppose it.

Shira Banki died Aug. 2 after being stabbed while marching in the July 30 parade. Five others were wounded in the attack.

“It never crossed our mind that Shira would be murdered as a symbol,” her parents said in a eulogy on Aug. 3, according to a copy of the text on the Israeli news site Ynet. “An unnecessary death of a young girl, innocent and full of good intentions and deeds. A death that gives us and hundreds of other people sorrow and pain as deep as the sea, without end or benefit.”

The suspected assailant, Yishai Schlissel, a Charedi Orthodox man from Modiin Ilit in the West Bank, had been sent to prison for committing a similar stabbing at the same parade in 2005. Schlissel was freed from prison for that crime last month. He is now in custody.

The attack also comes six years after a shooting at a gay club in Tel Aviv that killed two and wounded a dozen others.

Israel’s leaders condemned the stabbing attack. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu promised to “deal with the murderer to the fullest extent of the law.”

“Shira was murdered because she courageously supported the principle according to which everyone is entitled to live their lives in dignity and safety,” he said in a statement Monday. ”

The attack prompted calls for legislation that would protect LGBT rights, as well as an end to denunciations of LGBT Israelis. Knesset member Itzik Shmuli of the Zionist Union announced publicly that he is gay in a July 31 column  in the Israeli daily Yediot Acharonot. Keren Neubach, an Israeli journalist, also came out of the closet in the wake of the attack.

“We can no longer remain silent because the knife is raised against the neck of the entire LGBT community, my community,” Shmuli wrote. “It will not stop there. This is the time to fight the great darkness.”

But the outcry over the stabbing also led to pushback. Education Minister Naftali Bennett was disinvited from a protest against violence on the night of Aug. 1 after he refused to sign a pledge to advance LGBT-rights legislation. Bennett defended his decision, saying he supports gay rights with limitations. After the attack, he increased the budget of an LGBT youth group, Israeli Gay Youth.

“We have specific disagreements,” Bennett said Monday morning on Israel’s Army Radio. “I’m for full rights for the gay community in terms of civil rights. In terms of formal Israeli state recognition of marriage, we’re not there. That’s the argument.”

Another member of Bennett’s Jewish Home party, Knesset member Bezalel Smotrich, took a harder line against gay rights activists. Smotrich is a longtime opponent of the gay rights movement.

“The witch hunt has begun,” Smotrich tweeted the day after Bennett’s disinvitation. “Everyone who dares to oppose same-sex marriage and abomination marches is arrested by the police. Delusional. A dark day for democracy. Enough silencing!”

Many Israeli politicians have sought to draw a link between the July 30 stabbings and the torching of a Palestinian home hours later that killed an 18-month-old boy. Rallies across Israel on Saturday night decried the violence, while Israeli President Reuven Rivlin called for stronger action to prevent future attacks.

On Monday, Rivlin spoke of Banki at a conference of Israel’s General Federation of Students and Young Workers.

“She joined the parade in the name of the values in which she believed — tolerance, equality, hope and love,” he said. “The battle against incitement and hatred does not begin and end with police protection. Silence and indifference to both real and virtual threats will only increase the danger.”

Pride Parade slaying sparks calls for change to LGBT protections Read More »

What can Iran hide in 24 days?

Congress has until mid to late September to decide whether to reject or approve the nuclear restrictions for the sanctions rollback deal reached by Iran and six major powers on July 14. Some of the debate is over the meaning of certain provisions in the accord. Here’s a breakdown of differences in how the sides interpret parts of the deal.

The 24 days

All sides agree that the deal has a rigorous inspections regime for Iran’s known sites: “24/7” scrutiny, as President Barack Obama has put it, with inspectors and video monitoring.

But what happens when intelligence agencies suspect nuclear weapons activity at an unmonitored site?

Under the agreement, Iran has 14 days to work out terms to check the site in question with a joint commission composed of its own representatives along with those from the United States, Britain, France, Germany, the European Union, Russia and China. If terms are not agreed upon after 14 days, the commission has up to seven days for a majority of its members to decide on terms of inspection. Iran must comply within three days — a total of 24 days.

Obama and his Cabinet have said that detectable signs of nuclear enrichment activity outlast 24 days — by centuries, even.

But critics say there are other activities related to nuclear weaponization that can go undetected, such as computer modeling for nuclear devices, explosives testing and the building of nuclear warheads, said Mark Dubowitz, director of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies.

“That kind of activity may not involve actual enrichment where there would be traces of uranium to detect,” he told JTA.

Additionally, a small centrifuge plant with advanced centrifuges in a containment system could be rapidly moved without leaving traces, according to Senate testimony given Aug. 4 by David Albright, a former U.S. nuclear inspector who is now president of the Institute for Science and International Security.

Deal proponents say the mining and transportation of the uranium needed for a contained enrichment site would be impossible to hide, given the numerous monitoring and verification choke points. Additionally, Iran has little to gain from such small-scale cheating such as testing explosives, said Alireza Nader, an Iran analyst with the Rand Corp.

Preventing sabotage

Among the agreement’s provisions aimed at ensuring nuclear safety is “cooperation through training and workshops to strengthen Iran’s ability to protect against and respond to nuclear security threats, including sabotage, as well as to enable effective and sustainable nuclear security and physical protection systems.”

Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.), who is running for president, argues that this provision sets the United States and its traditional allies in the Middle East on a collision course by requiring the United States to help Iran defend itself against Israel, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and other U.S. allies in the region.

But Daryl Kimball, president of the Arms Control Association, says that is not the intention of the provision. Rather, it’s meant to maintain security at civilian nuclear sites so terrorists can’t access them or steal equipment for other countries. The provision does not oblige the United States to avoid sabotage operations like Stuxnet, the computer virus believed to have been designed by Israel and the United States that wrecked Iran’s centrifuges in 2010.

But Dubowitz says the wording may give Iran legal cover to solicit assistance from other countries, such as China, in stopping cyber attacks.

“It’s not clear from the agreement,” he said.

Ghasem Soleimani

Soleimani, the general in the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps whose Quds Force is believed to have trained Hezbollah and helped carry out some of the worst Bashar Assad regime atrocities during the ongoing Syrian civil war, has appeared on a broad array of sanctions lists since 2007. In the agreement, he appears on a long list of entities and individuals to be removed from “nuclear-related” sanctions lists.

Critics say that this and other de-listings open the floodgates to global financial activity by the Revolutionary Guard.

Deal defenders note that Soleimani still appears on multiple lists, in the United States and elsewhere, sanctioning him for terrorist activity.

“The United States has a lot of leverage on that person,” Kimball said.

What can Iran hide in 24 days? Read More »

Gunman fatally shot at Nashville movie theater, one injured -police

A gunman also wielding an axe opened fire at a Nashville-area theater showing of the movie “Mad Max: Fury Road” and was shot dead by police after slightly injuring at least one person on Wednesday, police and fire officials said.

More than a dozen emergency vehicles were on the scene at the Carmike Hickory 8 movie complex in Antioch, where one man suffered minor injuries from the axe and that man and two women were treated for exposure to pepper spray, possibly from the gunman, officials said.

“We believe the imminent threat has been ended,” police spokesman Don Aaron told reporters.

He said the gunman, a 51-year-old man, had a backpack or some other type of bag on him, and authorities were going through it to make sure that it did not pose a danger.

Brian Haas of the Nashville Fire Department said none of the injuries, including the axe wound, appeared to be serious and none of the victims were transported to area hospitals.

“It appeared to be nothing but a bad bruise,” he told reporters referring to the person struck by the axe.

Two employees of a nearby Starbucks restaurant said they heard three or four gunshots and saw several police, fire trucks and ambulance vehicles responding.

The shooting comes less than two weeks after three people were killed and nine were wounded when a gunman opened fire in a movie theater in Lafayette, Louisiana. The gunman was among the dead.

In the Lafayette incident, the 59-year-old gunman opened fire on July 23 in a movie house during a showing of the comedy “Trainwreck.” Two theatergoers were killed before he took his own life as police closed in.

That shooting came almost three years to the day after 12 people were slain and dozens wounded by a gunman at a cinema in Aurora, Colorado, during a midnight screening of the Batman film “The Dark Knight Rises.”

The Nashville shooting follows the fatal shooting of five U.S. servicemen in Chattanooga, Tennessee, and the massacre of nine African Americans at a South Carolina church.

Gunman fatally shot at Nashville movie theater, one injured -police Read More »

What if there’s no Iran nuclear deal?

If you oppose the Iran deal, you have to ask yourself one question: So then what?

Saying the deal stinks without offering an alternative is not a thoughtful position, it’s an empty slogan.

Until now, the debate has really just been a piling-on against the deal.  Supporters are against the ropes and opponents, Ronda Rousey-like, are throwing everything they have against it. And make no mistake, they have a lot.  

But as August recess begins and the countdown to the congressional vote draws closer, it is time to push deal opponents on the hard reality of their preferred alternative. What might happen if Congress is able to override the president’s veto? How will Iran react? What will our partners in this deal do? In short, what happens if you get what you want?

Case in point: AIPAC. The American Israel Public Affairs Committee plans to devote millions of dollars and much of its political capital to defeating the deal. Its website offers thousands of words dissecting every weakness in the deal.  What is AIPAC offering instead? It all boils down to three sentences. This is how AIPAC describes the world we will face the day the deal collapses:

“We strongly believe that the alternative to this bad deal is a better deal. Congress should reject this agreement, and urge the administration to work with our allies to maintain economic pressure on Iran while offering to negotiate a better deal that will truly close off all Iranian paths to a nuclear weapon. Congress should insist on a better deal.”

Let me summarize: Instead of the current deal, America will keep sanctions and negotiate a better one. That’s the plan. So, my question is, is that a good plan? And how does it compare to the current deal?

I spent a good part of my week researching this question. Here’s what I found: AIPAC’s alternative lies somewhere between unlikely and impossible.  

For one thing, it is unlikely that the United States can maintain economic pressure. Iran could agree to comply with the deal in accordance with our partners, thus isolating the United States and making it difficult for the U.S. to convince the world to re-impose sanctions. By removing its centrifuges, sealing over its plutonium reactor and allowing inspectors, Iran would trigger the unfreezing of assets, only a small portion of which is held by the United States.  We would end up with an Iran with money and no constraints.

It’s unclear at that point whether the United States could wield its enormous economic leverage to get other countries to continue sanctions. Even if, say, France went along, would Russia? Would China? Or would these countries find ways to get around sanctions, including developing their own alternative to the SWIFT banking network that Iran had been successfully excluded from?

Rep. Adam Schiff, a staunchly pro-Israel Democrat from Los Angeles who announced he would support the deal this week, addressed in some detail what the deal’s opponents have thus far avoided.  

“It is only prudent to expect that if Congress rejects a deal agreed to by the Administration and much of the world,” Schiff wrote in a position paper, “the sanctions regime will — if not collapse — almost certainly erode. Even if we could miraculously keep Europe on board with sanctions, it is hard to imagine Russia, China, India or other nations starved for oil or commerce, agreeing to cut off business with Iran. The use of American financial sanctions is a powerful and coercive force, but relies upon at least the tacit acceptance of our objectives, something that would be lacking if we reject a deal agreed to by the other major powers.”  

If maintaining sanctions is not a given, what about AIPAC’s call to renegotiate “a better deal”? Back in mid-July, Robert Satloff, the executive director of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, wrote what is still the only extended think piece on the alternative to the deal and, with varying degrees, the experts I spoke with seem to share his opinion. 

“We shouldn’t delude ourselves into thinking that we can just go back to square one with negotiations,” Satloff concluded,  “or that we can keep the current sanctions regime in place as if the past two years of diplomacy never happened. We will be in a different place, much grayer than before.”

Into this murky future, let’s consider what will happen in Iran itself.    

“Iran’s pyromania-style foreign policy will only deepen, internal repression will grow, and the role of Russia and China in entrenching the crisis vis-à-vis the West will become clearer,” Iranian journalist Ahmad Rafat wrote in the Israeli paper Local Call. “It would be safe to assume that the Iranian regime will become Russia’s main ally and form a new bloc against the West and the United States.”

Opponents of this deal raise many good points. President Barack Obama would be wise, if he wants to sell it, to come up with firm proposals to mitigate the deal’s downsides.   

But let’s stop pretending that the deal’s opponents are offering a way forward that is any more certain, or any less dangerous.


Rob Eshman is publisher and editor-in-chief of TRIBE Media Corp./Jewish Journal. Email him at robe@jewishjournal.com. You can follow him on Twitter and Instagram.

What if there’s no Iran nuclear deal? Read More »

The lie that broke Israel’s back

It was November 2012, in the dead of winter, when the ghoul of a lie came back to haunt Israel. The specter, a paper tiger with young biting teeth, appeared in the assembly hall of the United Nations where diplomats are perpetually at daggers drawn. The ghoul was called ‘Observer with non-member status.’ This made it not quite real but not imaginary either, hence young teeth indicative of the latent threat it posed. But just for now Israel had to contend with a quasi-state called ‘Palestine.’  

A victory for the values of truth,” exclaimed Sudan’s diplomat after UN members voted to give Palestine that halfling status. In General Assembly ‘speak’ what he meant was a defeat for truth and a victory for a lie of long standing. For Israel it meant a threat, of historic proportions. For international law it meant relegation to a fun league. For the ruling clique that wanted the UN to create a new state it meant second prize. For nine-tenths of member countries it meant one step closer to rescinding the right of Israel to exist. For America and Europe it meant a new arm-twisting lever to get Israel to do their bidding. For all players it meant a whole new ballgame.

The world body was called on “to create the state of Palestine on the Palestinian Territory occupied since 1967.” No one blinked. There is a catchphrase for every cause, and the anti-Israel cause can boast the Coca Cola of catchphrases, a mantra for many. ‘Occupied Palestinian Territory’ (OPT) has the power to mesmerize. The mantra recurred some dozen times inn a resolution that recalled many things and reaffirmed many others. And no one in that great assembly batted an eye, not even the Ambassador for Israel. Repeated ad nauseam, nonsense can pour into sense, plot can merge with policy, and fiction can turn to wisdom. The catchphrase-mantra made Israel’s defeat a long time in the making. When defeat came her ambassador took it stoically. A forty-year lie can do that – slip into the skin of truth with barely a sigh.    

Now you see it now you don’t, OPT is a trick of smoke and mirrors, the stuff of mumbo jumbo. Historically, there’s never been Palestinian territory for Israel to occupy. Legally, Israel snapped up the territories fair and square from Egypt and Jordan. Logically, how can Israel be an occupier when no one else holds a lawful claim? Turn Middle East wars and laws upside down and any way you like, but the West Bank is neither occupied nor Palestinian.      

Expelled from one dugout, pro-Palestinians will scamper to another, firing the next volley from that landmark Security Council Resolution 242 of 1968. It’s the one that required Israel to withdraw from territory (only some) it snapped up in six days of war. The Palestinian camp says, ‘No; Resolution 242 told Israel to withdraw from all the territory.’ Some or all – quite how it connects to the narrative of OPT is not well explained, if at all. It may be a bridge too far for those that want ‘Palestine’ to prevail. But it cannot. Resolution 242 nowhere refers to Palestinians. How could it? One, they were not a belligerent in the Six Day War. Two, the drafters of 242 may have looked to Israel the victor to give back territory, but to the defeated Arab belligerents, not to Palestinians. Three, not until a year after Resolution 242 do we find those people popping up in records. Four, no binding UN resolution, before or since, nor any treaty or agreement lent the Palestinians a legal leg to stand on. In sum, to speak of OPT is to speak in riddles, or to engage in wishful thinking. Yet, even encyclopedic law buffs are caught doing that.

Take Professor John Dugard, at one-time a sort of policeman-prosecutor for the UN Human Rights Commission. As Rapporteur his job was to investigate, rebuke and report on Israel’s bad conduct in the ‘Occupied Palestinian Territories.’ That term again. OPT in his job title was bad enough without recurring in Dugard’s rebukes. “The Wall being built by Israel in the name of security penetrates deep into Palestinian territory.”

I took the liberty of asking Dugard to clarify: would he quote law to the effect that Israel occupies Palestinian territory? His answer came.  With more holes than a ripe Swiss cheese.

‘I think it would be helpful if you were to read the Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) of 9 July 2004 and the judgment of the High Court of Israel in the Beit Sourik case of 30 June 2004. They will provide you with answers to most of your questions and give you a better understanding of the legal norms that govern the situation.”

One advisory opinion and a case relating to Israel’s security barrier: they seem like nothing compared to the enormity of setting a country’s boundary. And there’s the problem of timing. The man started at the Human Rights Commission back in 2001. So from 2001 up to his two cases in 2004 he had no law to go by, meaning that he worked under a fake title and, like a doting father, took land from the bad boy (Occupied Palestinian Territories) to present to his favored boy. The verdict? For three years a legal authority quoted ad nauseam to give anti-Zionists the legal high ground, was acting as a law unto himself.  

And that advisory opinion and that judgment? Do they “provide you with answers and give you a better understanding?“ They’re as fake as the UN lawyer’s grand title. To quote the High Court of Israel in the Beit Sourik case: The fence “is a security measure for the prevention of terror attacks and does not mark a national border or any other border”. As for the opinion of the ICJ, it stinks. It contained no rebuttal of the Israeli court’s judgment. There was no mention of the Israeli court’s judgment. In the ICJ’s opinion that judgment simply never was, and never will be, amen.

There’s not the faintest inkling that Professor Dugard was making law and history to order; that he was feeding a bias with more power than a sober professional judgment. No doubt he’d love Gaza and the West Bank to have ‘Palestine’ stamped over them; but law and history are against ideologue Professors.        

They clamber onto an oh so plebian platform. They are more than premature; they’re presumptuous. Dugard and his successor Richard Falk anticipate a land swap agreement between two parties. They go over the head of the one in possession – Israel with 9/10 of the law in its favour. What makes professors behave like freshmen? Come to that, what makes a legal expert parade, fake title and all, like an avenging angel? “Israel will be held accountable for its violations of humanitarian law and human rights law.”

Better than law professors, the king of Jordan handled the big hoax honestly. King Hussein grasped why steps had to be taken to give OPT respectable clothes. As he told the 1988 Arab League summit in Amman: “The appearance of a distinct Palestinian national personality comes as an answer to Israel’s claim that Palestine is Jewish.” The monarch was explaining why a  new and distinct people had to be concocted in 1968. After all, what Arab leader liked the thought of the West Bank and Gaza belonging to Israel by dint of war and law?

The task of dressing the coveted land in respectable clothes was given to the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), a clique led by a badly-shaved Egyptian in keffiyeh and khaki drills. Smartly, it went to work on the PLO covenant. Article 24 was the big one. Erasing words here, inking new words in there, the inner circle soon unpacked a people still with straw clinging to beards…And gave them a holy mission. On July 17, 1968 the Palestinian people sprang from the PLO Charter, claiming the West Bank and Gaza as an ancient birthright and heritage

How was it all done? Step-by-step, with eraser and ink. The first thing that had to be erased was an obsolete declaration that the West Bank and Gaza were not occupied (by Jordan and Egypt.) This made it possible to declare that the territories were occupied (by Israel.) Now for the coup de grace. The Palestinian people were sworn to liberate their Israeli occupied homeland.

But an important finishing touch had to be made. Article 24 of the Charter contained the offending words, “Jews of Palestinian origin are considered Palestinians.” Of course Palestinian Jews were an impossible thing. After erasing them for posterity, the PLO men wrote in a definition with a grudge. Palestinians were now people, “who had resided in Palestine until the beginning of the Zionist invasion.” At a stroke Palestinian Jews thus became invaders.

Immediately world spotlights turned on the new people, dispossessed, and on the new culprit. Leaders in perpetuity lost no time decorating, enlarging and tidying up a tale of Jews who had swept down from Europe to put indigenous Palestinians under their colonial boot. From there it was but a quickstep to the accepted wisdom of Occupied Palestinian Territories.  

But OPT developed into more than a risible lie. It acquired the power to create facts on the ground. For one thing, the international community, hung up on the notion of ‘consensus’ backed by kangaroo opinions in and out of court, adopted OPT. For another, a vocal section of the Diaspora, and Israelis even, nailed their colors to the mast. For a third, an economic bubble developed around OPT. Monthly pay slips of untold thousands of UN staffers came to depend on that real estate. UNWRA alone developed into an employment agency on a grand scale. In the private sector, hundreds of human rights entities and workers would be the poorer without OPT. The world over it’s the article of faith on which anti-Zionists peg their zeal. Their god demands little: hate Zionism and revere occupied Palestinians. Hence the daily invocations:  Label products from OPT. Boycott Israel and divest from OPT.

But for the big hoax the world would be a different, if quieter place. And the Zionist enterprise would not now labor under a terminal threat.

Steve Apfel is a prolific author (novels and non-fiction), essayist and commentator on “enemies of Zion” which happens also to be the title of his latest book. Visit his webpage here.

His books are:

 

  • ‘The Paymaster,’ 1998
  • ‘Hadrian’s Echo: The whys and wherefores of Israel’s critics.’  2012
  • ‘War by other means: Israel and its detractors.’ Contributor. Israel Affairs, 2012.
  • ‘Enemies of Zion.’  (For publication in 2015)
  • ‘Balaam’s curse.' A novel in progress

     

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