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May 29, 2012

Jewish terrorist strikes plea bargain

An alleged Jewish terrorist who was found unfit to stand trial two years ago has struck a plea bargain with a Jerusalem court.

Jack Teitel, 39 and the father of four young children, was charged with two counts of murder, five counts of attempted murder, incitement and weapons violations and one count of arson.

Teitel was arrested Oct. 7, 2009, in a joint police-Shin Bet operation.

The Jerusalem District Court determined Monday that Teitel killed two Palestinians and attempted to murder five Jews and Arabs. He also allegedly assembled a package bomb that seriously injured the son of a messianic Jew and allegedly set up a pipe bomb near the home of prominent liberal professor Ze’ev Sternhell.

Teitel admitted to the charges, but refused to appear before the court, whose authority he does not recognize, according to The Jerusalem Post.

The court will reconvene next month to determine whether Teitel was criminally responsible for his actions when he committed the offenses, the Post reported.

A Florida native, Teitel made aliyah in 2000 and was a resident of the Shvut Rachel outpost in the northern West Bank.

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‘U.N. Me’ documentary makes Borat-style attack on world body

Call their style Michael Moore meets Sacha Baron Cohen.

Two pro-Israel activists are hoping that their documentary on the United Nations—to be released nationwide on June 1—brings focus to what they say is the world body’s global ineffectiveness.

One of the more powerful scenes from “U.N. Me” comes from a lull in deliberations at the controversial 2009 Durban Review Conference in Geneva, a parley headlined by Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and boycotted by Israel, the United States and others because of its obsessive focus on the Jewish state.

In the clip, an American in a dark suit and tie mounts the podium and seizes the microphone.

“You people should be embarrassed and ashamed,” filmmaker Ami Horowitz announces to the handful of delegates scattered about the hall. “You have squandered the opportunity the world has given you. This is a perverse example of what it was meant to be.”

The conference already had been somewhat of a diplomatic zoo, with myriad protesters—a disproportionate number of them Jewish—disrupting the proceedings and causing a ruckus in the hallways. With security heightened, Horowitz was whisked from the room within seconds.

But standing in the near-empty press gallery was Horowitz’s partner, Matthew Groff, who captured the incident on tape (as did JTA). The footage now forms the climax of the scathing documentary written, directed and produced by Groff and Horowitz.

Horowitz’s Geneva stunt is a move plucked from the playbook of the documentarian Moore, whose screen persona of the everyman trying to get straight answers from the powerful pervades his critically acclaimed work in films such as “Bowling for Columbine” and “Roger & Me.”

But will the left-leaning Moore’s trademark style wow viewers of a documentary taking aim at an organization that has long been a punching bag for the right?

Horowitz, a former investment banker and avowed conservative, says the film is neither liberal nor conservative. Indeed, in what may wind up being a savvy directorial decision, the film never mentions what many consider one of the most egregious examples of the U.N.‘s moral blindspot: a relentless focus on Israel.

Instead, Horowitz keeps the lens trained on U.N. failures in areas generally cherished by liberals: peacekeeping and human rights.

He travels to the African nation of Cote d’Ivoire, where he reports on a little-known incident in which a contingent of French U.N. peacekeepers fired on protesters. He interviews Nobel laureate Jody Williams, whose report on Darfur for the U.N. Human Rights Council was nearly blocked by the very body that commissioned it. And he reviews the details of better-known examples of U.N. wrongdoing, such as sexual abuse allegations by peacekeepers and the atrocious Oil for Food Programme that served mainly to enrich Saddam Hussein.

“Almost anybody who is a liberal thinks it’s a liberal movie, and everybody who is conservative thinks it’s a conservative movie,” Horowitz said. “People don’t know [U.N. reform] is a conservative cause.”

If Horowitz’s style owes much to Moore—a man he describes as his “friend”—he also acknowledges a debt to another character of the big screen: Borat, the fictional and clueless Khazaki journalist made famous by Cohen.

Horowitz routinely presents himself as a credulous buffoon, eagerly accepting the assurances of an Iranian official that his country is not making nuclear weapons and agreeing with U.N. disarmament chief Sergio Duarte’s assessment that despite Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s repeated hostile declarations against Israel, the Iranian president’s true intensions cannot be divined.

The routine succeeds, Borat-syle, in making several interviewees look silly. In a segment on the U.N’s failure to stop the killings in Darfur, Horowitz asks Sudan’s ambassador to the United Nations why Sudan stones gays after the first offense but lesbians only after the fourth.

“No, no, no,” the ambassador corrects him. “Woman, if she is married, she will be stoned immediately.”

Earlier in the interview, Horowitz informs the ambassador that before learning of the situation in Darfur, he had thought the Janjaweed was a strain of Sudanese marijuana.

Horowitz says he was moved to make a film about the United Nations after watching “Bowling for Columbine,” Moore’s documentary about guns and violence in America.

“I saw his movie and [I thought], if I want to get my point across, this is the best way to do it,” Horowitz said.

Financed in part by the conservative telecommunications executive Howard Jonas, “U.N. Me” premiered at the International Documentary Film Festival Amsterdam in 2009. Jonas also helped Horowitz penetrate the halls of power.

Horowitz screened the film for Dick Cheney at the former vice president’s home in Virginia, and for media executives Rupert Murdoch and Roger Ailes in New York. According to Horowitz, Murdoch liked the film and wanted to distribute it, but Ailes warned him that supporting the film would be tantamount to declaring war on the United Nations.

Murdoch, Horowitz recalled, replied that Ailes’ FOX News is already at war with the world body.

“The whole idea of the movie is based on the idea of activism,” Horowitz said. “I’m not trying to tell an impartial story. The only thing I’m responsible for is the truth. I have no responsibility beyond that. I don’t have to show both sides of anything. I have a point of view and I’m trying to prove it.”

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Israel allows government councils to pay non-Orthodox rabbis

The Israeli government will begin paying non-Orthodox rabbis and recognizing them as community leaders.

The attorney general’s office advised the Supreme Court Tuesday that Reform and Conservative rabbis in some parts of Israel will be recognized as “rabbis of non-Orthodox communities” and will receive wages equal to those of their Orthodox counterparts.

Only rabbis in farming communities and regional councils—not in cities—will be able to receive this funding. The vast majority of Israeli Reform and Conservative communities are in large population centers.

The attorney general’s office has said that for now, up to 15 non-Orthodox rabbis may receive state support. Before this decision, only Orthodox rabbis received state funding.

The non-Orthodox rabbis will receive their salary from the Culture and Sports Ministry, rather than the Religious Services Ministry—which funds Orthodox rabbis. In addition, according to The Jerusalem Post, funding will go only to the rabbis of communities that request it.

“We have a long-term goal to have an inclusive, democratic, pluralistic Israeli society,” said Rabbi Daniel Allen, executive director of the Association of Reform Zionists of America. “We’re going to be patient and persevere until the ideal meets the real. This is one step forward in that effort.”

The attorney general’s announcement follows out-of-court negotiations over a 2005 petition by the Israel Movement for Reform and Progressive Judaism and Miri Cohen, a Reform rabbi in central Israel’s Kibbutz Gezer.

The movement and Cohen petitioned for the state to fund the Gezer Reform community and Cohen in the same manner it funds Orthodox communities and their leaders.

Earlier this month, the panel of judges presiding over the negotiations—led by Supreme Court Justice Elyakim Rubinstein—asked the attorney general to intervene.

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Obama awards medal of freedom to Albright, Dylan, Karski

President Obama awarded Medals of Freedom to Jan Karski, Madeleine Albright and Bob Dylan, among other recipients.

Obama this year awarded 13 Medals of Freedom. The ceremony took place Tuesday at the White House. Israeli President Shimon Peres will receive the medal in a separate event next month.

Karski, who died in 2000, was a Polish resistance fighter who was among the first to document the Nazi genocide against European Jews.

Albright, the former secretary of state and U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, learned in 1997 from a reporter that her parents hid her Jewishness from her.

She recently wrote a book about her family’s Jewish heritage, “Prague Winter,” in which she discusses 25 relatives who perished during the Holocaust.

Dylan, who changed his last name from Zimmerman, transformed rock and folk music in the 1960s.

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Rabbinical court fines man for being unfaithful on Facebook

A woman reportedly proved to an Israeli rabbinical court that her husband was unfaithful by showing it correspondence between him and other women on Facebook.

The court awarded the woman damages from her husband of about $40,000, Ynet reported. It did not identify where the couple was from or when the decision was reached.

The couple, in their 30s, met on a dating website and ultimately married. Six months after they were married, the woman found that her husband was corresponding with other women on Facebook and on dating websites, according to Ynet.

The woman told the rabbinical court that her husband doomed the marriage.

The court agreed with her and ordered her husband to pay a divorce settlement.

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Tribal understandings: Jewish and Navajo spiritual leaders speak of sacred lands

A Reform rabbi, a Navajo medicine man and a professor walk into a museum.

It sounds like the opening of a joke, but on a recent May Shabbat at Window Rock, Ariz., capital of the Navajo Nation, it’s the beginning of a cross-cultural discussion that pondered the question “What makes land sacred?”

The dialogue featuring the spiritual leaders of two tribes, Navajo medicine man Johnson Dennison and Rabbi Harry Rosenfeld of the Reform Congregation Albert in Albuquerque, N.M., was held at the Navajo Nation Museum.

Anthropologist Gordon Bronitsky moderated the event with an audience of more than 40 Jews and Navajos.

It was the second in a series of Navajo-Jewish exchanges.

The first program was held in November at Congregation Albert, where the duo wrestled with how each group managed living in “Two Worlds”—one of tradition, the other of contemporary life.

Bronitsky, the program organizer and a longtime resident of the Southwest, took a Navajo language course in college and knew some Hebrew. The former university professor suspected that when it came to land and sacredness, the two unlikely desert neighbors had some views to share.

Before the second event, Bronitsky observed that the Navajo have a phrase, “dineh bikeyah” (the people’s land), that expresses a feeling of rightful ownership.

It is similar, he said, to when Jews say “Artzeinu” (our land)—as in the “Hatikvah” verse, “Lihyot ’am chofshi be’artzeinu,” “To be a free people in our land.”

Opening the discussion with “Shabbat shalom,” the kippah-wearing, white-bearded Rosenfeld explained that the Hebrew word for “holy” was “kadosh,” and that the word for profane, “chol,” was the same as the word for “sand”—something, an audience member later pointed out, that both groups had seen much of.

“The biblical land of Israel is sacred land for the Jews,” Rosenfeld said, sidestepping the charged issue of boundaries.

“It is sacred because God promised it,” added the rabbi, who in his previous pulpit in Anchorage, Alaska, had worked with native peoples.

Dennison, wearing a turquoise necklace typical of the Navajo, greeted the audience in both English and his native language. “You are all welcome to the Navajo land, it is a sacred place,” he said.

For Dennison, a medicine man with a master’s degree in educational administration, Navajo land is both a homeland where he found “harmony and beauty” as well a place where, he related later, his family could raise a flock of sheep and a herd of goats.

“There is a spiritual and emotional connection to the land,” he said. 

Dennison defined Navajo land as lying between “four sacred peaks” that “were established by the holy people as the cornerstones of Navajo country”: Blanca Peak to the east, Mount Taylor to the south, San Francisco Peak to the west and Mount Hesperus to the north. 

The Window Rock for which the area is named—a windswept, red rock opening that stands about a half-mile from the museum—illustrated the connection.

Taken at its physical geographic description, Window Rock is simply a 200-foot-high natural arch of Middle Jurassic Bluff Sandstone. But as a sacred place, according to Lapahie.com, “portal to the Navajo Internet,” “It was one of the four places where Navajo medicine men go with their woven water bottles to get water for the ceremony that is held for abundant rain.”

Adding emotional attachment to Window Rock is the Navajo Code Talkers Memorial at the base of the arch. The Code Talkers, made famous in the film “Windtalkers,” were a group of Navajo-speaking U.S. Marines who during World War II devised a Navajo-based code that the Japanese were unable to break.

As for the Jews’ attachment to their holy land, Rosenfeld pointed out that “you don’t have to live on it.”

At the same time, he stressed—quoting Psalm 137, “If I forget you, O Jerusalem, let my right hand wither”—Jews are not allowed to forget their attachment.

Both speakers saw rays of sacredness emanating from the east.

Dennison remarked that the traditional Navajo home, the hogan, was to this day oriented with its entrance to the east.

“The tip of light of where the rising sun first strikes is considered sacred,” he said. “First light enters our whole being.”

Rosenfeld saw “spirituality coming from the east,” east being the symbol of Jerusalem. “Jews face east when they pray,” he said.

Several audience members, speaking in Navajo or in English with a bit of Hebrew, also spotted similarities in experience and ritual.

Navajo Lydell James saw a connection between his tribe’s Long Walk and the Holocaust. The Long Walk, known as “Bosque Redondo,” was an 1864-66 forced relocation of the Navajo from their historic tribal lands to an area around Fort Sumner, N.M.

“The hurt doesn’t end,” he said.

Laura Jijon, who is Jewish and works with the Navajo as an adult education administrator at the University of New Mexico Extension in nearby Gallup, N.M., cited a similarity to the spiritual significance that Dennison placed on the four directions and the six directions that Jews wave the lulav on Sukkot.

She also pointed out that “the hogan and the sukkah are both sacred dwellings.”

As to the generational challenges facing each group, the rabbi and medicine man acknowledged that their respective people’s commitment and sense of holiness about their lands could be at risk.

“We don’t own the land,” Dennis said. “It’s a Western concept of marking the land and water. It becomes a property. In the future we could lose sight of the sacredness of the land.

“How do we keep the fire burning?” he asked.

“Is something inherently holy? Only if a community takes it as such,” said Rosenfeld. “Fifty-nine percent of American Jews have not been to Israel.”

Historically, Navajos and Jews have long had some ties.

In the 19th century, Solomon Bibo, a Jewish immigrant from Poland and New Mexico trader, “was the only white man ever to be the chief of a Navajo pueblo,” Bronitsky said.

And before the event Bronitsky, standing before a photo display of Miss Navajo contest winners, pointed to the photo of the second winner, in 1954-55, Ida Gail Organick.

“She was married to a Jewish doctor,” he said.

Bronitsky believes it was unlikely that the Navajo had their own term for Jew.

Now they do.

Touring Eastern Europe with a Navajo choral group, Bronitsky had worn his kippah during side trips to Holocaust memorials.

At the airport in Frankfurt, Germany, awaiting the flight home, he wondered if the singers could come up with a word for a Jew.

“Bich’ah yazhi dineh’eh” was the phrase one of them coined, “people who wear little hats,” he recalled following the Shabbat discussion. 

Edmon J. Rodman is a JTA columnist who writes on Jewish life from Los Angeles. Contact him at edmojace@gmail.com.

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H-1B Regular Cap v. Master’s Cap: What’s the difference?

Every year, Congress allots 65,000 H-1B work visas for U.S. Employers to employ foreign workers in specialty occupations that require theoretical or technical expertise in specialized fields, such as scientists, engineers, or computer programmers.  This is known as the “regular cap.”

Some of these petitions are exempt from the regular cap under the advanced degree exemption, which provides a visa to the first 20,000 petitions filed for a beneficiary who has obtained a U.S. master’s degree or higher.

The USCIS begins accepting applications on April 1st for every upcoming fiscal year, which begins on October 1st.  The 2013 fiscal year began on April 2, 2012 and nobody expected the cap to begin filling up at this pace.  As of May 18, 2012 – less than 1.5 months after the USCIS began accepting petitions – 42,000 petitions were submitted under the regular cap, accounting for 65% of the cap.  Furthermore, 16,000 petitions were received under the master’s cap, accounting for 80% of this exemption reached.

So what happens once the 20,000 master’s cap is reached?  Does the USCIS only accept petitions for beneficiaries with bachelor’s degrees?  The answer is no.  Unless otherwise exempt from the cap, petitions filed under the master’s cap after the 20,000 visa cap is reached will be counted against the regular cap.  In other words, all cap-subject petitions will fall under the regular cap, whether the beneficiary has a master’s degree or not.  What this will mean is that once the master’s cap is reached, the USCIS will begin receiving petitions under the regular cap at an even faster pace.  It is widely expected that all 85,000 H-1B visas will be accounted for by July – the fastest since the Great Recession began in 2008.

For employers looking to file an H-1B petition, it is strongly recommended that you start the process as soon as possible.  Given that the average petition takes at least 2-3 weeks to prepare, the cap may very well be reached by the time it is submitted.

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Honeymooning Zuckerberg reportedly stiffs Italian wait staff

Honeymooning Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg and his bride, Priscilla Chan, paid $40 for lunch at a kosher restaurant in Rome’s historic ghetto but did not leave a tip, according to Italian media.

Newspapers ran pictures of what they said was the billionaire couple’s bill at the Nonna Betta kosher restaurant—Jewish style artichokes and fried zucchini flowers (both Roman Jewish specialties) as starters; one order between them of ravioli stuffed with artichokes and sea bass; tea and water.

The total came to just 32 euro – about $40—including the cover charge for bread that is normal for restaurants in Italy.

Staff at the restaurant were quoted in newspapers as saying the couple did not leave any further gratuity.

“I asked him ‘how was it?,’ and he said ‘very good,’ ” Nonna Betta’s owner was quoted as telling the Corriere della Sera newspaper. “I had gone up to him and said, ‘Are you …?’ and he said, ‘Yes.’ “

Media reports said the couple went on to Capri after Rome.

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Egyptian election promises uncertainty for ties with U.S., Israel

The Egyptians stunned even themselves in the vote to elect their next president — and observers are warning that the U.S. and Israel should be ready for continued uncertainty in their relations with Egypt.

Two finalists emerged following the roller-coaster first round at the polls last week: Mohammed Morsi, the candidate of the Muslim Brotherhood, and Ahmed Shafiq, who had been appointed prime minister in 2011 in the final days of the regime of deposed President Hosni Mubarak. Each took less than a quarter of the vote to reach the runoff, with three eliminated candidates splitting most of the remainder.

Morsi and Shafiq present strikingly different outlooks for Egypt’s future: Shafiq is stressing law and order, and at least a partial return to the days of the Mubarak regime. Morsi is promising governance based on Islamic values.

The runoff election is set to occur sometime before the end of June.

The two finalists — one an erstwhile Mubarak ally, the other a representative of the Islamist movement that was its bitter rival — are expected to make for a polarizing election. For the many Egyptians who supported the revolution against Mubarak but are wary of further empowering the Muslim Brotherhood, the runoff presents a dispiriting choice.

But whatever the results of the election, many observers expect that the country will be getting a government more inclined than its predecessors to play to the Egyptian street — a state of affairs that could lead to rockier relations with the United States and Israel.

“The individual result is probably not dispositive to U.S.-Egyptian bilateral relations or relations with Israel,” said Michael Wahid Hanna, a fellow at The Century Foundation, a think tank based in New York. “Those relations are going to change regardless because public opinion matters as it didn’t in the past.”

As an example, Hanna cited Egypt’s noninterference during Israel’s 2009 war with Hamas in the Gaza Strip, to the extent of maintaining strict controls on the Gaza-Egypt border.

“The government will not be able to take an affirmative role in terms of buttressing Israeli policy in relationship to Hamas,” he said. “The knock-on effect would be massive protests in the streets.”

Even Shafiq, the candidate better known to the West and with an established relationship with Israeli and U.S. interlocutors, would not be able to resist populist suspicion of Israel, said David Schenker, a senior analyst at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. Under Morsi, the 1979 Camp David Accords with Israel are likely to come under review, he predicted.

“We still don’t know if they will put the treaty to a referendum or push to renegotiate,” Schenker said of the Muslim Brotherhood.

Popular suspicion of the accords is likely to be exacerbated as the two largest blocs in parliament, the Muslim Brotherhood-aligned Democratic Alliance for Egypt and the Islamist Bloc, aligned with harder-line Salafists, compete for the Islamist vote.

“Regardless of who is president, you will have ongoing competition between the Brotherhood and Salafists, which will push the Brotherhood to the right,” he said.

Schenker noted that even during the transition, under the West-friendly military, the relationship with Israel already has been affected. Egypt has effectively cut off natural gas supplies to Israel, a program that was unpopular with Egyptians. And last Sukkot, the first after the revolution, Egypt suspended the export of palm fronds, one of the four species needed to celebrate the holiday.

The key goal for the United States in the short run will be to preserve its interests and to promote a stable transition to democracy, whomever is elected president, said Schenker, who served as a senior Middle East policy official at the Pentagon under President George W. Bush.

“We’ll want assurances about access to the Suez Canal, the peace treaty with Israel, political pluralism, protection of women and minorities,” he said.

In the short run, at least, the continued preeminence of the military — in the form of the SCAF, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces — likely guarantees the perpetuation of the peace treaty, which affords Egypt $1.3 billion in U.S. assistance annually, as well as the good will of the international community.

It is not clear what powers Egypt’s president will have — a new Egyptian constitution has yet to be drafted. Jon Alterman, the director of the Middle East program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, said that whoever wins will have some impact on how relations with the West go forward.

“The key question with Morsi is not how he will act in times of normal relations but how he will react in a time of crisis,” Alterman said. “Mubarak was dependable. It is unclear any leader of Egypt will be so dependable.”

The U.S. and Israel might have to accommodate a more hostile rhetoric, at least in the interim, while cultivating the new leadership, said Joel Rubin, the director of policy and government affairs at the Ploughshares Fund, a body that promotes peace initiatives.

“Israel and America will both have to accept there might be language coming out of the Egyptian parliament and leadership that is new playing to the crowd,” he said. “It’s not in our interests to see the relationship go in the wrong direction.”

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