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April 24, 2015

100 Years of waiting: Lebanon, a century after the Armenian genocide

This article first appeared on The Media Line

BEIRUT, Lebanon — Hundreds of red lanterns glowed as they rose into the sky, watched by the crowds below until they disappeared behind the buildings that dot the fringes of the Lebanese coastline. The event is one of many building up to April 24th, which marks the 100th commemoration of the Armenian genocide at the hands of the Ottoman Empire.

Beirut is a vibrant hub of Armenian political and social culture and is home to many of Lebanon’s 156,000 Armenians — nearly 4% of Lebanon’s population of 4 million. The city is expected to play a major role in the diaspora’s centenary commemoration of the genocide.

In the waning days of the Ottoman Empire, at the height of World War I, nearly 1.5 million Armenians, as well as a number of other minority groups including Assyrian Christians and Ottoman Greeks, were subject to a brutal campaign of organized killing, starvation, and forced deportation.

But Turkey has refused to recognize the events of 1915 as genocide. This refusal has become the focus of Armenian commemorations of the massacre year after year.

For Armenian community activist Yeghia Tashijian, one of the main obstacles to Turkey’s recognition boils down to the money. Besides the territorial claims that Armenians have made over lands that are now in eastern Turkey, they have demanded reparations for the families of those killed. These demands make Turkey’s recognition not only politically complex, but also potentially very costly for the country. 

But Tashijian says he sees the tide changing in the views of Turkish people. “Ten years ago, it was much more difficult. There was denial by the government and the society in Turkey, but now there are many people who openly talk about this issue,” he told The Media Line. And with voices of support from international powerhouses like Pope Francis and American pop icon Kim Kardashian, it seems the calls for recognition are becoming even louder.

There are a number of cultural and historical events, including talks, seminars and concerts to mark the occasion in Lebanon. The main focus is the march by thousands of Armenians and other Lebanese on April 24 from Antelias, an area north of Beirut, into the heart of the capital to commemorate the genocide.

Tashijian says Beirut has played an important role in Armenian activism since the Soviet era. Then, when Armenia was not yet an independent state and could not express its identity, Beirut was the ideological capital of the Armenian people.

Under Lebanon’s confessional system, in which 18 different religious sects are represented, Armenians have found safety and opportunities to express their identity. In neighborhoods throughout Beirut, shopkeepers chat in the western Armenian language — which UNESCO considers an endangered tongue. Haigazian University, the only Armenian University in the diaspora, is a bastion for Armenian activists and professors.

The role of the anniversary activities has changed over the years, according to Dr. Antranig Dakessian, Director of the Armenian Diaspora Research Centre at Haigazian University. “[The event] has reshaped itself, it has transformed. Back in the 1920s ‘30s and ‘40s it was a mourning, but not anymore,” Dakessian told The Media Line, “Now, it is a revival.”

Today, the Armenian community in Lebanon use the commemoration as an opportunity to raise awareness about mass oppression and violence against any community, Dakessian said. “We try to promote justice and respect of ‘the other,’ acceptance and tolerance of ‘the other,’ and coexisting with them,” he said.

In a Middle East wreaked by violence and growing extremis, the message of tolerance and coexistence is a welcome one, Tashijian said.

“There are some politicians in the Middle East who do not recognize the Holocaust just because it happened to the Jews, but it is very important to change that. What happened then was a continuation of the Armenian genocide as is what is happening today in the Middle East and Africa,” he said.

For many Armenians, the genocide of 1915 is not a thing of the past. Lebanon is now hosting a number of Syrian Armenian refugees who have been forced to flee fighting in neighbouring Syria. As jihadist groups like the Islamic State specifically target minority groups, Armenians and other minorities feel their presence in the Middle East is increasingly threatened.

But Lebanon — and perhaps Lebanon alone — remains a refuge for many fleeing persecution in the Middle East despite its own history of violence and sectarian conflict, most notably during its civil war from 1975-1990.

“Lebanon is the only harbor left for minorities in the region, and we don’t want to lose this. If we do, then everything is lost in the Middle East.

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Biden, seeking to ease U.S.-Israel strains, pledges delivery of new warplanes

WASHINGTON – Seeking to ease U.S.-Israeli tensions, Vice President Joe Biden on Thursday promised Israel delivery of top-flight fighter jets next year to maintain its military edge and vowed that any final nuclear deal with Iran would ensure Israel’s security.

Addressing an Israeli Independence Day celebration in Washington, Biden insisted that Barack Obama “has Israel’s back,” despite a recent strains between the U.S. president and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu over Iran nuclear talks and Middle East diplomacy.

Biden won applause from a pro-Israel audience when he told them the United States would begin delivery of Lockheed Martin’s new F-35 jets to its ally next year, making Israel the only country in the Middle East to have the new stealth warplane.

But he was met with silence when he reaffirmed U.S. support for a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, an allusion to White House objections to Netanyahu’s comments last month casting doubt on his commitment to a Palestinian state.

“We’ve had our differences,” Biden said. But he added: “We love each other and we protect each other.”

Biden's appearance at an event hosted by the Israeli Embassy was the latest sign of White House efforts to lower the temperature after a period of acrimony between Obama and Netanyahu.

Ties became badly frayed early last month when Netanyahu accepted a Republican invitation to speak to the U.S. Congress, where he railed against Obama’s quest for a nuclear deal with Iran. Netanyahu later condemned a framework deal reached earlier this month with Tehran as a threat to Israel’s survival.

Obama, who has faced complaints from some fellow Democrats that the public feud had gone too far, has reached out to U.S. pro-Israel groups and American Jewish leaders seeking to soothe their concerns.

Biden sought to reassure his audience of Obama's commitment to making sure that any final nuclear agreement with Iran maintains Israel’s security.

But with talks now aimed at reaching a comprehensive accord with Tehran by a June 30 deadline, there is little chance of a meeting of the minds between Obama and Netanyahu, who have a long history of testy relations.

Biden said any deal with Iran would be “based on hard-hitting, hard-headed uncompromising assessments, what’s required to protect ourselves, Israel, the region and the world.”

If a final deal does not meet Obama’s requirements, Biden said, “we simply will not sign it.”

And he warned: “If Iran cheats at any time and goes for a nuclear weapon, every option we have to respond today remains on the table and – your military will tell you – and more.”

Iran denies seeking a nuclear bomb. Israel is widely assumed to be the Middle East's only nuclear-armed state.

Biden was hosted by Israeli Ambassador Ron Dermer, a Netanyahu confidante blamed by Obama’s aides for orchestrating the prime minister’s congressional address.

Dermer acknowledged disagreements but said the two allies would weather them. Biden’s speech marked the administration’s highest-level direct contact with the Israeli government since Netanyahu's speech to Congress.

Touting U.S. efforts to maintain Israel's “qualitative advantage” in the Middle East, Biden said: “Next year we will deliver to Israel the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter, our finest.”

Israel bought 19 F-35s in 2010 for $2.75 billion and signed a contract in February to buy an additional 14 of the Lockheed Martin Corp fighter jets for about $3 billion.

(Reporting by Matt Spetalnick; Editing by Peter Cooney and Eric Beech)

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U.S. Republicans vow amendments that might risk Iran nuclear bill

WASHINGTON (Reuters) – U.S. Republican senators pledged on Thursday to try to toughen a bill giving Congress the power to review a nuclear agreement with Iran, raising the possibility of a partisan battle that could complicate the measure's chances of passing.

The Senate's Republican Majority Leader, Mitch McConnell, said he expected a “vigorous debate” next week.

“Look, no piece of legislation is perfect. Senators who would like to see this bill strengthened, as I would, will have that chance during a robust amendment process that we'll soon have,” he said in a Senate speech.

The Senate Foreign Relations Committee voted 19-0 last week for a compromise version of the “Iran Nuclear Review Act,” in a rare display of bipartisan unity in the deeply divided Congress.

Bill supporters urged that the measure go ahead to ensure lawmakers have a say on any Iran nuclear deal.

“Without this bill, there is nothing stopping the president from bypassing the American people, immediately waiving sanctions imposed by Congress and unilaterally implementing an agreement with Iran,” the bill's author, Republican Senator Bob Corker, said as he introduced the bill in the Senate on Thursday.

Republicans and Democrats on the committee agreed to remove provisions of the legislation that worried President Barack Obama, who threatened to veto the bill as a threat to delicate nuclear negotiations between Iran and world powers.

After many of his fellow Democrats joined Republicans in backing the compromise bill, the White House said Obama would sign it if it passed without major changes.

Several Republicans said they would introduce amendments likely to alienate Democrats. Those included reinstating a clause requiring Obama to certify Iran is not supporting terrorism anywhere in the world.

Others would compel Iran to acknowledge Israel's right to exist and force a nuclear agreement to be considered a treaty, needing the support of 67 senators. Republicans hold 54 seats in the Senate.

Republican Senator Jim Risch introduced an amendment requiring the release of three Americans being held in Iran, which he insisted was not a “poison pill” to kill the bill.

“The amendment requires that Iran do what any good citizen of the world should do,” he told Reuters.

Several Democrats said they would withdraw their support if the legislation became too partisan.

“I will oppose amendments, at least with my own vote, that I consider to be poisonous,” said Democratic Senator Robert Menendez, a bill co-author.

(Reporting by Patricia Zengerle. Editing by Andre Grenon)

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Another path to reform

It’s very hard to find a product or service that is both lousy and unaffordable. Such expensive duds are usually quickly replaced by cheaper and better competitors. Yet prior to the Affordable Care Act, healthcare was becoming more expensive every year while simultaneously becoming less convenient, less personal, and less satisfying. In 2009 I wrote a ” target=”_blank”>It is widely ridiculed for the detail with which diseases must be reported. (Code V91.07XA is for a “burn due to water-skis on fire.”) The transition to ICD-10 was already postponed once and I predict it will cause much disruption and grief.

My last example is the recently passed Sustainable Growth Rate (SGR) “fix” which gets rid of the annual congressional scramble to increase Medicare reimbursement to physicians by increasing reimbursement in the short term, but tying reimbursement to outcomes measures in the long term. This is sure to become a data collection and reporting hassle that makes doctors long for the simpler days of “meaningful use”.

I honestly believe that there has been more bureaucratic complexity added to the typical physician’s life in the last few years than in the twenty years before that. None of it cares for a single patient.

Two weeks ago my family and I spent 10 days visiting New York City. We had a wonderful time. The services that completely transformed our experience were the ride sharing services of Uber and Lyft. We never used public transportation. We never hailed a taxi. For longer trips (and a family of five) this was likely cheaper than train tickets. For shorter trips it meant not handling cash, never finding bus or subway stops, and never referring to transit schedules.

For years passengers complained about high taxi prices and poor taxi service, and potential competitors complained about the legalized monopolies given to taxi companies by city governments. But rather than bang their heads against these barriers, companies like Uber and Lyft just started giving people rides.

This was an epiphany to me. I had always assumed that fixing the healthcare marketplace would mean political reform – undoing the myriad laws that substituted insurance for healthcare and caused prices to skyrocket, and dismantling the byzantine bureaucracy that physicians must navigate. Now I understand that political reform is both unrealistic and unnecessary.

Doctors and patients aren’t waiting for political reform. More and more doctors are “going off the grid” to provide excellent care unencumbered by insurance regulations. Concierge primary care is just one example. The ” target=”_blank”>LUX Healthcare Network (with which I’m proud to be associated) is building a multi-specialty concierge physician network.

I argued six years ago that using insurance for routine care is wasteful. I now realize that attempts at universal coverage and the bureaucracy that comes with it – ICD-10, meaningful use – will never be repealed. This bureaucracy will become the taxi monopolies of healthcare – increasingly ignored by both doctors and patients and increasingly irrelevant. The successful enterprises in healthcare will connect doctors and patients and then get out of the way. Like Uber and Lyft they will help patients find the service they want at a price they’re happy to pay, and they will facilitate not regulate the delivery of excellent care.

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Larry Mantle Celebrates 30 years with Community Advocates’ Joe Hicks

This month KPCCs Larry Mantle celebrated Airtalk's thirty years on the air—the longest running daily talk show broadcast in Southern California. Larry and Airtalk have been Community Advocates' partners since 2006, nearly ten years.

In selecting the five panelists to look back over Airtalk's thirty years, Larry handpicked individuals who demonstrate an “intellectual and analytical approach to what's going on in the world…a tremendous love of Southern California and a tremendous intellectual and emotional investment in improving the lives of Ssouthern Californians.”

Joe Hicks, Community Advocates' vice-president, joined Patt Morrison of the Los Angeles Times and KPCC, former Supervisor Zev Yaroslavsky, Loyola Marymount professor Fernando Guerra, and economist Chris Thornberg. It is a compliment to Joe and Community Advocates to be included in that select company for that special occasion.

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Israelis mourn after a year of increased attacks

As Israel marked its traditional day of mourning for fallen servicemen on Yom HaZikaron, the Day of Remembrance on April 22, in a far corner of Mount Herzl in Jerusalem, an intimate ceremony for victims of attacks was underway. Mourners packed elbow-to-elbow under beige tents, each with a story of loss.

“He was kidnapped at the entrance to Jerusalem on his way to turn in his military uniform. It was supposed to be his last day,” an Israeli-American who lives in Jerusalem said of a close friend killed in 1994 at the age of 24. “Later they found his tefillin bag laying on the side of the road. Three days later they found his body,” she said.

For some, it was their first time attending the commemoration for victims of attacks. “We feel a human connection,” said Sara Halevi, 23, a resident of the Har Nof neighborhood in Jerusalem where five people were killed in a synagogue in November 2014 when two Palestinians yielding knives attacked worshippers. The murders were gruesome and shook HaLevi, who usually attends Israel’s main event, a military ceremony held hours earlier, also on Mount Herzl, honoring fallen soldiers.

Indeed, Israelis have had a rockier year than most since the close of the second Intifada. Twenty-five have been killed since April 2014, the last such commemoration, a stark increase from the six killed in attacks in 2013, according to Israel’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu shared the story of his personal loss, the death of his older brother Yonaton (Yoni) Netanyahu, killed in 1976 during Operation Entebbe, an Israeli rescue mission of hostages held by Palestinian militants who had hijacked an Air France plane. “It was the worst moment of my life, besides one other moment, seven hours later, after a tortuous nightlong journey, when I walked up the path leading to the house of my mother and father,” the Prime Minister said.

While Netanyahu spoke, thousands of Israelis gathered at the gravesites of their deceased relatives. Mount Herzl is also Israel’s flagship army cemetery, and on this day it was a sea of grief. In every direction, hundreds sat on small plastic chairs next to headstones. Others placed small rocks beside the graves, a traditional Jewish ritual.

“They recruited him to the infantry when he arrived, and he never came back. We don’t know what happened to him,” Diane Alice, 69, said of her late husband. At just 22, she was left to raise three children under the age of four when her husband was killed. The couple had emigrated from Morocco to Israel that same year. Attending the official army ceremony, “It unifies you with all of the other families,” said Alice who traveled from Haifa for the memorial with her now-grown children.

On Tuesday night, at the sundown start to the commemorations, President Reuven Rivlin gave an inclusive eulogy in a torch-lighting ceremony at the Western Wall in Jerusalem. He honored the latest victims and noted “Jews and non-Jews, lone soldiers and new immigrants” alike were killed in a series of attacks that followed Israel’s summer war in Gaza. The deceased included two Druze police officers who were slain while on-duty.

“Death struck at the door of many, regardless of their religious beliefs. No camp was left untouched by death,” the president said.

That same night in Tel Aviv, some 5,000 people poured into a stadium at the north of the city to honor both Israeli and Palestinians victims of the conflict in an alternative commemoration. Combatants for Peace, an organization founded by former Israeli soldiers and Palestinian militants hosted a testimony reading by family members of the victims.

“In all of this darkness, I suddenly understood, there was meaning hiding everywhere,” Iris Segev said from the stage, recounting how joining up with bereaved Palestinian families helped her grieve after her son Nimrod Segev was killed during the Second Lebanon War, in 2006.

Palestinian Yasmine Istaye, 27, from the village of Salem near Nablus, read from braille, explaining she is nearly blind from an eye disorder. “I can feel the energy of thousand who want to be together.” A settler killed her father in 2007.

At Combatants for Peace’s first commemoration 10 years ago, just a few hundred attended. This time around, the hall was filled beyond capacity. It was the largest memorial in Tel Aviv. Still, traditionally, Yom HaZikaron is about remembering soldiers who lost their lives while in the Israeli army. Their deaths are viewed as a sacrifice to the existence of the state of Israel. In that sense, Tel Aviv’s memorial, which rejects that narrative and casts soldiers’ deaths as victims in a political conflict, evoked shock and anger from many.

Segev’s husband and her other son would not attend, opting for the state military ceremony headed by Netanyahu. Outside, around 20 protested. They yelled racial epitaphs at the attendees as they entered and exited the front doors.

Back inside the venue, in a prep room, the two men who founded the joint memorial told the Journal how each of their daughters had died from violence in the conflict.

“I lost my 14-year old daughter in a suicide bombing on the fourth of September 1997,” Rami el-Hanoun, 65, said of Samadar el-Hanoun.

For el-Hanoun, joining Combatants for Peace “opened a whole new world for me. I was 47 years old when I first met the Palestinians—every time I say that I am ashamed—deeply ashamed.” He added, “ever since then I have been hooked. It has given purpose and meaning to my life, a reason to get out of bed in the morning. It gives sense to the senseless killing of my daughter.”

By el-Hanoun’s side was Bassem Aramin, 45, a co-founder of Combatants for Peace, along with el-Hanoun’s son, Erik el-Hanoun. Aramin explained that before he started the organization, he spent his late teens and early twenties incarcerated after he joined up with a group that tossed two grenades at Israeli soldiers. In jail he had a change of heart.

“We decided to let down our weapons because we discovered that we wanted to kill each other to achieve the same thing, peace and security—of course each one from his point of view. But the result is the same result. We are dying. We are suffering, both of us,” Aramin said.

Two years after their 2005 start, disaster struck. Israeli border police killed Aramin’s 10-year old daughter, Abir Aramin. She was a bystander to a confrontation in Anata in the West Bank.

“We ran to the hospital to sit by her bed, and for me it was like losing my daughter for the second time. I was completely devastated” el-Hanoun said of Abir. At that point, the two families, one Israeli, one Palestinian “became, in fact, one family,” he said.

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ROSIES Foundation is #What’s Next for Adults with Special Needs

When I recently walked around the USC campus as a guest lecturer for a policy class in the School of Social Work, I looked around at all the students sunning themselves and gulping down their Starbucks, and then it dawned on me that many of the students were the same age as our adult son, Danny, 20, who has developmental disabilities.

I am not given much to thinking about this “parallel” universe, and usually keep my focus on what Danny can do today that he couldn’t do yesterday, such as swimming without water wings or learning how to whistle. But it was a bad, sad moment on campus, and I had to talk myself into walking into the classroom to give my presentation about how to mobilize community members for political advocacy.

There’s a universal concern about what will happen with our young adults with special needs after they finish their special education programs at high school. Even though federal law permits our children to stay in the public school system until 22, there aren’t many options out there after that, especially if we want our children to have a “real” job that pays minimum wage. Of the few jobs available for individuals with disabilities, many are in sheltered workshops where the pay is less than one dollar an hour. A severe lack of post-secondary options leaves us and many other families grappling with how to create meaningful day-to-day lives and futures.

One very bright, hopeful option is the new Culver City-based ROSIES Foundation, which creates sustainable, purpose-driven employment opportunities for individuals with disabilities. Launched in January, 2015 by Lee Chernotsky, the Foundation is named after his own grandmother, Bubba Rose, who encouraged him when his own learning disability made life difficult. Lee said, “She helped me recognize that my challenges were really strengths, if I would just take the time to understand them.”

Today, Lee is an enthusiastic social entrepreneur who has worked extensively with individuals with disabilities and their families for over 15 years including many years with the Tikvah program at Camp Ramah California. Lee was also a PresentTense Fellow, a program designed to incubate new social enterprises at the Jewish Federation of Greater Los Angeles.

At ROSIES, adults over the age of 18 with a range of developmental disabilities and other special needs participate in an intensive eight-month training program called CREW College (Collaborative, Respected, Empowered Workers) in which students learn transferable job skills in problem-solving, self-awareness, and emotional regulation. These are skills that young adults need in order to succeed in any work setting. During the last two months of the program, CREWmates work in a supported apprenticeship where they apply classroom learning to real-world situations, the final step towards getting ready for paid employment.

After that training phase, CREW members will be connected to employment at accessible, market-wage jobs created by ROSIES or at one of their community partners. The first entrepreneurial business will be the ROSIES Pop Bus—a popsicle food truck—and a fleet of smaller carts that will sell locally-sourced popsicles at special events and farmers’ markets.

The first CREW members will be finishing their training program in May, and a new group will start in June, with classes on Tuesday and Thursday evenings and Friday mornings.  Tuition is $6,500 and some financial aid and payment plans are available. If you are interested, email Rachel Hamburg at Rachel@RosiesFoundation.org or call (424) 248-5355.

ROSIES may very well be the answer to “What’s Next?” for your family.

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Remembering Vladimir Slepak, a Heroic Refusenik

One of the most important figures in the Soviet Jewry movement has died. Vladimir Slepak, one of the earliest refuseniks and one of the last to be given permission to leave for Israel, died quietly in New York on Thursday. He will be buried in Jerusalem on Monday. 

In the pantheon of human rights figures, Slepak has an exalted position. A successful Moscow engineer who lived in a mid rise apartment building on Gorky Street, walking distance from the Kremlin, Slepak risked everything when he decided to apply for an exit visa to immigrate to Israel. Thus, he became a refusenik—one of the early ones—for 17 long years. He lost his job, experienced perpetual harassment, and was ultimately tried and convicted on bogus charges that sent him to five years in exile before finally being permitted to leave for Israel in 1987. 

His journey to the homeland began many years earlier when he complained to a relative about one of Stalin's many roundups of Jews on trumped up spying charges. The explanation he got in response was that if you roundup 100 Jews and one of them is a spy, it's better arrest all of them and get one spy than not to arrest them and to let one go. That warped logic didn't sit well with the young Slepak who found this to be a classic violation of human rights. 

Like many Soviet Jews, he rediscovered his Jewish identity after the Six Day War. He came to understand that he could never realize the full Jewish experience in the USSR where studying Hebrew, eating Matzah on Pesach, or reading Jewish literature could land you in Siberia. So, he began his long journey to move to his ancestral homeland. 

He spoke English well enough to attract many visiting American and European Jews who travelled to the Soviet Union to lend encouragement to the growing refusenik community. He was a source for many western journalists. He spoke by phone to Soviet Jewry activists, myself included, around the world before the Soviets shut off his phone. 

While Slepak was a proud Zionist, he had close relationships with the non-Jewish human rights community in the Soviet Union. He was a friend of Andrei Sakharov and others who sought to infuse democratic principles into that autocratic society and maintained an ongoing relationship with them. Indeed, when Slepak was on trial, Sakharov attempted to attend his trial in an effort to highlight Slepak's plight. 

>Throughout his long and difficult journey, Volodya, as he was called by his friends, never lost his sense of humor.  In the documentary film, “Refusenik,” he tells the story of the time he asked a Soviet emigration department official why he was being denied an exit visa. The official said, “Because in your line of work, you have access to many state secrets.”  To which Slepak replied, “That's absurd. Everyone in the West knows that we are 15 years behind them in these areas.”  To which the official replied, “Ah, that's the secret.”  

I met Slepak for the first time in 1974 when The late Si Frumkin of Los Angeles, Dr. Lou Rosenblum of Cleveland, Bob Wolfe of Miami, and I travelled to Moscow and Leningrad for six days to meet with the refuseniks.  In Moscow, a large group of them–a who's who—gathered in an apartment to meet with us. Sharansky, Ida Nudel, Professor Alexander Lerner, Slepak and many others were there. It became clear that the person for whom they all had the greatest respect, and in whom they had the greatest confidence in judgment, was Vladimir Slepak. 

He gave us a clear and brilliant assessment of the plight of Soviet Jewry as of that moment. He asked for more outspokenness from the Western Jewish community; more activism on our behalf, and more pressure on the Soviet government. In particular, he and the others urged our support for the Jacskon-Vanik bill in Congress which tied Most Favored Nation status for the USSR to the emigration of Soviet Jews. In the American Jewish community, some questioned the wisdom of that bill fearing it would do more harm than good to the refuseniks and other Soviet Jews. Slepak asked us to disabuse the skeptics of that reticence. “We are asking for support of the Jackson Amendment,” he said. “We are willing to take the risk, what risk are you taking?”  To those of us who wanted more action, not less, that was what we were waiting to hear. The message was clear. 

In the years that ensued, Slepak became one of the symbols of the Soviet refusenik community. He was a courageous, wise and humble man. He was loved by all who knew him. We were all guided by his pronouncements and requests. 

I've met many people in my day who have made a difference for the Jewish community and the world at large. No man sacrificed more, and did more for human rights, than Slepak. When “Refusenik” was premiered at the Jerusalem Film Festival, I travelled to Israel for the event. Slepak was understandably featured prominently in the film, and I wanted to be there as his story and that of the others was told on the big screen. I met Volodya and his wife and human rights partner, Masha, in the lobby of the theater. We embraced and shed some tears. Never has a Sh'hechiyanu” meant more to me than it did on that night. I asked the film's producer, Laura Bialis, to take a picture of me and the Slepak's, which she did. That photo hung in my office where I could see it and be reminded of true courage every day. 

Slepak has not been well for a while. Three years ago he moved from Israel to New York to be closer to his family. His passing was not a surprise, but it leaves a great void in our world. He will be laid to rest in Israel—in Jerusalem— for which he longed so much. 

For me, Volodya was the personification of the reason we all fought for Soviet Jewry's freedom. We were fighting for him and, through him, for the rest of them. He will be missed, but what he taught us as Jews and as citizens of a bigger world is eternal. 

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Rosner’s Torah-Talk: Parashat Tazria-Metzora with Rabbi Joshua Aaronson

Our guest this week is Rabbi Joshua Aaronson, Senior Rabbi of Temple Judea in Tarzana, California. Rabbi Aaronson attended the University of Michigan and was ordained at the Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion in New York City, where he also received his Doctor of Divinity. Prior to coming to California, he served as the Associate Rabbi at Temple Beth Zion of Buffalo and Fairmount Temple of Cleveland, as the acting Senior Rabbi of Fairmount Temple and as the Rabbi of Temple David in Perth, Australia. Rabbi Aaronson has served on numerous boards and civic organizations including the People's Health Clinic, the Summit County Sheriff's advisory board and the Westminster College Hillel Advisory Board. He is also a rabbinic fellow at the Shalom Hartman Institute in Jerusalem.

This week’s double parashah – Parashat Tazria-Metzora (Leviticus 12:1-15:33) – features rules concerning the purity and impurity of women and the horrible disease of leprosy. Our discussion focuses on the problematic idea of blaming diseases like leprosy on spiritual sickness and it tries to see what we can still learn from the Torah’s attitude toward the matter.

 

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The kidnapping that shocked the world

The 2006 Paris kidnapping of a young Jewish man sent waves of alarm throughout Europe and the world. Ilan Halimi, a 23-year-old cellphone salesman, was held hostage and tortured for 24 days while his captors, African and North African criminals who called themselves the “Gang of Barbarians,” demanded his family pay a ransom. It took police a couple weeks to realize the kidnapping was inspired by anti-Semitism, while his family despaired that not enough was being done to rescue him.

The kidnapping and subsequent police manhunt are the subject of “24 Days,” a French film based on the memoir of the same name written by Halimi’s mother, Ruth Halimi, and co-written with Émily Frèche. Ruth’s harrowing account of the saga accounts for much of the film.

Director Alexandre Arcady says that like many French citizens, he was horrified by the story when it unfolded nearly a decade ago. “I was shocked, puzzled, dismayed and absolutely flabbergasted when these events took place in 2006,” Arcady said by phone through a translator. “I also took part in the demonstrations in Paris when this happened. And I was shocked to realize that the participants were mainly from the Jewish community, whereas before, when there had been attacks on the Carpentras cemetery, about one million people walked in the streets and demonstrated.”

Arcady referred to the 1990 desecration of 35 graves at a Jewish cemetery in the southern town of Carpentras. A French court sentenced four neo-Nazis to prison for that crime.

“This was the first time someone Jewish was assassinated since the Holocaust,” Arcady said of Halimi’s 2006 killing.

Arcady discussed the project with Ruth Halimi and Émily Frèche, and eventually with the rest of Ilan’s family. Arcady said that while other directors had approached her in the past hoping to tell her son’s story, she trusted him to direct an honest account of what transpired.

“I explained to her how and why I wanted to make this movie, and even though there were many other directors involved who were very interested in bringing this to the screen, she decided to select me to show this tragedy,” Arcady said.

French authorities believe the kidnappers used a beautiful 17-year-old girl of French-Iranian origin as bait. She invited Ilan Halimi on a date and then lured him back to her home in the Paris suburbs. There, a group of young men assaulted him, threw him in a car and brought him to an apartment, where he was chained to a radiator. At least 19 young men took turns beating, stabbing and burning him. His head was wrapped in duct tape so he could only breathe and eat through a straw. “24 Days” shows the ordeal in gruesome detail.

The gangsters targeted Halimi because they assumed all Jews are rich. The gang’s leader, Youssouf Fofana (played by Tony Harrison), was born in Paris to parents from the Ivory Coast; he called Halimi’s family hundreds of time, taunting them and demanding money (initially 450,000 Euros, though the number kept changing). Fofana made calls from Paris and the Ivory Coast using discardable cell phones, and sent emails from cyber cafes, making him difficult to trace.

In one scene, Ruth Halimi (played powerfully by Zabou Breitman), explodes at the perpetually calm Police Commander Delcour (Jacques Gamblin) and police psychologist Brigitte Farrell (Sylvie Testud), insisting they give the captors whatever they want to get her son back. She also clashes with her estranged husband and Ilan’s father, Didier (Pascal Elbe), who is more trusting of the police’s approach to the case.

“There were mistakes, of course, made in the evaluations that the police made,” Arcady said. “But the police worked for 24 days, for 24 hours a day, and they really put in all the manpower that they could. But, unfortunately, they made a lot of mistakes. They were worried about being fooled, and that led them to make mistakes, because they didn’t take the case as an anti-Semitic case, they saw it as a criminal event. But you can’t really blame them, because there’s always an element of chance, and, as Ruth Halimi says, her son didn’t have a chance.”

The film focuses solely on the Halimi case, but fails to place the story in a historical context. The Halimi kidnapping occurred just three months after widespread riots by mainly Arab, North African, and black second-generation immigrants in the Paris suburbs, and police were still on edge and hesitant to stir up more tension. There was also the 2004 incident in which a young woman claimed that six men of North African descent grabbed her on a Paris suburban train, robbed her, cut her hair, ripped her clothes, and drew three swastikas on her body. She later admitted to fabricating the entire story, another reason politicians were cautious to alert the public to Halimi’s abduction.

Halimi was eventually found naked and handcuffed near a railway station just outside Paris. His body was mostly burned with acid and gasoline, and he had broken bones and was missing an ear and big toe. He died en route to a hospital.

A total of 27 people were tried for his kidnapping and murder in 2009. Fofana was convicted and sentenced to life in prison without possibility of parole for 22 years. Others received shorter prison sentences, some suspended, and three were acquitted. Arcady said it was important that his film not offer any defense for their actions.

“My main concern was not to be supportive of the ‘Gang of Barbarians.’ I didn’t want to give them any excuses to explain their actions, because their acts were so horrifying that they were inexcusable,” Arcady said. “I’m sick of French commentators saying it’s not their fault, it’s the fault of society. For me, if you raise a gun or a knife to someone, you can’t blame society. A man is behind that, not society.”

Halimi’s death and the police’s inept handling of his kidnapping news sent shock waves throughout the world. The fact that such a thing could happen in France, which has the largest Jewish population in Europe, set off alarms about a rise in anti-Semitism across the continent.
In the film, Ruth Halimi is interviewed by a French radio station after her son’s death, and says that her son was targeted because he was Jewish, and that she wanted to “sound an alarm.”

“My movie is supposed to sound an alarm in the same way as the book did and the mother did. I wanted to make this statement loud and clear, to bring an awareness to this problem,” Arcady said. “Unfortunately, since 2006 we had Mohamed Merah in Toulouse [a 23-year-old French petty criminal of Algerian descent, who attacked French soldiers in March 2012, reportedly because of France’s involvement in the war in Afghanistan], Amedy Coulibaly’s attacks on the Hypercacher kosher supermarket in Paris [in January 2015], and then also a lot of attacks in Brussels. All this has happened since 2006.”

Arcady says the Halimi kidnapping foreshadowed the rise of radical Islam and anti-Semitism in France. With the release of “24 Days” in theaters, on video on demand, and with plans to show it on French television, Arcady hopes the tragic story of Ilan Halimi continues to sound an alarm.

“24 Days” is playing at the Laemmle Music Hall.

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