fbpx

February 26, 2015

Our annual Purim cover: Kanye interrupts Bibi, Foxcatcher gets sequel, Lyft offends with logo

Click on cover image to enlarge.

Cover design by Lynn Pelkey. Headlines by Jewish Journal staff, Esther D. Kustanowitz and Elon Gold.


More Purim 2015

Events calendar
Recipe: Funfetti cheesecake hamantaschen
Recipe: Bibi’s hamantaschen
Recipe: ‘Pop Tart’ hamantaschen
Recipe: Taco hamantaschen

Our annual Purim cover: Kanye interrupts Bibi, Foxcatcher gets sequel, Lyft offends with logo Read More »

The Art of the Coup: Haftarat Shabbat Zakhor, 1 Samuel 15:1-34

Winners write history. But they do not always write it well.

Haftarat Shabbat Zakhor recounts perhaps the most shameful episode both in Jewish history and God’s biography. First, God demands the genocide of Amalek for crimes it committed several generations earlier. Samuel tells King Saul:

Thus says the Lord of Hosts: “I am exacting the penalty for what Amalek did to Israel, for the assault he made upon them on the road, on their way up from Egypt. Now go, attack Amalek, and proscribe all that belongs to him. Spare no one, but kill alike men and women, infants and sucklings, oxen and sheep, camels and asses!”

Saul complies, but then God strips the king of his crown because although he slaughters all the Amalekites, under the prodding of the troops he saves some of the sheep for sacrifice. Saul begs and pleads for divine forgiveness, but Samuel contemptuously rejects him, telling him, “I will not go back you, for you have rejected the Lord’s command, and the Lord has rejected you as king over Israel.” In a few years, The Holy One will forgive David for murdering Uriah the Hittite to sleep with Bathsheba.

This is the Deity-as-Psychopath. Or is it?

The text provides clues that something here is not as it seems. God’s genocidal command against Amalek comes in a strange form:

Samuel said to Saul, “I am the one the Lord sent to anoint you king over His people Israel. Therefore listen to the Lord’s command!”

Why introduce it this way? Previously, if the Tanach wants to tell us that God said something, it reports something like, “The Lord said to Moses” or “The Lord said to Joshua.” Here, however, “the Lord” doesn’t say anything, and all we have is Samuel claiming that this is what God told him.

Then, to preface God’s decree that Saul be stripped of the crown, we read “the word of the Lord came to Samuel.” This is strangely passive, and like the previous command, unprecedented. Finally, the rejection of Saul also does not come from God: Samuel just asserts that it has.

Could it be that these divine injunctions did not come from God at all? Both history and text suggest that this is indeed the case.

Samuel detested even having to deal with Saul. He hated the idea of the monarchy, and despite God’s gentle pleas (1 Samuel 8:6-8), he took the people’s call for a king as a personal insult, contending that he should direct and judge the people. (Haftarat Korach, 1 Samuel 11:14-12:22). His reminder that God sent him to anoint Saul – which the king was well aware of – reveals Samuel’s ongoing pettiness.

Resentment leads to anger. Samuel combined rage with a not-unreasonable belief in his divine connection, and the mixture was toxic, curdling his anger into vengeful bitterness.

The call for genocidal war followed. One can see the psychological move. “Amalek is evil. I can show God how valuable I am by eliminating the evil.” It became frantic. “God wants that. Surely God wants that.” What better way to make God happy than destroying Amalek? Yes, that must be it.

And how much more frantic it became when Samuel realized that his dream of satisfying God through complete destruction had not been satisfied. “Obviously, this means that everything that I warned them about – that kings would betray the Lord – was right.” The aged and fanatic Samuel cuts the Amalekite king to pieces himself.

Did Samuel consciously turn his disaster into an opportunity to undermine Saul’s reign? Or did he genuinely believe that Saul had relinquished the crown? Maybe the two went together: it tempts everyone to believe things that are in our interest to believe. As Upton Sinclair acidly observed 75 years ago: “It is very difficult to get a man to understand something when his salary depends on him not understanding it.” Thus, while “the word of the Lord” came to Samuel, the Lord actually did not say it. Samuel knew that that was what God wanted. If it was too late to destroy the monarchy, it was not too late to destroy the monarch, and replace him with another. That is a coup.

Now of course, the coup worked, in large part because Samuel found his man, or rather his boy: David son of Jesse. And one could argue that God wanted it that way because after all, David won. But lots of Israelites didn’t see it that way, and revolted against the House of David as soon as they got the chance: ten northern tribes established the kingdom of Israel, and the Davidic monarchy was left with a rump southern kingdom, Judah.

When the northern kingdom was overrun by the Assyrians in 722 BCE, northern scribes sought refuge in the House of David’s realm. But perhaps they were not fully convinced by the triumphant story of either genocide or the coup. Maybe they subtly changed the manuscripts of the Book of Samuel to give us hints of another narrative.

Such alterations were hardly unheard of. As the University of North Carolina’s“>powerfully argued in regard to the New Testament, subtle scribal editing helped make the case for Catholic orthodoxy 1,000 years later. Similar struggles may have played themselves out in Old Testament text. Northern scribes could not simply argue that Saul was treated unfairly. But they could leave us faint, indirect clues that there is another side to the story, sneaking it under the noses of the triumphant Davidic partisans.

This argument resembles the case famously made by political philosopher “>“Persecution and the Art of Writing.” The influence of persecution on literature, argues Strauss, “is precisely that it compels all writers who hold heterodox views to develop a peculiar technique of writing, the technique which we have in mind when we speak of writing between the lines.”

Strauss uses the example of a liberal in a totalitarian state. She could not defend liberalism, so she would write an article putatively attacking it, but restating it in such powerful and vigorous form that an intelligent reader would be convinced of liberalism’s value. In our case, the scribes only needed to place clues for readers that genocide and Saul’s overthrow were not God’s idea.

Don’t believe any of it? Skeptical of textual criticism and its conspiracy theories? Then simply say this: some Force wanted to signal that the command for genocide was not God’s, and neither was the harsh and brutal treatment of the hapless Saul. It is not too difficult to see Who that might be. And in our current era, we might think twice when the wrathful demand we go abroad in search of Amaleks to destroy.

The Art of the Coup: Haftarat Shabbat Zakhor, 1 Samuel 15:1-34 Read More »

Haman Nashen

Hamantashen are filled pastries traditionally eaten on the Jewish holiday of Purim. There are  different theories as to why we eat them on this holiday.  Most likely, it is because a popular German pastry filled with poppyseed was called “mohntashen,” or “poppyseed pockets,” and Haman is the name of the villain in the Purim story. Thus, “mohntashen” became “Hamantashen,” or Haman's pockets. Some say the pastries are meant to represent Haman's pockets, which were filled with bribe money. Others say the three-cornered pastry represents a three-cornered hat Haman wore. Another explanation is derived from the Midrash, a commentary on scriptures, which describes Haman as covered with shame and humiliated (literally, with clipped ears) when he entered the King's treasury. The tradition is that hamantashen are symbolic of Haman's ears. In fact, in Hebrew, the pastries are called “oznay Haman,” or Haman's ears.

Although originally, hamantashen were filled with poppyseeds, today many types of fillings, especially jam, are used. This is my mother's recipe for hamantashen. It's easy, quick and delicious.

2 cups regular flour

1 tbs orange juice

1 cup sugar

2 tsp baking pwder

1/2 cup shortening (Crisco)

1/4 level tsp salt

1 tsp liquid vanilla

2 eggs

 

Cream sugar and shortening. Add eggs and beat. Add vanilla. Add dry ingredients and mix. To make the hamantashen, use a cookie cutter or the rim of a glass to make a circle in the dough. Put a small amount of jam or other filling in the middle. Pinch three corners to make the hamantashen shape. Put on an ungreased pan. Bake at 350 degrees for 10 minutes. Depending on your oven, check a little before 10 minutes to make sure the bottom does not become darker than light brown.

Enjoy, and happy Purim!

Haman Nashen Read More »

L.A. city charter amendments aim to increase voter turnout

Two Los Angeles city charter amendments on the March 3 ballot would align city and school board elections with national and statewide races in the hopes of increasing voter turnout.

Charter Amendment 1 pertains to city elections and Charter Amendment 2 pertains to Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD) Board of Education elections. Primaries would move from March of odd-numbered years to June of even-numbered years, and runoffs would move from May of odd-numbered years to November of even-numbered years.

[Related:  L.A. city charter amendments aim to increase voter turnout Read More »

Boehner defends Netanyahu’s upcoming speech to Congress

House of Representatives Speaker John Boehner on Thursday challenged an assertion by the Obama administration that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's upcoming speech to Congress about Iran's nuclear program would be destructive to U.S.-Israeli relations.

“The president's national security advisor says it's destructive for the prime minister of Israel to address the United States Congress. I couldn't disagree more,” Boehner said at his weekly news conference.

“The American people and both parties in Congress have always stood with Israel and nothing, and no one, could get in the way,” the Republican leader said.

Boehner broke precedent by inviting the Israeli leader to address Congress without consulting the White House or Democratic lawmakers. President Barack Obama and other Democrats have accused Netanyahu and Republicans of using the speech to inject partisan politics into the U.S.-Israel relationship.

Tuesday's speech will be the third by Netanyahu to a joint meeting of the Senate and U.S. House of Representatives. Britain's World War Two prime minister, Winston Churchill, is the only other international leader to have done so three times.

Several Democrats have said they will skip the speech. Some said, like Obama, that it is inappropriate for Netanyahu to address the U.S. Congress just two weeks before Israeli elections. Others said they do not want a foreign leader weighing in on U.S. foreign affairs.

U.S. lawmakers could have an impact on the course of the nuclear talks. The Senate is due to vote within weeks on whether to impose extra sanctions on Iran. The White House has said this could harm the talks.

Secretary of State John Kerry met behind closed doors with Senate Democrats on Thursday. Lawmakers said he was not overly optimistic about the Iran negotiations but he opposed new sanctions and a proposal to have Congress vote on any nuclear agreement.

Several senators said Kerry told them to make up their own minds about whether to attend Netanyahu's speech.

As partisan rancor over the speech rose this week, Obama's national security adviser Susan Rice said in a television interview that it would be destructive to reduce the U.S.-Israeli relationship to a partisan political issue.

There was one sign of bipartisanship on Thursday when Republican Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell announced that Netanyahu would meet with him and Democratic Senate leader Harry Reid after the speech next Tuesday.

The White House said Rice and U.N. Ambassador Samantha Power would address the annual convention next week of the AIPAC pro-Israel lobby group, where Netanyahu is also speaking.

Boehner expressed doubts about the nuclear talks as he defended the invitation to Netanyahu. “What is destructive in my view is making a bad deal that paves the way for a nuclear Iran. That's destructive,” he said.

Boehner said it was important for the U.S. public to hear Netanyahu talk about the “grave threats” facing Israel. “I'm glad that most of my colleagues, Democrats and Republicans, will be there to hear what he has to say,” he said.

Boehner defends Netanyahu’s upcoming speech to Congress Read More »

At UCLA, the power of negative emotions

For several years now, a nasty anti-Israel group called Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP) has bludgeoned Israel’s image on college campuses. They take no prisoners. They have little interest in polite and civil debate. They are lethal at manipulating the college bureaucracy to win Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) votes against Israel. They invite speakers linked to terrorists groups. They don’t even hide the fact that their beef with Israel goes much deeper than Israel’s disputed occupation of the West Bank.

It’s all of Israel they have a problem with.

When SJP talks about justice for Palestinians, they don’t mean justice for the millions of Palestinians living in misery in refugee camps in Jordan and Lebanon. They’re only interested in Palestinians that are connected to Israel– those living in the West Bank and Gaza—because only those Palestinians can accommodate SJP’s agenda to bash the Zionist enemy. Their contempt for Israel knows no bound. I challenge anyone to visit their Web sites, attend their demonstrations or read their literature and find one genuine gesture of recognition for Israel’s side of the story.

Meanwhile, if you’re a typical Jewish student on campus who hangs out at Hillel and loves Israel, you’re encouraged to be respectful in how you defend and support the Jewish state. You’re encouraged to stay civil, understand the other side, and recognize Israel’s faults. You’re encouraged to try to build bridges and find opportunities to engage in respectful debate.

The net result is an often pathetic spectacle of haters versus debaters. On one side you have a contemptuous group of hypocrites pretending to defend Palestinians while single-mindedly undermining the Jewish state, while on the other you have a group of disillusioned Jewish students dizzy and battered by an enemy that has no interest in civil debate.

It’s not a fair fight. One side embodies the unfettered release of negative emotions, while the other constantly tries to contain its own negative emotions. SJP is the human volcano spewing its vile anti-Israel lava on pro-Israel Jews who don’t know what hit them.

SJP is the human volcano spewing its vile anti-Israel lava on pro-Israel Jews who don’t know what hit them

This imbalance is so ingrained that when a pro-Israel group tries to spew lava of its own, the mainstream Jewish groups immediately disassociate themselves from the “radicals” and even apologize for them.

Last week’s poster brouhaha at UCLA is a perfect example of this phenomenon. David Horowitz’s Freedom Center decided to take the gloves off and launch a poster campaign accusing SJP of being a hate group. The posters showed images of terrorist acts from groups like Hamas that SJP rarely, if ever, condemns. By blowing up the word “Justice” in the headline “Students for Justice in Palestine,” the poster tried to convey hypocrisy, while including the accusatory hashtag #Jewhaters.

Now, you can argue that the posters went too far and were too graphic. Mainstream pro-Israel groups were strongly opposed and even offered to take them down. Personally, I would have added a couple of questions to the posters, such as: “Why won’t SJP condemn Hamas?” and “Why do they invite terrorists to speak?”

In any event, regardless of what you think of the posters, SJP got a dose of its own medicine.

How do we explain this explosion of negative emotion from the pro-Israel side? And does it have any redeeming value?

A fascinating essay by Mathew Hutson in this month’s Psychology Today, titled, “The Upside of Negative Emotions,” suggests that the pro-Israel camp shouldn’t be too hard on itself for the anti-SJP posters.

“We have the wrong idea about emotions,” Hutson writes. “They’re very rational; they’re means to help us achieve goals important to us, tools carved by eons of human experience that work beyond conscious awareness to direct us where we need to go.”

Even an emotion as explosive as anger can be productive. “Anger motivates an individual to take action,” writes Hutson. “Anger boosts confidence, optimism and risk-taking, necessary when the alternative is losing something important to you. Anger has reputational value, too: it signals to others that you have strength of resources and resolve. In fact, those who display anger are seen as higher in status, more competent, and more credible.”

I’m not suggesting that all pro-Israel students should start getting angry. What I’m suggesting is that when a pro-Israel group decides to display its anger, even if that display makes many people squirm, let’s give them a little space. They’re playing their own instrument, and who’s to say there’s no proper role for that instrument? After all, you can’t bring a ping-pong racket to a knife fight and hope to make any progress.

And while we're at it, here's a new instrument that is just begging to be played on college campuses and that would surely drive SJP nuts– a new organization called Students for Justice in the Middle East. This is an activist group that would fight for justice for all the oppressed peoples of the Middle East, not just those in the West Bank and Gaza. It would target dictators and oppressors who make Israel look like Cinderella. And it would drive SJP nuts because it would expand the debate beyond Israel.

How did I think of the idea? I got angry.


David Suissa is president of TRIBE Media Corp./Jewish Journal and can be reached at davids@jewishjournal.com.

At UCLA, the power of negative emotions Read More »

Are there limits to humor?

Scandals involving rabbis or celebrities, a massively destructive Web hack, Ebola, Middle East unrest, growing anti-Semitism in Europe, even ISIS — when it comes to brainstorming for Purim content, today’s Jews see every strange or terrifying story as comedic potential. In preparing the shpiel — a collection of songs, sketches and fake headlines, presented as parody in the spirit of Purim — even the inexperienced would-be comedian takes generous license in those very unfunny things and proposes them as comedy, discussing by committee and provoking critiques like “questionable taste,” “dirty laundry ” and is this really “good for the Jews?” Regardless of the answers, Purim is traditionally the annual excuse to turn serious things upside down, to use comedy to understand and perhaps attempt to control the things that most disturb and frighten us. 

Are there limits to humor? Read More »

The politics of fear threatens Israel from without and within

There was something surreal about visiting Israel last week. I had come to learn about Israel’s independent sector, and it was inspiring to see how nonprofits were taking up the task of shaping Israel’s future, regardless of who forms the next government.

Partisan politics still abounded, which wasn’t surprising in the run-up to an election. What was astonishing was witnessing how the politicization of issues had extended to the critical question of how to deal with the threat of a nuclear Iran.  

Rather than building consensus around one of the most momentous challenges facing Israel since its inception, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s miscalculated decision to address a joint session of Congress had transformed the issue into an object of partisan politicking. 

The controversy not only has exacerbated tensions between Israel and its most important ally, it also has diverted attention from serious challenges Israel is facing internally. It is an intermingling of strategic prerogatives and political maneuvering that would have befuddled Israel’s founders.

The pioneers of Israel knew they could not succeed in establishing a sovereign democratic state at peace with its neighbors without the support and strategic partnership of the world’s most powerful nation, which itself is grounded in a fundamental commitment to democracy. They could not have imagined a time when the question of whether the Israeli prime minister should address a joint session of the U.S. Congress would be a controversial issue.  

The founders of Israel also would not have imagined a time when legislation to limit the rights of non-Jewish citizens was proposed by members of its governing coalition. Israel’s Declaration of Independence — which, not coincidentally, recalls the words of America’s founding documents — proclaimed that the Jewish state “will be based on freedom, justice and peace as envisaged by the prophets of Israel [and] will ensure complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or sex.” 

Israel’s founders almost certainly would not have anticipated a situation in which Israel maintained control over millions of Palestinian Arabs without equal rights for almost half a century. They would have been heartbroken to know that, 67 years after it was born, dangerous currents inside Israel and serious threats from outside would threaten Israel’s existence as a democratic and Jewish state

The reality of this moment in Jewish history is that adherence to the principles of democracy does not carry the weight it did when Israel was created. In the eyes of many, including a significant percentage of Israel’s political leadership, the principles of democracy have become subservient to external threats.  

The synergy and interdependence of democracy and national security have been transformed into a zero-sum game. As a result, fear is progressively defining the ethos of the Jewish people — in Israel and the Diaspora — to the point of causing serious harm. 

Israel’s early pioneers believed it was dangerous to give disproportionate influence to fear or any emotional response to the profoundly painful past of the Jewish people. Rooted in the traditions of both Judaism and enlightened Western democracy, they were wary of allowing fear to skew their ability to discover and develop solutions at the most precarious time in modern Jewish history.

In the 21st century, fear has become an all-too-common tool for recruiting political support. It is the Achilles’ heel of democracy, the lowest-common denominator of a citizenry, which is why demagogues and fearmongers on both the right and the left have successfully exploited it. Fear, as Israeli sociologist Eva Illouz puts it, “overrides not only thinking but, more important, all other emotions.”  

In the case of Netanyahu, fear is a basic operating principle. He uses it deftly, invoking the Holocaust to frame virtually every threat Israel faces. I believe he does so because he is sincerely afraid of Israel being existentially reliant on another country or entity. He associates this dependence with weakness, rather than acknowledging that interdependence is a global phenomenon,  to which Israel is not and must not be an exception.  

Netanyahu presents himself as the only person strong enough to prevent a U.S./European-led agreement with Iran, which he asserts would jeopardize Israel’s existence. Rather than forging a positive relationship with U.S. President Barack Obama, he preaches fear of the intentions of the United States, Israel’s closest ally. He revives our collective fear of anti-Semitism and questions the viability of European-Jewish communities. He fuses his own fears with his penchant for manipulating others’ fears, resulting in an unnecessary political controversy, a diplomatic crisis and the absence of measured national discourse.

Fear is utilized so effectively in Israel because it fills a vacuum left by the absence of collective political norms rooted in democratic values. As the veteran Israeli civil libertarian Amos Gil observes, “There are no values and no rules of the game, there are only goals.” The challenge for Israel is to reaffirm its founding values and agree upon guidelines for political engagement.  Otherwise, its democracy will be truly imperiled, as will its greatest strategic asset — the Israel-U.S. partnership and the support of the Diaspora Jews. 

The politics of fear threatens Israel from without and within Read More »

The latest anti-shechitah crusade: A threat to Jewish rites is a threat to Jewish rights

New attempts in the U.K. to outlaw shechitah (ritual slaughter) — and the broader political threat this poses to the Jews — bring to mind a book by Elijah J. Schochet, who has deep roots in the L.A. Jewish community. In his “Animal Life in Jewish Tradition: Attitudes and Relationships” (1984), Schochet essentially argues that Jews suffer in part from the historical fact of being premature animal rights activists. 

Darren Aronofsky’s 2014 film “Noah” goes too far in arguing that the issue of whether to eat animals was the crux of the disagreements between good guys and bad guys leading up to the flood. Yet he has a point about the Hebrew Bible. The biblical-rabbinic dictum of tza’ar ba’alei hayyim — do nothing to worsen the pain of living beings — is age-old. 

The Jewish historian Josephus devoted much space to refuting calumnies about Jewish animal worship including the alleged worship in the Temple of an ass’s head—connected to allegations of Jewish cannibalism. Rome’s Stoic philosophers admitted that pagan practices of bludgeoning animals with hammers were crueler than Jewish ritual slaughter with a clean, sharp blade.

Yet, by the 19th century, the German idealist philosopher Arthur Schopenhauer ignored relatively humane Jewish practices and argued instead that cruelty to animals was “a doctrine revolting, gross, and barbarous peculiar to the West, and which has roots in Judaism.” The movement to ban shechitah on grounds of science as well as humane treatment of animals dates back to the 1850s in Germany. Yet, lurking behind “modern,” enlightened rationales were persistent medieval prejudices. 

In the 1840s and 1850s, the debate over “scientific” versus traditional methods of slaughtering animals began. Even those advocating “scientific” methods initially admitted that evidence was lacking that there were reliable new methods that were more humane than shechitah. In the late 19th century, this began to change with the  appearance of stunning or electric shock to render the animal insensible before the coup de grace was administered. The reality, then and now, was that stunning was expensive and not easy to implement uniformly and effectively. As a consequence, it remains debatable about whether, in practice, kosher methods of slaughter are less humane. 

By the 1880s and 1890s, anti-Semitism had become a major dynamic behind the attack of shechitah in German-speaking Europe. The anti-Semites went beyond declarations of concern that animals should not be caused unnecessary pain to aggressive attacks on “Jewish cruelty.” Newspaper accounts were particularly lurid. According to an 1878 article in the labor newspaper Neue Freie Volkszeitung, “The shochet [ritual slaughterer] comes with his knife and length of his arm and cuts the sword into the neck of the animal: that knife goes right through his shaking bellow. Such barbaric animal cruelty takes place today. With this kind of animal cruelty, all other [kinds] are kids’ play.” The shochet’s knife continued as an inflammatory symbol of bloodthirstiness and brutality.

Anti-shechitah laws were enacted in Norway (where they are still in force) even before the Nazis made the movement into a major thrust of their anti-Jewish legislation. Currently, momentum is gathering from Scandinavia across Europe to ban not only Jewish ritual slaughtering but also the importation of kosher meat. Previously banned in Norway, Sweden and Iceland, ritual slaughter without prior stunning has been outlawed in Denmark, overturning a 2012 compromise that allowed Jewish and Muslim ritual slaughter to continue. Denmark’s Minister for Food, Agriculture and Fisheries, Dan Jorgensen, said, “Animal rights come before religion.” 

Double standards and inconsistences abound. Sweden bans Jewish ritual slaughter as cruel but allows its indigenous Sami people to herd and hunt reindeer by helicopter, which does not induce a tranquil form of death. 

On the philosophical level, there is a legitimate debate about the need to balance the religious rights of minority Jews and Muslims to eat kosher meat or practice halal versus the understandable distaste of the general public  for anything cruel. The problem is that — on the political level — the anti-ritual slaughter movement, though ostensibly aimed at Muslims, invariably threatens Jews as much or more. Even very pro-Israeli politicians, such as Geert Wilders in the Netherlands, have made a political calculation to exploit such sentiment despite the fact that doing so plays into the hands of anti-Semites who are heirs of the Nazis.

In her novel, “The Zookeeper’s Wife: A War Story” (2008), Diane Ackerman wrote: “Although Mengele’s subjects could be operated on without any painkillers at all, a remarkable example of Nazi zoophilia is that a leading biologist was once punished for not giving worms enough anesthesia during an experiment.” In their perverted way, the Nazis were nature worshipers and animal lovers.  

The handling of the issue of ritual slaughter varies with national contexts and political traditions. One side is the U.S., where the courts have overwhelmingly sided with the rights of religious minorities to perform ritual slaughter without stunning, subject to broader health and safety regulations. The other side is occupied by France, where the tradition of laicizing in the name of republican unity rules out any recognition of minority rights — from how you dress and what you eat — and the U.K., where traditions of religious liberty are not constitutional mandates and are, therefore, vulnerable to political expediency.

In the U.K., as Seth Mandel  points out in Commentary magazine, UKIP (the U.K. Independence Party) has now taken the political low road where the right-of-center insurgent party has used shock videos exposing “Muslim slaughter” of animals to whip up an electorate in favor of a sweeping ban against the practice. Even UKIP politicians admit that their vote-driven position threatens to make U.K. Jews and kosher butchering into “collateral damage.” Such damage may be great in a country where anti-Semitic incidents are at record levels and the dangers of cross-English Channel contagion of Parisian Charlie Hebdo/Hyper Cacher butchery is great. 

It may not be politically correct to say so, but  studies show that Jewish standards for kosher slaughter of meat are generally more restrictive than Muslim standards for halal slaughter, and shochets also are generally better trained than their Muslim counterparts. 

A few years ago, then-president-elect of the British Veterinary Association John Blackwell, announced his desire to extend a new Danish law prohibiting kosher and halal slaughter to the U.K. because it causes pain to the animal for “five or six seconds. … They will feel the massive injury of the tissues of the neck. … They will perceive the aspiration of blood. They will breathe in before they lose consciousness.” There is no conclusive scientific evidence for his claims — unlike the conclusive historical evidence of the association of anti-ritual slaughter campaigns and anti-Semitism. The irony is that, at the same time Blackwell leveled his attack on shechitah and halal slaughtering, the U.K.’s Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs issued a cease-and-desist order against electronic stunning because of a controversy over the administration of high-voltage electricity. Evidence compiled by U.S. animal-rights activist Temple Grandin and others shows massive malpractice in slaughterhouses that fail to stun animals properly on the way to slaughter.

Discrimination against Jews and Muslims can go both ways. A few years ago in London’s The Telegraph, a writer argued in favor of a British ban on halal slaughter by himself practicing bait-and-switch and using an accompanying photo showing two ultra-Orthodox Jews in a darkened, dirty Parisian abattoir. On the other hand, there has been no outrage over Palestinians slaughtering a sheep near a section of the controversial Israeli barrier, in the Shuafat refugee camp in the West Bank near Jerusalem, on the first day of the Muslim holiday of Eid al-Adha.

Recent scandals show that the kosher butchering industry does not always live up to its own high standards. This means that public scrutiny and intervention are sometimes necessary. It is also important to note that in high-profile cases, such as Agriprocessors in Iowa, the most well-documented abuses involve the working conditions of undocumented workers rather than the treatment of animals. In the American traditions of voluntarism and pluralism, the ideal solutions would be self-regulation and reform, though we have quite a way to go to fully achieve such reforms.  

There are times when worship of scientific progress can get in the way of common-sense accommodations of religion and minority rights. I favor the American tradition of erring on the side of minority rights. Otherwise, we open ourselves to many embarrassing anomalies. Should non-Jews (including many African- and Asian-Americans) who are lactose intolerant be prevented from relying on the safety of a kosher label? Or should multicultural experiments in kosher-halal dining facilities at universities be forced to close down? The burden is on those who demand that we break with centuries-old American as well as millennia-old Jewish traditions that have served, and continue to serve, many of our people well.

Harold Brackman is a historian and a consultant to the Simon Wiesenthal Center.

The latest anti-shechitah crusade: A threat to Jewish rites is a threat to Jewish rights Read More »