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September 2, 2014

Thousands rally in Frankfurt against anti-Semitism

Some 3,500 demonstrators rallied in Frankfurt to protest a wave of anti-Semitic incidents in Germany.

Under the banner “Stand up! Never again anti-Semitism,” protesters outside City Hall on Sunday also expressed solidarity with religious minorities suffering persecution under the jihadist group ISIS.

Hundreds of members of the Kurdish-Israeli Friendship Association attended the rally, event organizer Sacha Stawski told JTA.

“To see them singing and dancing with Israeli flags in their hands was a really amazing sight,” he said.

Many Kurdish flags waved alongside Israeli ones, as well.

The demonstration is to be followed on Sept. 14 by a national rally in Berlin, coordinated by the Central Council of Jews in Germany. German Federal President Joachim Gauck is scheduled to speak.

In Frankfurt over the weekend, a broad coalition of political and Jewish religious leaders joined to decry a recent spate of verbal and physical attacks on Jews in German cities, some of which occurred during anti-Israel protests.

The main messages were that criticism of Israeli government policies or of any other country cannot be used as an excuse for anti-Semitic expressions, and that tolerance of anti-Semitism bodes ill for all minorities, not just Jews, said Stawski, founder of the pro-Israel Internet watchdog organization Honestly Concerned and president of the “ILI-I Like Israel” NGO.

Participants included Israel’s ambassador to Germany, Yakov Hadas-Handelsman, Central Council President Dieter Graumann, and Frankfurt Mayor Peter Feldmann. German Chancellor Angela Merkel expressed her support for the event in a letter.

A spokeswoman for the Friendship Germany-Israel group, Natasha Langmann, called on participants to join “together with Kurds and Yazidis against Hamas and IS,” referring to the religious minority that is one of the groups under siege by the radical Islamist group in Iraq.

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There Is No Islam Armada

This is how bad it's getting.

I'm in my local Whole Foods, and I see a teenaged boy wearing a T-shirt with the word “Islam” on it. I feel my body begin to tense up. “Whatever that shirt says,” my inner monologue starts, “it can't be good.”

I move closer to him, in order to read the rest of the T-shirt.

It says “Islamarada.” It is a souvenir of a sun-drenched vacation in the Florida Keys.

Whew.

I want to remember this little incident, so I start to write about it in the Notes app of my IPhone.

When I type the word “Islamarada,” it comes out as, ahem, “Islam armada.”

Oh, c'mon, I say to my phone: not you, too?

You know the old Monty Python line about how “no one expects the Spanish Inquisition!”? Many people seem to be expecting the Islam armada. For that seems to be the theme of so many emails that I've been receiving lately from otherwise thoughtful and rational people.

For example: I got an email from a friend, in which he seems to be channeling Paul Revere: “The Muslims are coming! The Muslims are coming!”

Halal meat is now required in some American schools, he writes. Muslim taxi drivers are not required to transport people with dogs or liquor. Public school kids are being required to dress and act as Muslims. There are foot washing stations in colleges. “Wait for the day that sharia becomes law, as people are already pushing for,” his email audibly shrieks.

We've been here before. For those of you into 1950s nostalgia, it was called the Red scare. And before that, it was the fear of Asian infiltration called the yellow peril. For a good part of the twentieth century, there were people who were sure that the Jews were taking over neighborhoods, country clubs, professions, and universities.

As I told my friendly correspondent: the story of public school kids being required to dress as Muslims has been exposed as a hoax.

Foot washing stations in colleges: really? And if it's true, what, truly, is the big deal? If there is a critical mass of Muslim students on a particular college campus, what's the problem? How does this hurt or offend non-Muslim students?

“Wait for the day when shariah becomes law?” Seriously? This is the United States. You can't even put up the Ten Commandments in a courthouse without someone having a cow.

I receive a chain email, featuring photos of Muslim men in Manhattan praying towards Mecca. “This is in NYC on Madison Ave — not France, Yemen, Kenya or the Middle East. They are claiming America and Canada for Allah. If we don't wake up soon, we are going to 'politically correct' ourselves right out of our own country! It's time to make some changes, people!”

What changes did you have in mind?

A follow up email reveals the original author's fantasy: “We shouldn't let them build mosques in this country anymore.” “It's un-American!” my correspondent insists.

I flashback to an oft-repeated scene in the early 1950s: leafy suburbs, in which the local citizens are screaming about the construction of a synagogue in their neighborhood. 

Three things.

First, my correspondents pretend to know a lot about Islam. They don't. They know what they think they know, or what they've heard. But their understanding of Islam is as deep as, well, the Jordan River — and about as wide as well. They would never dream of making such un-nuanced, ill-informed statements about Christianity.

So, folks, Rule Number One about speaking about any religion other than your own (and maybe even your own as well): have a little humility. Or, don't say anything that you wouldn't say with a member of that religion standing right in front of you.

Second, my correspondents are fighting a war against diversity, forgetting that American Jews have been among its greatest beneficiaries. That’s not only a failure of memory; it is a failure of faith in America itself.

Third, many of my correspondents have made their Islamophobia the defining aspect of their Jewish identity. Their greatest Jewish “asset” is their fear of a Muslim takeover of America – a fear that is totally unfounded. When I delicately mention this, they accuse me of being a latter day German Jew, circa 1928, who all said that “it can't happen here.”

Except: last time I looked, America, 2014 bears no resemblance to Germany, 1934.

My antagonists and correspondents seem to willfully forget that in every way, American Jews are the most secure Jews of modernity.

Well, in almost every way. We are insecure in our Judaism.

Our delirious descent into paranoia, fueled by an anti-Muslim fever that is incapable of seeing nuance or context, is precisely the wrong way to bolster a sagging Jewish identity. To be blunt: that kind of Islam-baiting is its own kind of internal terror tactic, and it brings no one closer to Judaism.

Am I worried about what is happening to Jewish communities, and Jews, in Europe? Absolutely. Am I worried about the anti-modernist, anti-Jewish, and anti-Christian franchise that stretches from Boko Haram to Hamas to Hezbollah to ISIS? Absolutely. Am I enraged and sickened by the murders of James Foley and Steven Sotloff? Without a doubt.

Do I believe that militant Islam poses a grave danger to the entire world? Yes.

But, am I worried about shariah law coming to the United States? No.

There are many mainstream, modernist Muslims in America. I've met many of them. A few years ago, I put together a Jewish-Christian-Muslim study weekend for religious institutions in Columbus, Ohio, where we sat together and studied the texts on Abraham. It was a luminous experience. And not only for me. A Bosnian Muslim woman sent me a note afterwards, in which she described the experience as being one of the high moments of her religious life.

Let's meeting the moderates, and let's study with them.

Because, really — things are bad enough in the world without imagining that they are worse than they already are.

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Where is Obama on Hamas?

I can understand why President Barack Obama would be reluctant to blindly support Israel at times when Israel’s neighbors have major grievances against the Jewish state. It serves no one’s interest for America to appear overly biased toward Israel. Better to appear fair and reasonable.

What I can’t understand, though, is why Obama has not jumped at the opportunity to rally behind Israel when neighbors such as Egypt, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Jordan and the Palestinian Authority (PA) are clearly on the side of Israel on one major issue: the disarming of Hamas.

This is not a parlor game of “Who won the war?” It’s more serious than that.

Disarming Hamas is about the rehabilitation of Gaza after major devastation. It’s about rebuilding the infrastructure, building better schools and hospitals, opening up trade, creating jobs and an economy, and giving the Gazan people hope for a better future.

It’s about ending the terror of rockets and mortars raining down on Israel, and ending the fear of Israeli children living near the Gaza border that a Hamas terrorist may one day dig a tunnel under their bedrooms.

It’s about improving relations between Israel and the Palestinians by having the PA control the Gaza strip and coordinate security with the Israel Defense Forces — as they’ve done so successfully in the West Bank. No matter how suspicious you may be of Mahmoud Abbas and Fatah, they’re still far better than religious fanatics who believe that murdering Jews is doing God’s work. 

It’s about nurturing a closer relationship between Israel and powerful players such as Egypt and Saudi Arabia in the hope of creating an anti-terror coalition that can contain the violent Islamist extremism now sweeping the region.

It’s about showing the nuclear mullahs in Iran that we will stand up to their proxy wars against Israel via the likes of Hezbollah and Hamas.

It’s about America making a statement to the world that despite all the complexities of geopolitics, there should be no confusion when it comes to calling out evil. A Hamas charter that promotes the murder of Jews is exactly that — evil.

In short, this is about a unique chance for President Obama to fight the evil of Hamas by bringing together the more moderate forces in the Middle East. You would think, then, that the president would be all over this. You’d think, for example, that he’d be using all this “Arab leverage” to push for a United Nations Security Council resolution to disarm Hamas as a precondition for rebuilding the Gaza Strip. 

After all, this isn’t one of those risky or unpopular ideas — like putting American boots on the ground or being the lone defender of Israel against a hostile world. This is about Obama doing something very popular with plenty of important allies.

In fairness, the Obama administration has repeatedly expressed its support for the demilitarization of Gaza. But words, even the right words repeated often, are not enough. It’s time for real action. It’s time to go to the U.N. Security Council. 

We can only hope that the president has this idea up his sleeve, and that he will act aggressively on this issue. But it was disheartening to read a report on JPost this past weekend, in which Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu told associates that demilitarization of the Gaza Strip “doesn’t appear to be attainable in either the short term or the long term.”

Let’s acknowledge that the United Nations is never a picnic for Israel. As Haviv Rettig Gur writes in the Times of Israel, “The U.N. drafting process — much of it driven by Israel’s enemies … would see language and assertions added to the resolution that run counter to Israel’s interests.”

The only party that can ensure the move doesn’t backfire on Israel, he writes, is America: “Through its veto and its alliances, the U.S. would find it far easier than Israel to shepherd a disarmament resolution through the Security Council that Israel could stomach.”

At a time of unusual darkness in the Middle East, what a ray of sunshine this would be: The United States shepherds a U.N. resolution that fights extremism and helps its allies in the Middle East.

The American-Jewish community, including AIPAC and J Street, must seize the moment and rally behind this one unifying cause: “Disarm Hamas and rebuild Gaza.”

How often do we get a chance to promote a cause that is supported by both the Jews and the Palestinians?


David Suissa is president of TRIBE Media Corp./Jewish Journal and can be reached at davids@jewishjournal.com.

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Manhattan’s Ramaz school clarifies advice on concealing kippahs

When Rabbi Haskel Lookstein, the principal of Ramaz, an Orthodox day school on Manhattan’s Upper East Side, first heard about “>letter about school security shortly afterward to students, parents and faculty, many were startled to find in it a suggestion about concealing kippahs, which Shaviv attributed to Lookstein.

“The recent incident involving abuse and harassment of a couple in the neighborhood has aroused comment. This seems to have been — thankfully — an isolated incident,” the email said. “However, Rabbi Lookstein suggests that parents may consider advising their children to be discreet in wearing uncovered kippot, tzitzit, etc. It remains good advice not to walk around the streets displaying iPads or other ‘vulnerable’ items; not to text, or listen to music via ear buds while walking (distracting your attention from the surroundings), and under all circumstances being prudent and aware of personal space and personal safety.”

Contacted by JTA, Shaviv took pains to say the school wasn’t advocating that students conceal their kippahs or tuck the ritual fringes of their tzitzit so much as merely passing along Lookstein’s suggestion.

“The school is not suggesting it. We’re passing on a suggestion,” Shaviv said in an interview, noting that he had no intention of concealing his own yarmulke. “All we’re saying is it is something that some parents may wish to discuss with their kids – no more, no less.”

He added, “Rabbi Lookstein has now reconsidered and may not want to suggest that after all.”

Now, Lookstein says, his view is clear.

“We don’t want this to become  Manhattan’s Ramaz school clarifies advice on concealing kippahs Read More »

For Dodgers’ Joc Pederson, there is no joy in debut

It was a scenario straight out of “Casey at the Bat”: a screaming crowd, ninth inning, two outs, two men on base, the home team down by two runs, the slugger striding to the plate with a chance to win the game.

The slugger on Monday night in Dodger Stadium was Joc Pederson, a hotshot prospect for Los Angeles recalled that day from the minor leagues.

Pederson, who is Jewish, was about to bat for the first time in the major leagues. He had enjoyed a stellar campaign for the AAA Albuquerque Isotopes, garnering the Most Valuable Player award in the Pacific Coast League on the strength of his 33 home runs, 78 runs batted in, a .303 batting average and 30 stolen bases.

His Dodgers were trailing the Washington Nationals, 6-4, in a battle between the two best teams in the National League as he came up to pinch-hit. The 22-year-old outfielder squared off against the Nats’ veteran closer, Rafael Soriano, trying to extend a two-out rally – and win the game with one swat.

It nearly happened. On a 2-0 pitch, the air was “shattered,” as Ernest Thayer penned in his 1887 poem about the excitement of a pitcher-batter showdown, “by the force of Casey’s blow” – make that Pederson’s blow. Fans leapt to their feet as the pulled ball headed on a line to right field. But it was clearly foul.

Pederson fouled off another one. Soriano then bounced a slider to run the count full.

Soriano’s 3-2 pitch came in high. Pederson dropped his bat, turning toward first base, figuring he had walked to load the bases.

Except the breaking pitch had dropped into the high-outside portion of the strike zone, as the umpire saw it. Game over. The Nationals celebrated at the mound and Pederson walked slowly to the dugout.

There was no joy in Chavez Ravine; the mighty Joc had struck out.

For Dodgers’ Joc Pederson, there is no joy in debut Read More »

Blockers and tacklers: Jewish gridders gearing up for NFL campaign

Blocking brothers, a college star seeking success in the pros, a fullback who hasn’t had a carry in four seasons and a couple of ace special teamers are among the Jewish players on NFL rosters as the league kicks off this week.

A punter may join the group after sitting out the preseason because of a personal issue.

Also, Marc Trestman is back for his second season as coach of the Chicago Bears after moving to the NFL following a stellar career on the sidelines in the Canadian Football League. The Bears finished 8-8 in his rookie campaign.

The National Football League season opens Thursday – not on Rosh Hashanah, like a year ago.

While the crop of Jewish players may not be stellar, Ephraim Moxson, a co-editor of Jewish Sports Review, sees hope – if not now, then five years off. That could be when the NFL welcomes Josh Rosen, a top high school quarterback who already is committed to attend UCLA, which this year is expected to be a top five team.

“It’s cyclical,” Moxson said. “We have some pretty good athletes in Division I.”

The 2014 NFL cohort includes:

Geoff Schwartz, New York Giants, offensive lineman, sixth season. Accomplished at guard and tackle, Schwartz was signed as a free agent by the Giants to a reported four-year, $16.8 million deal, with $6.2 million guaranteed – a key provision in NFL contracts, whose salaries are generally not guaranteed. Schwartz was brought in to shore up a weak Giants line, but injured a toe in the preseason and may be shelved for half the campaign. Pro Football Focus, an analytics website, praised Schwartz especially for his run blocking.

Mitchell Schwartz, Cleveland Browns, offensive lineman, third season. Mitchell Schwartz, the younger brother of Geoff, is a solid player up front for an offense that NFL observers expect to struggle without its most explosive player, wide receiver Josh Gordon, due to a yearlong suspension, and possibly eventually featuring a rookie quarterback, the former Heisman Trophy winner Johnny Manziel.

Nate Ebner, New England Patriots, defensive back, third season. His position is listed as safety, but Ebner plays almost strictly on special teams, where he excelled as an Ohio State University walk-on. As a Patriots special teamer, Ebner has performed well, recovering two fumbles last season to go with three tackles. He had been a standout in another contact sport, rugby. His high school rugby coach was his father, Jeff, who was beaten to death in 2008 during a robbery.

Gabe Carimi, Atlanta Falcons, offensive lineman, fourth season. The 2010 Outland Trophy winner as college football’s best interior lineman, Carimi was the Bears’ first-round draft pick but is on his third team in four years following his release from Tampa Bay after just one season there. With the Falcons boasting a top-flight quarterback and perhaps the NFL’s best corps of wide receivers, Carimi will be counted on to return to the form he showed at the University of Wisconsin.

Taylor Mays, Cincinnati Bengals, safety, fifth season. In 50 games with the San Francisco 49ers and the Bengals, including 10 starts, Mays has no interceptions and just six passes defended. But he plays regularly on special teams and last year showed versatility on defense, filling in at linebacker because of injuries. His own shoulder injury ended Mays’ 2013 season in October. Mays, an African-American who was raised in his mother’s Jewish religion, was a three-time All-America at the University of Southern California. The family boasts additional football talent: Mays’ brother, Parker, is a redshirt freshman wide receiver for the University of San Diego.

Adam Podlesh, Pittsburgh Steelers, punter, eighth season. A Bears teammate of Carimi for two years, Podlesh is a newcomer in Pittsburgh – if he winds up on the roster. While he is the Steelers’ only punter with NFL experience, Podlesh did not report to the team, instead staying with his wife during a reportedly difficult pregnancy. The former University of Maryland punter has a career average of 42.4 yards, with his longest kick going for 76 yards as a rookie with the Jacksonville Jaguars.

Erik Lorig, New Orleans Saints, fullback, fifth season. A starter for the Tampa Bay Buccaneers for 24 of his 56 NFL games, Lorig has yet to carry the ball. With the Saints he’ll remain strictly a blocking back – and is “tremendous” at it, in Moxson’s assessment. In the past two seasons, the Stanford alumnus – he played defensive end in college – has caught 23 passes, including one for a touchdown. That score makes him unique among the current Jewish players.

 

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In lame-duck period, Obama administration retreats from peace endeavors

Does the prospect of President Obama’s lame-duck period, coupled with the multiple foreign crises he is facing, diminish his quest for Israeli-Palestinian peace?

Little on the immediate diplomatic horizon signals an intensive U.S. interest in advancing the peace process.

There have been no announcements of high-level meetings between Obama and the Palestinian and Israeli leaders at the U.N. General Assembly, which begins this year on Sept. 16. There have been no leaks, as there have been in the past, that Obama would be making any major statements on the peace process at the G.A.

John Kerry, the peripatetic U.S. secretary of state who lost count of his visits to the region until the collapse in April of peace talks between Israel and the Palestinian Authority, has no plans to return anytime soon.

Rather, Kerry and Obama are focused on an expanding range of issues, including escalations in Russia’s conflict with Ukraine, pushing back against Islamist extremists throughout the Middle East and a looming deadline in nuclear talks with Iran.

Additionally, Obama administration relations with both the Israelis and Palestinians have soured since the collapse of the peace talks, which the Americans blamed on both sides — the Palestinians for resisting a deadline extension, Israel for expanding settlement activity. Tensions were exacerbated over civilian casualties among Palestinians during Israel’s war with Hamas in the Gaza Strip over the summer.

The disagreements don’t seem to have gone away, despite a cease-fire that appears to be firmly in place. On Tuesday, the Obama administration formally called on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government to reverse its seizure of West Bank land for settlement building, saying it was counterproductive to peace efforts. While U.S. administrations have expressed concern about settlement activity in the past, direct calls for Israel’s government to reverse a decision are rare.

Alan Solow, a past chairman of the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations and a major fundraiser for Obama’s election campaigns, said it doesn’t make sense to pursue a peace that the sides are not ready to embrace.

“They recognize they want to spend their time productively,” Solow, a confidant of the administration, told JTA in an interview on Tuesday. “Where they sense a further investment of time will not yield progress, there are plenty of other problems they can turn to that may yield progress.”

Statements from officials suggest that the Obama administration is more interested in managing rather than resolving the conflict.

Jen Psaki’s, Kerry’s spokeswoman, said Tuesday that a meeting Kerry planned to have in Washington the next day with Saeb Erekat, the top Palestinian peace negotiator, would focus on the cease-fire between Israel and Hamas. She did not mention the peace process.

“They’ll talk about a range of issues, there’s an ongoing cease-fire discussion and a range of longer-term issues,” she said.

Asked by a reporter about Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas’ latest reported proposal for a three-year withdrawal of Israel from the West Bank based on U.N. resolutions, Psaki would say only that the United States did not see the proposal as “productive.”

Aaron David Miller, a former Middle East peace negotiator under Republican and Democratic presidents, said it never made sense for the Obama administration to focus as intently as it did in its second term on an Israeli-Palestinian deal because the sides were not ready for one.

“Transformative change requires two things — a crisis or an opportunity so profound that it empowers two leaders to go beyond where they’ve been before,” said Miller, a vice president of the Wilson Center who is about to release a book on the diminished power of the modern American presidency, “The End of Greatness: Why America Can’t Have (and Doesn’t Want) Another Great President.”

“That is what would be required in the less than thousand days [left] of Obama’s presidency,” he said. “It would have to be a set of circumstances that are regionally based and raised the costs and incentives for both Abbas and Netanyahu. This is the critical piece, the ownership on the part of Bibi and Abbas.”

Jonathan Schanzer, a vice president of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, a foreign policy think tank that favors intervention, counseled continued U.S. engagement should the parties decide they seriously want to discuss peace. But Schanzer said it was about time for the Obama administration to let go of its ambitions for a resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

“Imagine if we had spent the same time and energy fighting ISIS over the last 10 months as we had investing in the peace process,” he said, referring to the jihadist group in Iraq and Syria that the Obama administration has only in recent weeks directly engaged.

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Israel’s land seizure: political favor or West Bank game-changer?

In the days after the war in Gaza concluded, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu appeared to bear left.

He spoke of a “possible diplomatic horizon” for Israel on Aug. 27 and suggested a return to Israeli-Palestinian peace talks. Reports emerged that Netanyahu had met secretly in Amman with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas.

But on Sunday he took a sharp right turn, seizing nearly 1,000 acres in the West Bank as state land near the Etzion settlement bloc. The move is a prerequisite for settlement expansion and prohibits Palestinians from using the land for building or agriculture.

According to Israeli reports, the government seized the land in response to the nearby kidnapping and murder of three Israeli teens in June.

The land seizure — Israel’s largest in decades — drew condemnation from the Israeli left and from the international community. The U.S. State Department said it was “counterproductive” for the peace process. In a statement, the left-wing NGO Peace Now called the move “proof that Prime Minister Netanyahu does not aspire for a new ‘Diplomatic Horizon.’ “

“Israel is trying to be territorially maximalist in the area and to deny territorial contiguity to the Palestinians,” Hagit Ofran, the head of Peace Now’s Settlement Watch, told JTA. “The message of this act is clear: The inclination of Israel is not to peace and compromise but to continuation of settlement.”

But some experts said that though the move hurts Israel diplomatically, critics overstate its importance on the ground. The area is a strip of land adjacent to the West Bank that Israel intends to keep under any peace deal. Declaring it state land was, they said, a way for Netanyahu to placate his allies on the right after opposing their suggestion to depose Hamas during the Gaza war.

“I think it falls in a certain pattern,” Michael Oren, Israel’s former ambassador to the United States, told JTA. “The government does something that is unpalatable to the right wing, whether it be making concessions in the peace process or, in this case, agreeing to a cease-fire in Gaza, and then it attempts to palliate the right by building in Judea and Samaria or, in this case, reclassifying land.”

According to Maj. Guy Inbar, spokesman for the Israel Defense Forces’ Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories, the seizure is only the first step toward a potential settlement expansion.

Palestinians who claim the land have 45 days to challenge the decision in Israel’s courts. If the appeals fail, the government still has to make an additional decision to legalize building there before any construction can begin. An illegal Israeli settlement outpost, Gvaot, already sits on a portion of the land. Several surrounding Palestinian villages, according to Ofran, have laid claim to the land. But Inbar said an Israeli investigation found the land has not been used for decades.

Netanyahu has backtracked before on settlement expansion plans following international criticism. In 2012, Netanyahu announced Israel’s intention to build in an area known as E1, which sits between the Palestinian cities of Bethlehem and Ramallah, as well as between Jerusalem and the Israeli settlement of Maale Adumim. The United States opposed the plan, and nearly two years later the land sits empty.

But Sunday’s seizure does prohibit Palestinian use of the land. And Israeli politicians and commentators have criticized Netanyahu for alienating Abbas and Israel’s allies just as the sides could have restarted peace talks following the Gaza cease-fire agreement.

“[The] announcement, which wasn’t brought to the Cabinet, regarding 900 acres of land for building in the Etzion bloc harms the State of Israel,” Israeli Finance Minister Yair Lapid of the centrist Yesh Atid party said Tuesday in a speech. “Maintaining the support of the world was already challenging, so why was it so urgent to create another crisis with the United States and the world?”

Meanwhile, the future of peace talks remains unclear. Negotiations ended in April after nine months as Israel reneged on a scheduled release of Palestinian prisoners. Abbas responded by applying for Palestinian accession to a range of international treaties, and talks collapsed as Abbas formed a unity government with Hamas.

According to reports, Abbas said he won’t return to talks unless Israel proposes a border in their initial stage. Should Israel refuse, Abbas reportedly plans to turn to the United Nations Security Council to call for an Israeli West Bank pullout.

Palestinian officials also threatened recently to apply for membership to the International Criminal Court, which could allow the Palestinian Authority to sue Israel for settlement building and allegedly violating Palestinian rights. But Abbas has yet to submit the application.

“Given that there’s no negotiations, trust with the P.A. and Abbas is not at a premium,” said Jonathan Rynhold, a senior research associate at Bar-Ilan University’s Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies. “If [Netanyahu] offers a fairly generous territorial offer, this will be irrelevant.”

 

Israel’s land seizure: political favor or West Bank game-changer? Read More »

Whether you fire him or not, condemn Salaita’s words

For the past month or so, the academic world in this country has been abuzz with impassioned debate about Professor Steven Salaita, whose proposed appointment as a tenured professor in American Indian studies at the University of Illinois in Champaign/Urbana was rejected by Chancellor Phyllis Wise on August 1.   The key issue in this case is Salaita’s anti-Israeli and, some say, anti-Semitic speech, which Chancellor Wise characterized as “personal and disrespectful words or actions that demean and abuse either viewpoints themselves or those who express them.”

Supporters of Professor Salaita have seen the decision to withdraw the offer made by the UI’s College of Liberal Arts and Sciences as a gross violation of the principle of academic freedom that stands at the heart of the American university system.   The American Association of University Professors (AAUP), the central policy-making body for American academics, has made clear in its 1940 Statement of Principles that freedom of expression in research and teaching is essential to the proper functioning and success of universities. http://www.aaup.org/report/1940-statement-principles-academic-freedom-and-tenure.  Drawing on the AAUP principles, Cornell law professor Michael Dorf asserts, without endorsing Salaita’ words, that the case is an easy one: “Academic freedom and freedom of speech protect all viewpoints, even those that are hostile to academic freedom or freedom of speech.”

Meanwhile, those who endorse the University’s decision to retract its offer note that Salaita’s case is actually different from instances in which an institution attempts to fire a current faculty member for offensive speech.  Such a case would be an unmistakable deviation from the bedrock principle of free speech.  Rather, supporters of the retraction such as UI professor Cary Nelson, a former president of the AAUP, note that Salaita’s appointment was never given final approval by either the University of Illinois’ Chancellor of its Board of Trustees. 

This may seem confounding to the outsider.  Either Salaita was offered an appointment or he wasn’t.  In fact, academic institutions of the size of the University of Illinois are large and labyrinthine bureaucracies with many layers of scrutiny for academic appointments.  One may receive the endorsement of a home department, the dean, and the provost, but without the final authorization of the chancellor or president and board of trustees, the appointment is not final.  Salaita’s case is one of the rare instances in which a university CEO has overturned the affirmative decision of the lower reviewing bodies.  The more cautious among academic appointees would never resign their positions at previous institutions until they received final approval from the chancellor and board, as Steven Salaita did from Virginia Tech. 

The question of whether we can meaningfully distinguish between firing a professor already in the employ of a university and withdrawing an offer to one who is awaiting the last sign-off from the chancellor is a difficult one.  It is especially difficult because of the importance of creating a safe, inclusive, and welcoming campus climate for all.  Do we want to welcome as members of our campus community those who extend beyond acceptable bounds of civil speech and conduct?  It is a very tricky call.  I must confess that I am not certain where I stand in balancing the right to free speech vs. the right to exclude from one’s campus community those whose speech is disrespectful.  Indeed, I think a decent case could be made for either side.  As a result of my own uncertainty, I have sat on this piece for weeks.

But there is something that must be said without equivocation.  It is stunning to behold the near-total silence of Salaita’s supporters about the content of his speech.  Petitions that excoriate the University of Illinois for its decision have garnered thousands of signatures with passing reference only to the controversy around Salaita’s speech.  Letter writers extol Salaita without any mention of his offensive words. In the few cases where his harsh speech is discussed, his defenders dismiss those who take Salaita’s words at face value by insisting that the real issue is the behavior of Israel. 

Let me be clear.  What is objectionable here is not criticism of Israel’s policies toward Palestinians.  Many of us have joined in calling Israel to task for the trail of destruction it has inflicted, most recently in Gaza.  It is the sophomoric, intemperate and, dare I say, hateful quality of Salaita’s speech.  Even if one shares Salaita’s passionate commitment to the Palestinian cause and believes fervently in his right to free speech, it is imperative to call out his irresponsible words.

To what am I referring? It is a series of recent Twitter postings during the unfolding Gaza conflict that reveals an almost compulsive tendency to suggest that Zionism not only induces, but justifies anti-Semitism.  To wit, his most infamous tweet from July 19 declares that Zionism bears responsibility for “transforming ‘antisemitism’ from something horrible into something honorable.”  Supporters of Salaita have tried to parse this sentence to argue that by placing “antisemitism” in quotes, he was indicating his distance from the concept.   Really?  One can argue that Israeli behavior toward Palestinians has provoked antisemitic responses.  But what possibly could be “honorable” about such responses?  When is antisemitism ever honorable?

Would we accept any analogous assertions about other groups?  That the actions of Hamas justify Islamophobia?  I doubt it.  Salaita, with pyromaniacal persistence, seems incapable of avoiding the fire of antisemitism.  In another tweet from July 19, he offers this: “If it’s ‘antisemitic’ to deplore colonization, land theft, and child murder, then what choice does any person of conscience have?”  Here again, some will argue that the use of quotes insulates Salaita from the phenomenon itself–that he’s referring to the tendency of Israel’s supporters to tarnish any and all critics with the designation “antisemitic.” But if he’s not saying that “any person of conscience” must ultimately choose antisemitism, he certainly comes close.  At a minimum, he’s guilty of extraordinarily sloppy locution that can lead reasonable people to assume that he sees antisemitism as an unavoidable and justifiable outcome of Zionism—and therefore an acceptable and “honorable” consequence of the fight for justice for Palestinians.

One also wonders about his tweet from July 14: “Zionist uplift in America.  Every little Jewish boy and girl can grow up to be the leader of a murderous colonial regime.”  Defenders will say that he simply seeks to point to the impact of Zionist ideology on the organized Jewish community in this country.  But the language he uses rests on the troubling elision between  Zionist and Jew—and the ascription of culpability for all of Israel’s and Zionism’s actions to Jews as a collective.  Whether or not Salaita’s intent here was antisemitic, I can’t say. What is clear is that the Zionist/Jewish elision is a common antisemitic move. 

Also unnerving is his claim that “the sequence of letters” in the word Israel—the word “Israel” itself–should read “child murder” or that Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu wears “a necklace made from the teeth of Palestinian children.”  This kind of language eerily echoes the medieval blood libel directed against Jews.  The blood libel assumed many forms, most of which focused on the claim that Jews killed Christian children in order to use their blood for ritual purposes (or to poison wells).  Perhaps the resonance is unwitting, but the effect to anyone who knows the history of antisemitism is chilling.   

I have no idea what is in Steven Salaita’s heart.  Maybe he is a well-intentioned critic of Israel and supporter of the right of the Palestinian people to justice and self-determination.  His choice of language suggests otherwise.  Indeed, his lack of modulation and sound judgment seems to fail the standard laid out by the AAUP in 1940 for university faculty members: “As scholars and educational officers, they should remember that the public may judge their profession and their institution by their utterances. Hence they should at all times be accurate, should exercise appropriate restraint, should show respect for the opinions of others, and should make every effort to indicate that they are not speaking for the institution.” 

Salaita’s speech is far from respectful.  I honestly don’t know whether his disrespectful speech trumps the principle of free speech on which the great American university system rests.  But at a minimum, and it is indeed a minimal response, we must condemn Salaita’s offensive words.  The failure to do so is itself a failure of courage, discernment, and intellectual integrity.  

David N. Myers teaches Jewish history at UCLA.

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Lissitsky’s Intersectionality

Can geometry and colour be the only elements that can make up art? The truth is that aesthetics is a truly difficult thing to understand, especially when it is directed towards the fostering of pure artistic feeling. Suprematism, as we have come to know it was first introduced by Malevich whose Socialist rhetoric found a well meaning place within the ever changing world of modern art in the early 1920’s. Yet, not so many people know that El Lissitzky, a Jew, also played a substantial role to its foundation.

Lissitzky who first took part in the world of artistry by designing the art in Jewish children’s books, as a means to sustain himself, held true to the goal oriented formation of art. In other words the belief that it had a sustained meaning regardless of form or medium. This is perhaps why he later worked on numerous Soviet propaganda posters, although in his own way, still with the sheer purpose of simple purpose, as was/is the traditional tenet of utilitarian Socialism.

Born in 1890, in Polchinok, Smolensk his childhood was normal for that of a child who grew up in a Eastern European shtetl. He was an industrious and bright adolescent, in fact to the extent that by the age of 15 he was already teaching others. Yet, his precocity and ability to to draw had forced a desire in him to study at the prestigious art academy of St. Petersburg- something which he almost achieved. Although he had passed his exam and had met the necessary requirements the academy turned him away because they would only accept a certain number of students.

There was only one choice: to leave.

Similar to many Jewish and non-Jewish artists from Russia, Lissitzky traveled to Germany in order to be able to gain an education in the less anti-semitic setting of pre-1914 Germany. Incidentally, a place where art was found in much more open medium, and better said, a place where it could expand freely without the long reach of government autocracy.

Germany was a harbour of free artistry, yet also a place where one could create ties with other artists interested in the same movements, styles and means. For instance, it was a place where El Lissitsky formed close ties with famous people such as Marc Chagall. Yet the prospects of Germany did not last long, as the Russian Revolution yielded the return of many artist to their original homes, as the brief freedom given to artistry in the early 1920’ s allowed many to express themselves as they did in Germany.

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