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August 4, 2015

“Crazy Campers” Gan Izzy LA [official music video]

Camp Gan Israel is thrilled to announce the release of our Music Video titled “Crazy Campers.”

The song was inspired by the amazing campers in CGI. Their smiles, happiness good deeds and amazing spirit will help change the world!

Produced by Brocha Yemini

Lyrics by Adelle Hess

Music by Yisroel Drihem

Filmed & edited by Mendel Katz

Sung by Shira Saada, Noa Harkham, Devorah B Kessler, Chana Piperno. Special thanks to Riki.

“Crazy Campers” Gan Izzy LA [official music video] Read More »

Lessons of Gaza: 10 years later

Anniversaries always present us with an opportunity to reflect on the past and to try to learn from history.

British military thinker and historian B.H. Liddell Hart wote a book titled “Why Don’t We Learn From History?” In that book, Liddell Hart teaches us that “those who read history tend to look for what proves them right and confirms their personal opinions.” Armed with this wise caution, let’s look at some of the anniversaries commemorated recently and try to draw some lessons.

Waterloo immediately comes to mind, the battle in 1815 that brought Napoleon’s empire to its end. Never mind the fact that in a ludicrous re-enactment of the Battle of Waterloo recently, Frenchmen dressed as Napoleonic soldiers “defeated” their English enemy. And dismiss the fact that in popular memory, Napoleon is the hero and the man who defeated him, Wellington, is almost unknown.

The truth is that Waterloo symbolizes the victory of reason and stability, which Europe yearned for after so much bloodshed, over the megalomaniac ambitions of Napoleon. Hitler should have learned the same lesson, but he didn’t. So, in May, we celebrated the 70th anniversary of his fall.

Next, Vietnam comes to mind. Forty years after the hasty withdrawal from Saigon, and with more than 58,000 names engraved on the Vietnam Veterans Memorial Wall, one wonders what kind of lesson can be learned. Having Liddell Hart’s caveat in mind, then, those who opposed the war at the time will undoubtedly argue that they were right, and that it was a terrible waste of human lives and national resources. Those who have supported the war (and perhaps still support the use of American military power as a means of diplomacy) will probably say that it was the weakness of the politicians that betrayed the heroic soldiers.

A more balanced reflection might put the Vietnam War in the broader context of the Cold War, a war between capitalism and communism. Capitalism eventually won the war, and one wonders whether the American resilience in Vietnam didn’t have something to do with it. History moved on, and then, 20 years ago, the United States and Vietnam normalized relations. Today, they are promoting bilateral trade and — believe it or not — forging strategic cooperation, which involves keeping a watchful eye on the South China Sea, where China, once Vietnam’s staunch supporter, has ambitions.

Which brings me closer to home. Two anniversaries brought Gaza back to the Israeli discourse recently: This year marks 10 years since the Israeli pullout from the Gaza Strip and a year since Operation Protective Edge. 

In Israel, the uprooting of Israeli settlements from Gaza, the brainchild of then-Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, is called in Hebrew “hitnatkut” — cutting off, or severance. The idea was that pulling the Israelis out of there and closing the gate behind us was supposed to rid us once and for all of Gaza and its troubles. 


The third lesson is that Gaza will not go away. Whether we like it or not, it will always dwell on our doorstep, and, like a bad neighbor, will keep bothering us.

Needless to say, nothing of the sort ever happened. In pulling our brothers and sisters out of there, we didn’t cut ourselves off from Gaza. On the contrary, Gaza chased us into Israel proper. The launching of rockets at our cities coerced us into pounding Gaza in three operations: Cast Lead (2008-09), Pillar of Defense (2012) and last year’s Protective Edge. Furthermore, having to fight Hamas terrorism in a densely populated area produced wrenching scenes that have turned us into a pariah in world media and public opinion.

So, what is the first lesson we can draw from the hitnatkut? That it was a huge mistake, and that whenever Israel makes concessions, it is rewarded not only with more security problems, but also with ingratitude and even scorn?

Gershon Hacohen thinks so. Looking back, the retired Israel Defense Forces general, who commanded the hitnatkut a decade ago, wrote this week in the Israeli newspaper Yediot Aharonot that, contrary to the common wisdom of that time — that pulling out would improve Israel’s strategic position — he believes there were military advantages to keeping Israeli settlements inside the Gaza Strip. Hacohen equated the settlements to the first kibbutzim, which, in the 1930s, helped carve out the borders of the future Jewish state. On another level, Hacohen wrote, Israelis should never give away pieces of their beloved land.

I beg to differ. While I share Hacohen’s love for our Promised Land, I look at the people who populate it, and I wonder how we can keep all the land without ending up in a terrible dilemma: With millions of Palestinians among us, either we lose the Jewish character of Israel or its democracy. These scenarios are worse than any security threats, which — painful as they may be — we can handle.

The second lesson is that the way in which we carried out the hitnatkut was wrong. Sharon, who hated the Palestinians and would do no business with them, preferred to carry out the pullout unilaterally, rather than deliver Gaza into the hands of Mahmoud Abbas in a negotiated settlement. I don’t know whether Gaza would have fallen into the hands of Hamas anyway, but the unilateral hitnatkut definitely weakened Abbas, while making Hamas, in the eyes of the Palestinians, the hero capable of extracting land from Israel by force. 

The third lesson is that Gaza will not go away. Whether we like it or not, it will always dwell on our doorstep, and, like a bad neighbor, it will keep bothering us. The ideas voiced in Israel during and after Operation Protective Edge, namely that we should have “finished the job,” meaning toppling Hamas, are unrealistic. They remind me of the ill-advised Israeli plot in 1982 (by the same Ariel Sharon, by the way) to make the minority Maronite Christians kings of predominantly Shiite Lebanon. 

Giving up such futile presumptions of engineering the Middle East doesn’t mean that Israel should sit idly by vis-à-vis the Gaza problem. Together with other regional forces, which are deeply concerned at the prospect of a nuclear Iran on the one hand and the advent of radical Islam on the other, Israel should initiate a plan not only to rehabilitate Gaza, but also to open new horizons for the younger generation of Gazans. 

Top Israeli military officials told the government recently that Hamas, badly beaten last summer, is looking for a truce with Israel. They advised the government to remove some restrictions on the movement of Gazans, and even to allow the building of a port, which will open Gaza to the world. 

This is the fourth lesson, maybe the most important of them all. For too long we have used the stick on the people of Gaza and gained little in return. We should always be carrying the stick, but it’s time to give the carrot a chance. 

A version of this article appeared in the Miami Herald.

Lessons of Gaza: 10 years later Read More »

Gush Katif: Rebuilding and healing 10 years later

A drive through the Israeli city of Nitzan tells the story of the slow, painful rehabilitation of the communities of Gush Katif, the former settlement bloc known as the “harvest belt” of Gaza before Israel’s withdrawal 10 years ago. Located between Ashdod and Ashkelon, about 45 miles north of Gaza City, Nitzan has been the main absorption site of the evacuees torn from their homes in the summer of 2005 as part of the “disengagement” from Gaza, which the evacuees continue to refer to as the “expulsion.”

Today, the temporary housing site to which they were moved looks like a slum. Makeshift synagogues are only now closing, and the remaining dank shops clearly rely on the community for charitable business. Weeds grow on the plots of “caravillas,” the government euphemism for the pre-fab housing structures that have been relocated elsewhere as residents moved out. Human-size sewer pipes decorated with graffiti — the makeshift community bomb shelters — adorn the parking courtyards of the worn-out structures.

About a half-mile away, a garden-lined road has turned around the unseemly vision of the weeds and scrap metal. An impressive school building — a new girls school — recalls the well-kept, pretty community buildings that were once in Gush Katif, and it leads the way to the new site of Neve Dekalim, the most urban of the 21 settlements of Gush Katif that were destroyed. The residents have expanded the already existing community of Nitzan, and the desert homes say: “We’ve finally rebuilt … sort of.”

This picturesque image should not negate the suffering and neglect experienced by the evacuees, said Hagit Yaron, a member of the Gush Katif Committee, a nonprofit that advocates on behalf of the communities with government agencies.

“The government of Israel knew how to expel Jews in one summer; over 10 years, it didn’t know how to reinstate their communities,” Yaron said, sitting under the canopy at the entrance to the temporary site of the Gush Katif and Northern Samaria Commemoration Center in Nitzan, a state-sponsored exhibition center memorializing the legacy of modern Jewish settlement in Gaza. The government assumed evacuees would take their compensation money and buy or rent in whatever town or city suited their fancy, but they insisted on sticking together as communities.

“It didn’t understand we speak the language of community, which is a different language,” Yaron said. 

Yaron is originally from Neve Dekalim. Her husband, a mechanic, managed to find new partners to rebuild his business, but, she said, not everyone has been so fortunate. 

“People who didn’t fight for their homes, who didn’t resist, it’s very hard for them. They have a tortured conscience. They wonder, ‘How did we let this happen?’ I know I’m at peace with myself. I did what I could.” — Einat Bloch Yefet

“There are families whose money ran out. They haven’t worked for 10 years, and they spent all their compensation money; there are those who were cheated by investors.”

Among the hardest hit are those men and women who were older than 50 at the time of the evacuation who ran established businesses in Gush Katif, usually in agriculture, or who had jobs in Gush Katif but who now find themselves feeling too old to start over or to be hired.

Until today, all but three of the Gush Katif settlement communities have been rebuilt throughout Israel; some have created new towns named after their former ones, while others have joined existing towns. Of the approximately 1,300 families that have chosen to stick with their communities, 900 have settled into permanent homes; 170 are in the process of building them; and 200 families have still not found solutions. It took about four years for the first families to move into their permanent homes, usually with compensation money the were given according to the appraised value of their home in Gush Katif, which, by the time they were ready to build, had depreciated considerably. Some evacuees with lesser means opted to have their caravillas transferred to a new site and reoutfitted for permanent living. 

“There is a feeling among some of the people of failure — that they didn’t succeed as much as the others,” Yaron said. 

Yaron is well aware of criticism by pro-disengagement activists, who argued that the evacuees should have cooperated with the government. 

“You could not fight it and negotiate with the government at the same time,” she said. “They require two different spiritual energies.” She’s noted that even those who cooperated are no better off.

According to a study of teenage evacuees conducted by Mahut, a nonprofit dedicated to emergency preparedness and treating post-trauma, and which from the outset advocated for the Jewish communities in Gaza and northern Samaria, resistance to the pullout contributed to the teens’ resilience in the face of the trauma of the pullout.

“We do have evidence that people who did not struggle at all, who just left before the time, were not more prepared and did not adjust better,” said Miriam Shapira, co-director of Mahut. 

The study also found that sticking together as a community contributed to the healing process.

“We see that youngsters very much used their communities, their sense of belong to a community,” Shapira said. “It gave them a lot of meaning and a lot of strength.”

Nonetheless, 10 years later, some of these former teens are still seeking psychological counseling, especially as they transition into adulthood and a life with a family of their own. 

Einat Bloch Yefet, who lives now with her husband and two children in the new Netzer Hazani, said she experienced an emotional and spiritual breakdown after she was forced to leave her home at age 18. Today, she conducts lectures on tools for overcoming trauma, guided by her experience of first losing a brother to Islamic terrorism in Gaza, and then her home. She has no regrets about leaving on her terms; she compares it to never giving up on a loved one dying of cancer.

“People who didn’t fight for their homes, who didn’t resist, it’s very hard for them,” she said. “They have a tortured conscience. They wonder, ‘How did we let this happen?’ I know I’m at peace with myself. I did what I could.”

Public and private commemoration ceremonies marking the Gaza withdrawal are taking place throughout Israel, but Yaron is not optimistic that the government will ever take responsibility for its failure to resettle the evacuees swiftly, fairly and with sensitivity. 

But what pains her most is the continuing sense of longing. “It was a good life. We had a great regional council. Good people. A love of work and Torah and a sense of mission, which I don’t have anymore. I miss the view. From Nitzan, you don’t see the ocean.”

Gush Katif: Rebuilding and healing 10 years later Read More »

Why do Jews embrace shame?

Maybe by the time you read this, Israeli authorities will have identified a Jewish suspect in the horrible attack in Duma that left a Palestinian toddler dead and other family members severely injured.

But as of now, all we know is that after several days of investigation by the Israeli police and secret service, the only sign that the attacker is Jewish is the Hebrew graffiti at the crime scene. No suspects have been identified and no leads have been reported.

This hasn’t stopped the Jewish world from emoting in a loud and public display of shame and soul searching. The revulsion at the Duma attack, in fact, has been no less severe than the revulsion expressed a few days earlier when a religious Jew blatantly committed murder at the gay pride parade in Jerusalem.

In each case, our rush to shame was immediate. We expressed our shock and horror at the depravity shown by one of our own. This is the standard Jewish response. When a Jew kills, the first people who cry out are the Jews. It’s the eternal Jewish instinct — to look inward.

Where does this instinct come from? When did it start?

“It started at the very beginning with Adam and Eve,” my friend Rabbi Chaim Seidler-Feller said. “They felt shame at being naked and exposed, so when they heard the sound of God, they ran away and hid. When they learned that you can’t hide anything from God, especially not shame, that was the beginning of Jews embracing shame.”

The sober nature of shame is what creates a mindset for solutions. Don’t be fooled by the loudness and the hysterics coming out of Israel. Beneath all the public flogging and recriminations is a quiet engine of self-correction. It’s cumbersome, halting and flawed, but it’s there.

According to Rabbi Berel Wein of Jerusalem, shame is one of the three main character attributes that the Talmud ascribes to Jews. “As long as shame existed,” he writes on his blog, “the possibility for repentance and self-improvement also existed. Therefore the prophets of Israel exhorted the leaders and people to at least ‘be ashamed of your behavior, O House of Israel!’ Only when the sense of shame disappears does hope wane for a change for the better.”

Tova Hartman, a scholar from Jerusalem, goes even deeper. She sees emotions like shame and guilt as rooted in what she calls the “trauma of randomness.” It’s too painful, she said, “to imagine a world where everything is arbitrary, where good or bad things happen at random.”

So we must embrace a certain amount of guilt, of responsibility, to create a semblance of order. “If we can’t connect our actions to our circumstances,” she said, “we feel helpless.”

This instinct for taking responsibility transcends even the facts of history. The Romans may have destroyed the Second Temple, but the Jewish tradition places primary blame for that destruction on the “baseless hatred” among Jews. The Musaf prayer we’ve been reciting for the past 19 centuries during the festivals of Pesach, Sukkot and Shavuot picks up on this theme of Jewish guilt with one fateful phrase: “Because of our sins, we were exiled.”

The very act of Jewish prayer is intertwined with self-correction. The root of the Hebrew word for prayer is judgment. “Our daily prayers are an act of self-evaluation,” Rabbi Kalman Topp of Beth Jacob Congregation told me. “We humble ourselves before God so we can self-reflect and work on ourselves.”

Our tradition holds us responsible, even when we’re really not. In the biblical story of a corpse being discovered between two towns, the talmudic lesson is that we accept moral responsibility because we failed to accompany him out of town.

Rabbi Norman Lamm, the former chancellor of Yeshiva University, commented on this unusually high standard of responsibility:

“How wise were our Sages! With their insight into human nature, they realized that this man had not successfully resisted his attacker because he left that town demoralized. The elders of the town failed to walk that man out onto the highway, they failed to encourage him on his way, they failed to make him realize that his presence in their community was important to them, and that his leaving saddened them. They simply did not take any notice of him.”

If there’s one thing Jews have become good at, it’s taking notice of other Jews. Whether regarding high-profile disasters like the Bernie Madoff Ponzi scam or more petty issues like an annoying neighbor, we notice. For all the evils of gossip, it does have the redeeming value of serving as a self-correcting mechanism. As professor Adrian Furnham writes in Psychology Today, gossip “sets the limits of the clan, culture and tribe.”

These limits are invariably related to shame. If a rabbi knows that he will drown in shame in front of his family and community if he’s caught in a flagrant ethical or criminal violation, does that not serve as an incentive to behave?

Because I come from the world of “Let’s not air our dirty laundry in public,” it’s sometimes painful for me to see stories of public Jews who mess up. But I’ve come to appreciate how shining a light on our warts and sinners is what helps us grow and improve, both individually and collectively.

I confess that it turns my stomach when I see our adversaries take this wrenching self-criticism and turn it against us, as when Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas announced he would take Israel to the International Criminal Court because of the attack in Duma. What chutzpah! This is from the same man who names roads and stadiums after terrorists.

“Shame and guilt can be undervalued in our community,” Seidler-Feller said. “That may be the assimilationist impulse. But the positive dimension to shame is that it activates a search for repair.”

Rabbi Jonathan Sacks makes a distinction between shame and guilt, noting that guilt is the more productive emotion of the two. As I see it, they both play a role — Jewish shame has fueled the Jewish sense of guilt.

It’s true that self-flagellation can sometimes go too far, but then again, so can over-protectiveness. This is especially true in the case of Israel, when our community is often divided between those who brazenly criticize the Jewish state and those who instinctively defend it.

No Jew on the planet right now is defending Yishai Schlissel, the religious zealot who killed Shira Banki at the Jerusalem gay pride parade, bringing shame not only on himself, but on the very Torah he claims to defend.

The horrific nature of Schlissel’s act has unleashed the full force of collective Jewish emotion, as if that little seed of shame that was planted 5,775 years ago in the Garden of Eden has now come into full bloom.

The cliché is accurate: Jews feel responsible for one another. When a Jew goes horribly bad, we take it personally — all of us.

I confess that it turns my stomach when I see our adversaries take this wrenching self-criticism and turn it against us, as when Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas announced he would take Israel to the International Criminal Court because of the attack in Duma. What chutzpah! This is from the same man who names roads and stadiums after terrorists.

I know, it’s tempting at this point to suggest that other religious groups ought to emulate the Jewish way. After all, can you imagine the power of a billion Muslims expressing collective shame each time a Muslim committed a violent act? 

The problem is that once we start flaunting shame, it loses its integrity. It’s like being arrogant about the fact that you’re not arrogant. 

The sober nature of shame is what creates a mindset for solutions. Don’t be fooled by the loudness and the hysterics coming out of Israel. Beneath all the public flogging and recriminations is a quiet engine of self-correction. It’s cumbersome, halting and flawed, but it’s there.

I have no doubt that after all the crying and yelling is over, Israeli society will come out ahead, bruised and humbled, but still resilient.

I also have no doubt that plenty of sober minds in Israel right now are working to prevent more shameful episodes of Jewish terror. And they’re not even waiting for the evidence to come in from Duma.

Why do Jews embrace shame? Read More »

Extreme heat kills Israeli soldier, sends 8 citizens to hospital

An extreme heat wave in Israel that began Sunday has caused the death of an 18-year-old soldier, while sending eight civilians, including a toddler, to the hospital.

Pvt Dan Sela of the northern city Afula died in Jerusalem Tuesday after collapsing from heat stroke during an educational tour of the Old City, the Times of Israel reported. Although the temperature in Jerusalem was 95 degrees Fahrenheit, the humidity was almost 40 percent, and Sela’s body temperature had reached 107 degrees.

Meanwhile, hikers in the West Bank area of Wadi Qelt and in the foothills of Mount Carmel, near Haifa, had to be rescued because they were suffering from dehydration.

According to Haaretz, the temperatures in most parts of the country Tuesday were slightly lower than the previous day, but humidity was dramatically higher. Areas experiencing the highest temperatures Tuesday were the Hula Valley (105.8 degrees F) in the north and the Jordan Valley (111.2 degrees F), Haaretz reported.

The heat wave, which is not expected to break until Thursday, follows a record-breaking heat wave in May that caused forest fires.

Extreme heat kills Israeli soldier, sends 8 citizens to hospital Read More »

Israel must confront the fundamentalists within

This past month, as our attention was focused on watching the developing Iran deal, the situation in Israel has taken a deeply troubling turn.

First, a woman wearing a kippah was detained by the police for attempting to worship at the Western Wall. Then David Azoulay, the haredi Orthodox minister of religious affairs from the Shas political party, called the largest movement in Judaism, Reform Judaism, “a disaster for the State of Israel.” He then followed up with an even more disturbing diatribe, saying he couldn’t even call adherents of Reform Judaism Jewish.

While Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu admonished him publicly for such comments, his government also decided to restore Orthodox control of conversion and kashrut in a series of decisions that undid decades of progress toward religious equality. President Reuven Rivlin responded with a constructive symbolic gathering of Jews from diverse streams at his residence in Jerusalem, but even such valiant acts cannot change the effective reality that is now developing.

Just this week, my students in Jerusalem were horrified to watch as a deranged haredi Orthodox repeat offender stabbed six peaceful marchers in the annual Jerusalem gay pride parade. Hours later, an arson attack in the West Bank took the life of a Palestinian toddler.

Extremist Jewish fundamentalists are now more emboldened than ever as Israel is increasingly held hostage by a hostile, intolerant approach to diversity. In recent years, I had witnessed hopeful incremental changes that appeared to be cracks in the ice of Israel’s state-sanctioned religious intolerance. I saw increased police protection for Women of the Wall, which advocates for the right of women to pray at Judaism’s holiest site. I had conversations with Knesset members and other officials who were ever so slightly more open to Reform and Conservative Judaism, and watched with enthusiasm the sharp rise in the percentage of Israelis who participate in progressive synagogues and marry their partners with the officiation of progressive clergy. I celebrated the growing number of Israelis excited to build the burgeoning Israeli Reform movement.

Last November, I was moved when President Rivlin met with the leaders of the Reform movement’s global seminary, Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion, and declared, “We are one family, and the connection between all Jews, all over the world, is very important to the State of Israel.”

But now I am afraid that too many Israelis have forgotten the extraordinary role that Reform Jews played and continue to play in the story of the Zionist movement and the State of Israel. A Reform rabbi and scholar, Judah Magnes, immigrated to Jerusalem in 1922, helped found the Hebrew University, and served as its first chancellor and president. Magnes built this prestigious institution of higher education into a university that educates Jews, Muslims and Christians in an atmosphere of respect and equality.

Rabbi Stephen Wise, a close confidant of President Woodrow Wilson, influenced the American leader to support the Balfour Declaration, in which Britain said it favored a Jewish national home in Palestine. In 1947, Rabbi Abba Hillel Silver captured the world’s attention as he addressed the U.N. General Assembly and made the case for Jewish statehood just months before the historic vote that approved partition and helped establish the State of Israel.

Dr. Nelson Glueck established the Israeli campus of Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion in 1963 with Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion’s full support, educating thousands of Reform Jewish leaders in the heart of Jerusalem. Countless Reform Jews founded kibbutzim and other communities, built synagogues and schools, fought in the Israeli army and made aliyah to the Jewish state. Millions of other Reform Jews have offered their constant support from afar for over a century. And thousands upon thousands of native Israelis now proudly affiliate with the homegrown Israeli Reform movement in congregations that span the length and breadth of the State of Israel.

Israel was founded to be a homeland for all Jews and a place respectful of all its people. Its 1948 declaration of independence defines it as a state that “will ensure complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or sex,” one that “will guarantee freedom of religion, conscience, language, education and culture.”

The government of the Jewish state must always walk a fine line in preserving both its Jewishness and the fundamental freedoms that inhere in any democracy. Granted, this is not simple, especially in a polarized political system where small parties in coalitions can exert undue influence. Nonetheless, what Israel’s citizens and friends abroad should expect from any Israeli government is straightforward: vigorous protection of the religious freedom of all its citizens so that they may pray, marry their partners, bury their dead, welcome new adherents, study their traditions and observe their beliefs without harassment. When one religious group limits, attacks or abuses another, the government is responsible for intervening to curb such toxic and dangerous activity. These commitments lie at the very core of democracy.

The latest studies show that the Israeli Reform and Conservative movements represent approximately 12 percent of the Jewish population of Israel, larger than the haredi Orthodox population (now at 9 percent). With more than 45 growing Reform congregations and more than 100 active Reform rabbis around Israel, it is long past time for the government of Israel to secure them the same freedoms guaranteed anyone else living in a democracy. It is ironic, to put it mildly, that Reform and Conservative rabbis enjoy less state recognition in Israel than almost anywhere else in the world.

I love the State of Israel and have spent decades working to strengthen its security and democracy. That is what makes me so concerned. At this time of intense international criticism, vitriol and isolation, Israel cannot afford to spurn the millions of ardent, committed Jews worldwide who, consonant with longstanding tenets of our faith, embrace an authentic balance between the demands of tradition and contemporary realities.

The State of Israel faces a significant choice right now. It can become a haven for fundamentalists intent on attacking those who differ, or it can step into a profound role of Jewish leadership as a country that embraces ideological difference as an essential strength. Israel is a leader in technology, education, health care and more. It should now strive to become a leader in religious pluralism and to embrace Reform Judaism as ardently as Reform Jews embrace Israel.

(Rabbi Aaron Panken is the president of Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion.)

Israel must confront the fundamentalists within Read More »

Kahane’s grandson, 3 other suspected Jewish terrorists to stay in administrative detention

The suspected Jewish terrorist arrested as part of the Shin Bet’s investigation of a firebombing that killed a Palestinian toddler will be held in custody for at least six days.

Officials said Tuesday that Meir Ettinger, a grandson of Meir Kahane born after the far-right Jewish extremist’s assassination, will stay in administrative detention until at least Sunday by order of a closed-door judicial proceeding, the Times of Israel reported.

Ettinger, who Israeli authorities believe oversees a Jewish terrorist group, was arrested Monday in the northern Israeli town of Safed. It was not clear whether he is a suspect in the firebombing or is being interrogated for information he might have that could lead to the perpetrators.

Judicial officials, including Attorney General Yehuda Weinstein, decided Tuesday that subject to the approval of Internal Security Minister Gilad Erdan, they would authorize holding Ettinger and three other suspects without charge in administrative detention, a practice used almost exclusively for Palestinian terror suspects. The security Cabinet approved the general practice at an emergency meeting on Sunday responding to the firebombing of two Palestinian homes in the West Bank village of Duma.

Shin Bet officials have said Ettinger heads a movement that also was responsible for the June arson of the historic Church of the Multiplication of the Loaves and Fishes and seeks to bring down the government and replace it with a Jewish theocracy.

Ettinger’s attorney, Yuval Zemer, claimed Tuesday that his client had been tortured in custody, but security officials denied the allegation, according to the Times of Israel.

Zemer also accused the Shin Bet of arresting Ettinger for “PR purposes” rather than for a real investigative reason.

Ettinger has previously led efforts to establish new and unauthorized West Bank settlements. The Shin Bet sought to put Ettinger under administrative detention in 2014, according to Haaretz, but state prosecutor Shai Nitzan denied the request, instead barring Ettinger from Jerusalem and the West Bank.

According to the Times of Israel, Ettinger in his 2013 “the rebel manifesto” called for bringing down the Israeli government by targeting the country’s “weak points” and firing “up these powder kegs … until we have a situation in which Jews must decide whether they are part of the revolution or part of the repression [of the rebellion].”

Kahane’s grandson, 3 other suspected Jewish terrorists to stay in administrative detention Read More »

First Israeli jailed without trial in sweep over West Bank arson

Israel jailed a suspected Jewish militant without trial on Tuesday, the first application of the controversial measure against a citizen in a government-ordered crackdown following the lethal torching of a Palestinian home.

The suspect, Mordechai Meyer, a resident of a Jewish settlement in the West Bank, was arrested and placed under so-called “administrative detention” for six months, Israel's Defence Ministry said in a statement.

It accused him of “involvement in violent activity and recent terrorist attacks as part of a Jewish terror group”.

Administrative detention, under which Israel holds hundreds of Palestinians and which civil liberties groups deplore as a blow to due process of the law, was among new measures Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's security cabinet approved for Jews suspected in Friday's arson in the West Bank. The attack killed a Palestinian toddler and severely injured three relatives.

Detention without trial is required, Israel says, to prevent further violence in cases where there is insufficient evidence to prosecute, or where going to court would risk exposing the identity of secret informants.

Two other Israelis with ties to far-right Jewish groups, Meir Ettinger and Eviatar Salonim, were arrested this week. Police said the former was remanded in custody pending further investigation but was not placed under administrative detention. They did immediately detail Salonim's terms.

With years of sporadic Israeli hate crimes against Palestinians having turned fatal, and the security services complaining of a justice system that ties their hands in tackling suspects, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's government is at pains to show it has taken off the gloves.

Israeli commentators have questioned the resolve of security services which, when responding to Palestinian militant attacks, often round up suspects en masse as part of accelerated investigations.

According to Internal Security Minister Gilad Erdan, another new measure approved by the security cabinet on Sunday for Israeli suspects was the violent shaking of an uncooperative subject under interrogation, known in Hebrew as “tiltul”.

Deemed a form of torture by liberties groups, tiltul's use was largely curbed by Israel's Supreme Court in a 1999 ruling.

Israel's top-rated Channel 2 television quoted Ettinger's lawyer as saying that his client had complained of being strapped to a chair by interrogators and shaken.

The lawyer could not be reached by Reuters for comment and police declined to respond, citing a gag order on the case.

Separately, Israeli police issued a rare public call on Tuesday for leads in the arson case. A police spokeswoman denied, however, that this signalled difficulties in the investigation.

First Israeli jailed without trial in sweep over West Bank arson Read More »

Netanyahu asks U.S. Jews to oppose Iran nuclear deal

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu tried to rally U.S. Jews on Tuesday against the Iranian nuclear deal championed by President Barack Obama and facing review by Congress, saying it risked a catastrophic Middle East war.

In a webcast organised by Jewish groups in North America, Netanyahu reiterated Israel's arguments that the July 14 deal was not enough to curb Iranian nuclear projects with bomb-making potential while bringing Tehran a windfall in sanctions relief that could help fund destabilising regional conflicts.

With surveys showing American Jewish opinion mixed on a dispute that has strained the U.S.-Israeli alliance, Netanyahu cast his opposition to the Iran deal as non-partisan. He also pushed back against the Obama administration's counter-argument that the deal was the only way to avoid eventual war with Iran.

“I don't oppose this deal because I want war. I oppose this deal because I want to prevent war. And this deal will bring war,” he said. “This is a time to stand up and be counted. Oppose this dangerous deal.”

Organisers said 10,000 people – not taking into account expected group audiences – had signed up to view the webcast.

That might translate into grassroots pressure on U.S. lawmakers weighing ratification of the deal by Sept. 17.

Should Congress vote against the deal, the United States might lose out while the five other big-power signatories re-engage with Iran, including in lucrative trade deals.

Netanyahu sought to play down this concern, saying international firms would think twice about entering Iranian markets if it meant losing bigger U.S. business opportunities.

Having infuriated the Obama administration by speaking against Iran in Congress in March at the invitation of the Democratic president's Republican rivals, Netanyahu cast himself as the emissary of an Israeli public that, polls show, mostly shares his misgivings about the deal with Iran.

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A year after Gaza war, border communities are growing

Few communities were as battered during last summer’s conflict between Israel and Hamas as Nahal Oz, a kibbutz of some 350 people located just a mile from the Gaza border.

At one point in the fighting, 40 missiles landed on the community in a single day. Hamas militants attempting to infiltrate the kibbutz through a tunnel killed five Israeli soldiers. For much of the war, families with young children were evacuated to other communities far from the fighting. And  just four days before the war’s end, 4-year-old Daniel Tragerman was killed by a mortar outside his kibbutz home, dealing one last heavy blow to the community’s morale.

Nahal Oz is still recovering from the trauma of the war. But one year after it was a virtual ghost town, the kibbutz is not only functioning, it’s growing. And the same story is repeated throughout the Gaza border communities. Fifteen years of near constant rocket fire have not deterred families from moving to these small agricultural towns, known here as the Gaza Envelope.

“What we felt here, we didn’t feel anywhere else in Israel,” said Tom Oren-Denenberg, 40, who moved to Nahal Oz in November with his wife, Yael. “The moment you get here, you feel people’s warmth. You feel there’s a warm, embracing community. You feel it in the air.”

In nearly a year since the war, the Eshkol Regional Council, comprising the Gaza Envelope’s southern half, has seen its population grow by 516 people — a significant jump over the increase of 373 in 2013. Shaar Hanegev Regional Council, to Eshkol’s north, has dozens of new housing units under construction and waiting lists for more that are still being planned.

Even Nahal Oz, which saw a drop in population after the war, has more than bounced back. Sixteen families left after the war, but 14 have moved in and another five will join them by summer’s end. In a typical year, Nahal Oz absorbs 10 to 15 new families.

“The interesting thing is that it didn’t go down to zero,” Sergio DellaPergola, a respected Israeli demographer and emeritus professor at Hebrew University, said of the growth rate. “Instead of falling, it didn’t fall. The message is that the security risks, the tunnels underground, aren’t enough that people won’t want to live in that area.”

If moving to the Gaza border doesn’t intuitively make sense, it certainly does make dollars. According to the Or Movement, which encourages settlement in Israel’s North and South, residents of the Gaza Envelope can take home as much as $1,000 more per month thanks to an income tax benefit for residents of the area. Residents in the South get a card that provides discounts at local businesses, as well as cultural and sporting events.

Residents of the Gaza Envelope also get hefty discounts on real estate, an especially appealing prospect given that Israel’s housing prices have risen nearly 60 percent since 2008. They receive a 69 percent discount on property lot values, and some building permits and other fees are waived entirely.

In Nahal Oz, which felt compelled to make up for the families that left, the kibbutz invested upward of $500,000 to recruit new members.

“We had to invest superhuman efforts to get people here,” said Oshrit Sabag, who heads the Nahal Oz recruitment efforts. “We put in a lot of resources, a lot of thought, a lot of money, and we used a lot of outside sources to succeed and repopulate the kibbutz. It wasn’t easy after the summer we had to convince people to come live here.”

Residents say the biggest inhibitor of even more rapid growth is uncertainty about the next outbreak of violence. Cities in Israel’s center and North are protected by the Iron Dome missile defense system, but in Nahal Oz, residents sometimes have only five seconds to find shelter after a warning siren goes off ahead of a missile strike. The Israel Defense Forces, meanwhile, has remained vague on its progress eliminating tunnels used by Hamas to attack Israel, saying only that it’s using a range of means to address the issue.

“No one knows what will be and when it will happen again,” said Inbar Shevach, a social worker employed by the kibbutz. “Anything can make people jump, every boom. Every person deals with it in his own way. Everyone has their own fears for the future.”

Della Pergola said that in addition to an Israeli ethos to settle the land beyond Tel Aviv, Israelis haven’t historically been fazed by security risks. They tend to stay constant in their willingness to move to far-off places, he said, at times if only to prove that war won’t drive the country to abandon an area.

“You think something happens and everything changes,” he said. “The Israeli population’s trends continue for a long time. Very little changes in the foundation of Israeli society, despite the problems and tough times and complicated events. What’s interesting is the stability.”

Residents say the attacks strengthen the their sense of solidarity, giving them something to fight for. That resolve, said Ronnie Levine, chairman of Kibbutz Erez on Gaza’s northern border, attracts Israelis searching for a national purpose.

“I think people in Israel want to do something pioneering, ideological,” Levine said. “Here they have ideology and a wonderful community that’s not really far from the center.”

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