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September 23, 2011

Palestinian shot dead in clash

A Palestinian man was shot dead in a clash with soldiers and settlers.

According to an Associated Press account of the incident on Friday, it began when several hundred settlers burned a grove near the Palestinian village of Qusra in the central West Bank.

Troops arrived and, after using tear gas in an attempt to quell the riot, fired live rounds, as did settlers. Issam Badran, 35, was killed.

Israel has deployed troops throughout the West Bank in anticipation of unrest in the wake of Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas’ planned request Friday for statehood recognition from the United Nations.

Palestinian shot dead in clash Read More »

Justice is Done at UC Irvine

The following appears in today’s OC Register:

Today, the jury returned its verdict in the case of the “Irvine 11.” The case involved students who disrupted the speech of former Israeli ambassador to the United States Michael Oren at UC Irvine in February 2010. The jury properly found the students guilty of the disruption and of conspiracy to commit the disruption and issued an appropriate penalty.

Not surprisingly, leaders of the Muslim community and voices on the left are upset, claiming that a grave injustice has been done to the community and that the First Amendment rights of the 10 defendants have been abrogated

If one views the video (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7w96UR79TBw ) of the speech, it is transparently clear that the university sponsors of the event committed to a dialogue with the large and hostile Muslim Student Union contingent that was in the room. The organizers repeatedly said there would be a question-and-answer session after the presentation and literally pleaded with the students to allow the ambassador’s speech to proceed.

As the court record and numerous documents make clear, the Muslim Student Union membership wanted to disrupt, not engage with, the ambassador. Prior to the lecture, the Muslim Student Union members signaled both their intention to disrupt and their contempt for the notion of civil dialogue and the exchange of ideas.

They asserted that, “Oren and his partners should only be granted a speakers platform in the International Criminal Court and should not be honored on our campus.” At a meeting of the MSU’s general assembly the goal of the protest was unambiguously declared to be “disrupt the whole event” with the aim to “shut [it] down with individual disruption.”

In the words of UCI Law School Dean Erwin Chemerinsky, “They shouted him (Ambassador Oren) down.”

In the year and a half since the event, much silliness has been written about what the First Amendment means. Salam al Marayati of the Muslim Public Affairs Committee has argued that the tactics employed by the students, the “heckler’s veto,” is really just an “exercise in free speech … these students had the courage and conscience to stand up against aggression, using peaceful means … we cannot allow our educational institutions to be used as a platform to threaten and discourage students who choose to practice their First Amendment right.”

This week, the local office of the Council on American Islamic Relations claimed that the students were the victims of an “abuse of prosecutorial discretion” having been singled out because they were Muslim “in a growing anti-Muslim environment.” The CAIR spokesperson intimated that the suffering of Muslims is so grievous that normal, civil dialogue and discourse is out of the question: “the mode of expression these young men chose is essential to their freedom to express themselves,” – participating in a civil Q&A session is, apparently, out of the question; the only way they can appropriately express themselves is by shutting down their opponents.

As Prof. Chemerinsky, with his constitutional law scholar hat on, has rightly asserted, “There is no right to a heckler’s veto.”
UCI is an educational institution and these students (and many of their supporters) clearly need an education in free speech and the compromises it entails. Listening to and allowing the expression of ideas that one can’t abide is part of the bargain; silencing opponents – no matter how aggrieved one may feel – isn’t. To make our system works, it must be crystal clear that those who don’t play by the rules have to bear the consequences; if there are no consequences to squelching the rights of others, society becomes a cacophonous free-for-all and the loudest, most raucous, voices would be the only ones heard.

The conscious decision to disrupt and harass a guest speaker on a university campus, after repeated warnings, demanded a response from the university and the community that such conduct was simply not acceptable.

UC Irvine and the Orange County District Attorney deserve credit for the extra tutorial on the Constitution and the law that they gave to the Irvine 11.

 

Justice is Done at UC Irvine Read More »

Jury convicts ‘Irvine 11’ of two misdemeanors

Why is “” title=”students who interrupted a speech”>students who interrupted a speech at UC Irvine by Michael Oren, the Israeli ambassador to the United States, have been found guilty of conspiring to disrupt Oren’s speech and then actually doing so. Both crimes are misdemeanors.

Here’s what the ” title=”sentenced to three years”>sentenced to three years probation and 53 hours of community service. The UCI students and the Muslim Student Union, which has been found of ” title=”previously disciplined by the university”>previously disciplined by the university.

Jury convicts ‘Irvine 11’ of two misdemeanors Read More »

The dangerous alternate Middle East reality

This essay was first posted Wed., Sept. 21 on Huffington Post

In the lead-up to the Palestinian application for full membership in the United Nations later this week, we can expect nation after nation to vilify the Jewish state and to walk out when Prime Minister Netanyahu takes the microphone.

Demonization and isolation of Israel are familiar recurring nightmares for Jews, who are long accustomed to being reviled. For being “of their father the Devil,” confined to ghettos and mehlas, mercilessly assaulted and expelled from country after country, and systematically exterminated as subhuman untermenchen. Burgeoning anti-Zionism is the same anti-Semitic nightmare in contemporary garb.

The major U.N. blocks are among its most vocal exponents, confident of the backing of radicals and the anti-Israel media. Its initial salvo came not too long after the attenuation of collective guilt for failing to stop the Holocaust. At that time it took the form of the infamous “Zionism is racism” canard.

Beginning with Durban I, Israel has again been consistently demonized, delegitimized and subjected to economic and intellectual boycott. Israel is an open, functioning parliamentary democracy, guaranteeing freedom of religion and assembly, and protecting the right of minorities. Nevertheless, it has been portrayed as a racist, apartheid society. In the 1970s I was Chief Rabbi of the Provence of Natal and Head of the Department of Hebrew and Jewish Studies at the University of Natal. I was a very visible, vocal and high profile critic of apartheid when opposition to that evil regime was deemed treasonable. I was personally involved in the treason trial of the leadership of the National Union of South Africa Students. I bitterly resent the false and odious comparison.

But the delegitimization of the Jewish state has gone way beyond rhetoric and invective. Its very existence has come under threat. Located in the midst of Muslim states—the Dar al Islam (The Realm of Islam)—Israel is defined as the Dar al Harb (the Realm of the Sword, the not-yet-Muslim).

The Islamic Republic of Iran has threatened it with annihilation, and is developing the means to carry out its genocidal threat. It arms its Hezbollah agents in Lebanon and its Hamas allies in Gaza.

The Hamas leadership refuses to acknowledge and accept the right of Israel to exist. It has hurled many hundreds of rockets on civilian population centers, and has dispatched terror squads and suicide bombers into Israel. In a recent poll of Palestinian opinion—conducted by Stanley Greenberg, leading pollster for the Democratic Party, in conjunction with the Palestinian Center for Public Opinion, and sponsored by the Israel Project, 73 percent agreed with a quote from the Hamas charter on the need to kill all Jews.

Ominously, two of Israel’s most reliable partners for peace have done an about face. To bolster its standing in the Muslim world, the Islamist Turkish government has all but completely severed diplomatic, economic and military relations with the Jewish State. It has threatened to send its warships into Israeli waters to prevent the exploitation of natural gas reserves within those waters, and has thrown its full support behind the rejectionist Hamas leadership.

Equally ominous was the initial inaction of the Egyptian interim government when the Israeli Embassy in Cairo was attacked and occupied, and the subsequent comment of the acting Prime Minister that the Egyptian peace treaty with Israel is neither necessarily sacred nor permanent. This raises the specter of a possible Egyptian front in the event of another war—and of 1948 and 1967 redux.

The Israel-Palestine conflict has claimed many victims. History itself has been its least noticed victim. Jerusalem was the capital of two previous Jewish commonwealths and the site of Judaism’s holiest shrine. It has never been the capital of an Arab state, and yet it has not been recognized as the capital of the State of Israel. No other sovereign nation has been denied the right to name its own capital—not even such rogue states as North Korea and Myanmar.

The fact that the Arabs attacked Israel and were vanquished in 1948, 1967 and 1973, losing land in the process, is irrelevant in the a-historical parallel universe constructed by supporters of the Palestinians and the rejectors of Israel. In contrast, land lost by Jews in those same wars, particularly in East Jerusalem and the surrounding areas, is deemed permanently Palestinian. In the alternate Middle Eastern reality, this incongruence has been validated by international forums, and even by the United States. Tony Blair often speaks for the Quartet charged with propelling negotiations leading to the establishment of the State of Palestine. His favorite mantra is: “Justice for the Palestinians and security for Israel.” What about the injustice of the solutions urged on Israel, and the insecurity inherent in the 1948 Armistice Line?

Israel accepted the United Nations’ two-state solution in 1947, but its rejection by the invading Arab nations has long been conveniently forgotten. A number of Israeli Prime Ministers have reiterated their acceptance of the existence of an independent Palestinian state alongside Israel, but their efforts to achieve a lasting peace with the Palestinians have largely been discounted. Israel’s unilateral withdrawals from Gaza and Northern Samaria, and the wrenching dislocation of its citizens from their homes, have not been validated. The risks it has taken for peace have been costly, bringing rockets to its cities and terror to its citizens. The Oslo Accords, premised upon the establishment of a Palestinian State alongside the State of Israel in peaceful coexistence, were surely an Israeli validation of Palestinian aspirations. All of this has been of little avail, and has all but been erased from the historical record.

The Palestinian National Authority has been an elusive partner for peace. During the extensive settlement freeze, it rejected every reasonable compromise. It refused to recognize the Jewish character of the State of Israel, insisted on inundating Israel with millions of Palestinians, on making Israel’s holiest Jewish shrines judenrein, and on Israel’s acceptance of indefensible borders, no more than eight miles wide at a point closest to the greatest concentration of its citizens. Most recently, it has achieved rapprochement with rejectionist Hamas. It should come as no surprise that the same poll of Palestinian opinion conducted by Stanley Greenberg, revealed that only 34 percent of Palestinians questioned would accept the creation of a Palestinian state alongside Israel as a permanent solution to the conflict. And it is still Israel that is blamed for the breakdown of the peace process!

President Abbas is seeking United Nations recognition of Palestine. He has shamelessly declared that international recognition of the Palestinian State will empower him to take Israel to the International Criminal Court for sixty-three years of occupation. Obviously, his end game is the elimination of the sixty-three year old State of Israel. This too should come as no surprise. After all, his people annually observe Israel’s repulsion of their invading armies as Nakba, the Catastrophe.

This is a grave threat to the Jewish state, but Jews have survived every attempt at obliteration in the past and will surely do so again—whatever may happen in the United Nations.

The dangerous alternate Middle East reality Read More »

Rod Lurie On Dustin Hoffman and His Remake of Sam Peckinpah’s “Straw Dogs”

The last time I spoke with Israeli-born writer-director Rod Lurie—whose remake of Sam Peckinpah’s controversial film, “Straw Dogs,” opened this past week – was before the premiere of “The Contender” (2000), his political thriller about a female U.S. senator (Joan Allen) who is nominated for the vice presidency, only to encounter allegations of sexual scandal.  The movie critic-turned-filmmaker had made his debut feature, “Deterrence,” in 1999, exploring the dilemma of the first Jewish president of the United States thrust into a nuclear crisis.

In making “Straw Dogs,” the 49-year-old Lurie—the son of famed Israeli political cartoonist Ranan Lurie and the first Israeli-born graduate of the U.S. Military Academy, West Point—braced himself for a more personal kind of attack.  “One of the first things that Clint Culpepper, president of Screen Gems, said to me after giving me the green light to write and direct the remake of Sam Peckinpah’s “Straw Dogs” [1971]…was ‘You know, there’s going to be a big bull’s-eye on your back.’  Boy was he right,” Lurie told The Hollywood Reporter.  “From the minute we announced our plans, the bloggers made it clear that I was ‘no Sam Peckinpah,’ that I was a virtual heretic, a blight on all that is cinema.”

The original film, adapted from Gordon Williams’ novel, “The Siege of Trencher’s Farm,” stars the iconic Jewish actor Dustin Hoffman as David Sumner, a New York intellectual and mathematics professor who travels with his sexy new wife, Amy, (Susan George) to her hometown in rural England.  There, tensions escalate between the pacifist David and Amy’s ex, Charlie, who hangs with a thuggish posse.  The end result is that David is willing to kill to defend what he perceives as his property (including his wife), and discovers the savage within.

Lurie’s version stars James Marsden as a Hollywood screenwriter with a hot new actress wife (Kate Bosworth), who finds his humanity, rather than his inner caveman, when attacked by Charlie (Alexander Skarsgård of “True Blood”) and friends. 

I caught up with Lurie last week to discuss why he was drawn to this signature film by Peckinpah, who in the 1970s proved himself a master of bloody, brutal cinema.  We also discussed how Lurie’s Jewish worldview affected the outcome of his remake and why he cast Marsden to portray David, rather than an actor reminiscent of Hoffman, one of the most identifiably Jewish movie stars ever.

Here are excerpts from our conversation: 

NPM:  When did you first see Peckinpah’s “Straw Dogs?”

RL:  When I was at West Point, I was in charge of the film society, meaning that every Friday I would bring in a film and show it to the cadets in the auditorium.  It was always supposed to be a classic film, but sometimes I would bring in a film that I had never seen before. When I brought in “Straw Dogs,” I didn’t even know what its content was; I just knew that it was a controversial film from an esteemed director.  I will never forget the horrified look on the generals’ and colonels’ faces in that middle sequence [the scene in which Amy is raped].  They allowed the film to play out and the cadets were really into it.  But there was a certain sensibility at the academy—at least when I was there—that we were officers and gentlemen and this wasn’t a movie at the time that a gentleman watched.  And so I got a very big ass-chewing and was relieved of my duties as curator of the film society for a few weeks.  Now that I look back on it, maybe making this film is somehow connected to that – the sense that I got in a lot of trouble and I’m going to get my revenge. [He laughs.]  I’m joking as I say that, obviously.

NPM: Hoffman’s character, David Sumner, is not specifically Jewish in Peckinpah’s film.  Even so, do you think Hoffman’s own Jewishness added any kind of subtext to the story?

RL: There were five actors ahead of Hoffman who were offered the role of David:  They were Beau Bridges, Stacy Keach, Donald Sutherland, Elliott Gould and Sidney Poitier.  And the film would have been much, much different with each one of those actors. 

The layering of Hoffman’s performance, and what makes his character such an unusual protagonist —perhaps unique in film history—comes from the fact that it was Dustin Hoffman himself.  There is something about Hoffman that does smack certainly of an intellectual; somebody you cannot in any way imagine being physical.  And there is, attributed to many Jews, a certain intellect-over-brawn mentality; there is not a sense of internal violence. 

And so in his effort to demonstrate that all men are genetically coded to violence, Peckinpah ended up with an actor who, perhaps among all the other major actors of his time, one would least expect to become violent.  In the trailer for the original “Straw Dogs,” there is a moment where they say, “Sam Peckinpah unleashes– dun dun dun [imitates scary, dramatic music] – Dustin Hoffman!” Now that seems semi-comical, because Hoffman is the last person in the world you’d expect to have any violence within him.

NPM:  Back in the 1970s, Were you conscious that Hoffman, as well as actors such as Elliott Gould, had become stars despite the fact that they were Jewish and not the so-called all-American ideal?

RL:  Absolutely.  But since I was growing up with those actors and those films, it never struck me as particularly out of sync with the way that movie stars were at the time.  I thought that being a movie star meant you were Dustin Hoffman or Elliott Gould.  Or if you’re talking about non-Jews, Al Pacino.  There were also the gorgeous actors like Robert Redford and Paul Newman, of course.  But certainly back then when character was king, the best character actors became the most successful actors.  Gene Hackman is another example.

NPM:  You weren’t particularly gung-ho about “Straw Dogs” when your producing partner, Marc Frydman, brought it to you years ago.

RL:  We were obtaining the rights because we thought it was a good, commercial piece of property.  And then I ran into Dustin Hoffman at a cocktail party at Mike Medavoy’s house and we got to talking about the story; he regarded the original film as simply a Western, like “High Noon,” in which the lone hero, who is not accustomed to having to fight, suddenly has to take everyone on. 

Dustin told me that Sam had his own ideas about humanity, and if I had my own ideas, why didn’t I put my own spin on the story?  That really is what convinced me to make the movie.  I immediately went to my partner, Marc, and said, “Dustin says we should do the film.”  Then we went out and started trying to see which studio would make it.

NPM:  How would you describe the difference between Peckinpah’s “spin” and your own?

RL:  I don’t know too much about Peckinpah’s politics, but I do know that he was semi-obsessed with the writings of Robert Ardrey, who wrote “African Genesis” and “The Territorial Imperative.”  Peckinpah called Ardrey a prophet; but the truth is, Ardrey had semi-fascist ideas, in particular that we are genetically coded to violence.  And Peckinpah’s “Straw Dogs” certainly was played that way.

I don’t share that view at all; I believe that we’re conditioned to violence, rather than the fact that we are innately violent.  That’s the reason some countries have never been to war, while others always seem to be at war.

NPM:  What part does your Israeli background play in your worldview, as expressed in the film?

RL:  I think that Israel does what it feels it needs to do to survive as a nation.  I go back to that quotation, which I can only paraphrase, from “Munich” [Steven Spielberg’s film about the mission to assassinate terrorists responsible for murdering Israeli athletes at the Munich Olympics]:  Sometimes we have to compromise our own beliefs in order to survive. 

There is a macho-ness in Israel, that’s for sure, but I don’t think it’s a nation of people who have blood lust in their hearts.  Although I am, in principle, in disagreement with almost everything that Ariel Sharon has had to say, I do believe he was right when he said, “If the Jews lay down their arms, there would be no Israel, whereas if the Arab nations did, there would be no war.”  That goes back to what I am saying about a conditioning to violence.  I don’t think Israelis are necessarily taught to hate their Arab neighbors, but they are taught to beware and to be cynical – and to be ready to survive.

NPM:  You’ve said you didn’t try to cast a New York Jewish intellectual type to play David; instead you went for a “sort of Greenwich, CT, country club sort of intellectual.”

RL:  I didn’t want somebody who was evocative of Dustin Hoffman.  I thought that if I did cast an actor who was too similar– and I don’t want to mention any names – it would have been an impossible weight for that actor to carry.  People would say, “That person is no Dustin Hoffman, just like the director is no Sam Peckinpah.”

I’ll tell you a funny story:  I was at an Oscar party a year ago and Dustin Hoffman was there, and I wanted to introduce him to James Marsden.  But James didn’t want to meet him; he said, ‘[Dustin] is going to be angry with me.”  And I said, “Jimmy, you’re the only guy on earth who’s scared of an ass-whooping from Dustin Hoffman.” 

NPM:  In your film, David is a Hollywood screenwriter working on a project about the Battle of Stalingrad in World War II – in which the Russians ousted the Nazis despite the fact that the Wehrmacht controlled more than 90 percent of the city at times.  How did you intend this bloody battle to parallel David’s journey?

RL:  Stalingrad is the ultimate example of the underdog using all of its resilience to beat back a ferocious enemy.  It was the most important battle not just of World War II, but it may well be the most important battle of the 20th century.  It was an example of people fighting because they had to; it wasn’t just the Red Army that won that battle, it was the citizens—women fighting with broomsticks, kids throwing bricks and using whatever they had in their arsenal to survive.  Perhaps this comes off a little too neatly in the film, but the bottom line is that these citizens were not fighting and killing Nazis because there was a blood lust inside of them.  I was keen on using Stalingrad to exemplify how people can behave violently, but that doesn’t mean they are innately violent.

Of course, you have to be very careful whenever you make reference to the Nazis, because their heinousness was so extreme that you diminish it by comparing it to almost anything.  I wasn’t so much comparing our villains to the Nazis as comparing our hero to the citizens of Stalingrad – in the sense that he was fighting a much stronger foe, and using whatever resources he had at his disposal. 

NPM:  The playwright Harold Pinter – who also happens to be Jewish – was incredibly disturbed by Peckinpah’s film; you have a copy of the letter he sent Peckinpah about the project.

RL:  The letter has been in the Peckinpah archives for a long time.  Basically what happened is that Peckinpah had wanted Pinter to write the screenplay for “Straw Dogs,” but Pinter had turned it down.  I think that a), the subject wasn’t his cup of tea, and b), it was perhaps too repetitive of a play he had written called “The Homecoming.”  So Sam wrote his own version of the screenplay and sent it to Pinter, who wrote back – I remember one of the lines reading that he “detested it above all detestation.” Like me, Pinter did not think that men are biologically coded to savagery.  That letter was one of the reasons I decided to make the film. 

NPM:  The film critic Pauline Kael called Peckinpah’s film the first great American fascist work of art.

RM:  I think the word, “fascist” is extremely hyperbolic, but I understand her point of view. 

NPM:  Is there anything else in your worldview, as expressed in “Straw Dogs,” that comes from your Jewish background?

RL:  I think that Jews tend to have a very realistic view of human nature, and a very humanist one. 

“Straw Dogs” is now in theaters.

 

 

Rod Lurie On Dustin Hoffman and His Remake of Sam Peckinpah’s “Straw Dogs” Read More »

‘Irvine 11’ students found guilty [UPDATE: SENTENCING]

[UPDATED: 3:00 p.m.]  This story has been updated to add the recent sentencing of the convicted students.

After two days of deliberation, the jury in the “Irvine 11” case returned a verdict. An Orange County jury on Friday found 10 Muslim students guilty of two misdemeanors, conspiring to and then disrupting a speech given on Feb. 8, 2010, by Israeli Ambassador Michael Oren at the University of California, Irvine.

As the verdict was read Friday morning, several women broke down in tears and others walked out of Superior Court Judge Peter J. Wilson’s courtroom. As the gallery showed a great deal of emotion, the students remained calm and had no reaction.

Two hours later, Wilson sentenced each of the 10 defendants to three years of informal probation and 53 hours of community service.

Popularly known as “Irvine 11” — charges against an 11th co-defendant were tentatively dropped — the case has stirred a heated and sensitive debate on free-speech rights. On one side, Orange County Assistant District Attorney Dan Wagner argued that Oren was “shut down.” On the other, six defense attorneys argued that the students acted within the law and were exercising their right to free speech.

Reem Salahi, one of the defense attorneys, representing two of the students, said, “This is merely an admonition to be polite. But in America, we don’t prosecute people for being impolite.”

Orange County Jewish Federation & Family Services President and CEO Shalom C. Elcott said, “The verdict reaffirms that the Muslim Student Union’s planned and systematic use of disruptions to trample on the free speech of others crossed the moral, social and intellectual line of civility and tolerance. While we accept the right and requirement of a public institution to provide an unfettered forum for diverse points of view, we do not, nor will we ever, support ‘hate speech.’ ”

Shalom said he will continue to advocate for “constructive dialogue in place of the hateful rhetoric that’s been used under the guise of free speech. It is counterproductive to any and all efforts to ensure the free exchange of ideas.”

Shakeel Syed, executive director of the Islamic Shura Council, disagrees with Shalom, calling the “Irvine 11” guilty verdict the “death of democracy in our country.”

Ameena Qazi of the Council on American-Islamic Relations said, “When history books are written and this case comes to its final conclusion … the ‘Irvine 11’ will stand alongside other civil rights heroes.

“We were remaining optimistic and hopeful that justice would prevail … I hope that this case goes forward and that free speech prevails at the end of the day. At this point, we’re all losing — we’re all losing our rights.”

‘Irvine 11’ students found guilty [UPDATE: SENTENCING] Read More »

In U.N. speeches, Abbas, Netanyahu trade charges of ‘ethnic cleansing’

Mahmoud Abbas outlined a vision for an independent Palestine that hewed to the two-state formula but also revived rhetoric that hearkened back to an era of Palestinian belligerence.

Shortly after concluding his speech to the U.N. General Assembly on Friday, the Palestinian Authority president was followed by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who laid out a very different vision of the two-state solution that underscored the depth of the gulf between the two leaders.

While Netanyahu spoke of the need for Israel to maintain a “long-term Israeli military presence in the West Bank,” Abbas argued that the Palestinians had already made their compromises.

“We agree to establish the state of Palestine on only 22 percent of historical Palestine on all of the territories of Palestine occupied by Israel in 1967,” Abbas said. He added, “Our efforts are not aimed at isolating Israel or delegitimizing it, we only aim to delegitimize the settlement activity.”

Abbas’ emphatic endorsement of two states, and his repeated calls for peaceful support from Palestinians who were watching him were signals that he was still committed to the two-state solution. “I do not believe anyone of conscience can reject our application for full membership in the United Nations and our admission as a member state,” he said.

But Abbas also had harsh rhetoric for the Israelis, accusing Israel of “ethnic cleansing,” targeting Palestinians for assassination, strengthening its “racist annexation wall” and carrying out excavations that, he alleged, threaten Islamic holy places.

Abbas repeatedly invoked 63 years of “Nakba,” or catastrophe, and repeated his commitment to unity with Hamas, a terrorist group committed to Israel’s destruction. He made reference to Muslim and Christian ties to the holy land—the site of Jesus’ birth and where Muslims believed Muhammed ascended to the heavens—but omitted any reference to Jewish claims.

For his part, Netanyahu accused the Palestinians of racism and ethnic cleansing in their call for a state with no Jewish settlers—“Judenrein,” in Netanyahu’s words, using the Nazi-era term.

“That’s ethnic cleansing,” he said.

He accused the Palestinians of wanting statehood but not peace. “The truth is, so far the Palestinians have refused to negotiate,” he said. “The truth is the Palestinians want a state without peace.”

While Abbas called for a timeline for peace negotiations culminating in an agreement—but did not set one out himself. That, and his commitment to prior agreements with Israel, seemed to be aimed at assuaging Israeli and U.S. concerns that he would follow up the application with unilateral actions. Israel and the United States have emphatically opposed the Palestinians’ statehood recognition bid at the U.N.

But if Abbas’ bottom line was aimed at pushing back against charges that he was acting unilaterally, his rhetoric was bound to raise hackles—and seemingly did, given the walkouts by at least two members of the Israeli delegations, Cabinet ministers Avigdor Lieberman and Yuli Edelstein, and the refusal to applaud by Susan Rice, the U.S. envoy.

After the speech, Rice Tweeted: “When the speeches end today, we must all recognize that the only way to create a state is through direct negotiations. No shortcuts.”

Abbas also invoked, to vigorous applause, his predecessor Yasser Arafat’s 1974 appearance before the same body. He cited Arafat’s raising of an olive branch on that occasion, saying it was still held out—but did not mention the gun Arafat wore, against U.N. regulations and at his insistence. That pistol disgusted the United States and Israel at the time, and for years helped define Arafat in the West not as a man of peace, but as a bloody-minded posturer.

Netanyahu called on Mahmoud Abbas to launch talks immediately in New York and said he was ready to “move ahead” with U.S.-backed parameters.

“I extend my hand, the hand of Israel in peace—I hope you will grasp that,” Netanyahu said. “If we genuinely want peace, let us meet in this building.”

Abbas had reiterated in his speech his precondition that Israel freeze all settlement building.

It was the first time Netanyahu publicly suggested that he was ready to negotiate on the basis of parameters President Obama laid out in a speech in May; at the time, Netanyahu had objected vigorously to Obama’s call for negotiations based in 1967 lines, with mutually agreed land swaps.

“There were things in the ideas” Obama proposed “about borders that I didn’t like, there were things about the Jewish state that I’m sure the Palestinians didn’t like,” Netanyahu said. “For all my reservations, I was willing to move ahead.”

Netanyahu reportedly has in recent weeks privately told American interlocutors he is willing to work with Obama’s parameters.

In U.N. speeches, Abbas, Netanyahu trade charges of ‘ethnic cleansing’ Read More »

Abbas U.N. speech seen as inflammatory in Israel

Israelis reacted coolly on Friday to Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas’s quest for statehood recognition, and some said his impassioned speech at the United Nations had only succeeded in harming the chances of peace.

Telling the U.N. General Assembly he wanted peaceful relations with Israel, Abbas painted a bleak picture of life for ordinary Palestinians under occupation.

Israeli analysts said his words would not create an environment of trust conducive to fruitful negotiations.

“He blamed Israel for all the Palestinian problems and it showed that bilateral talks now cannot be resumed,” said Uzi Rabi, a professor at Tel Aviv University and a Middle East analyst.

Abbas has said he has beaten a unilateral path to the United Nations following two decades of failed peace talks brokered by Washington, which is increasingly seen by Palestinians as overwhelmingly pro-Israeli.

The United States has made clear it will veto any Palestinian statehood resolution in the Security Council and Israeli analysts have said that independence can come only through difficult direct negotiations, not U.N. manoeuvres.

“This was a PR exercise which was all very nice. (Abbas) will get a few days of applause, but eventually, he will have to negotiate with us,” said Alan Baker, an Israeli former peace negotiator and ex-ambassador.

“This speech changes nothing … but it directed a lot of hostility at Israel and won’t add to the confidence of the average Israeli in the possibility of making an accord.”

SETTLERS DEFIANT

Abbas told the United Nations he had no intention of denying Israel’s right to exist, but said he did want to delegitimise the settler movement, with Jewish settlements rapidly eating up land the Palestinians claim as theirs.

The Jewish Sabbath had already started in Israel when he stood up to speak, so settler leaders were not available for comment. But in the build-up to the speech, Jews living on land seized by Israel in the 1967 war said they were there to stay.

“We don’t care what they’re up to at the U.N. We have the bible, which says the land of Israel belongs to the Jewish people,” said activist Meir Bartler, 25, from an unauthorised outpost between the Palestinian cities of Ramallah and Nablus.

Some 500,000 Israelis live in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem, which Palestinians want as their future capital. Most world powers deem the settlements illegal, but take the view that some of the big blocs are bound to stay part of Israel in any eventual peace deal.

“The real battlefield is not at the U.N.,” said Avraham Binyamin, a spokesman for Yitzhar settlement near Nablus.

“It’s here on the ground and one hopes the government and security forces will understand, just as the Arabs and settlers have, that any talk of compromise is destined to fail.”

Residents of Israel have grown increasingly disillusioned and even uninterested in the so-called peace process over the years, pointing to the emergence of the Islamist group Hamas as proof of the difficulties of securing an enduring peace deal.

Hamas denies Israel’s right to exist and has taken control of the Gaza Strip, which Israel pulled out of in 2005. It is at loggerheads with Abbas, who holds sway in the West Bank.

“If Abbas wants to resume talks with Israel it cannot be done by including Hamas,” said Ram Haviv, 86, a retired civil servant who lives in Jerusalem.

“There is an internal conflict here that he has to confront,” he added after listening to Abbas’s speech.

Additional reporting by Maayan Lubell, Writing by Crispian Balmer, Editing by Tim Pearce

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Netanyahu to U.N.: Palestinians want state without peace [VIDEO]

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu accused the Palestinians of wanting statehood without peace.

“The truth is so far the Palestinians have refused to negotiate,” he said. “The truth is the Palestinians want a state without peace.”

He said he and Israel genuinely want peace but that peace must be “anchored in security.”

Netanyahu quoted the late Lubavitcher rebbe, Menachem Mendel Schneerson, calling the U.N. a “house of lies”—though he prefaced it by saying he hoped those assembled wouldn’t be offended.

He warned of the dangers of militant Islam, invoking the 9/11 attacks and admonishing those U.N. delegates who failed to walk out of the General Assembly when Iranian President Mahmoud Ahamdinejad on Thursday suggested that 9/11 wasn’t actually a terrorist attack.

Netanyahu recalled Israel’s experience ceding territory to the Palestinians in Gaza and to the Lebanese in 2000.

“When Israel left Lebanon and Gaza, the moderates didn’t defeat the radicals, the moderates were devoured by the radicals,” he said.

“We left Gaza hoping for peace,” he said. But Israel didn’t get peace. We got war.”

He cited the flow of weapons into Gaza and Hamas’ use of the strip as a base for rocket and terrorist attacks against Israel. “Given all this, Israelis rightly ask: What’s to prevent this all from happening again in the West Bank?”

Video courtesy of Fox News

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