fbpx

September 21, 2011

New machzor delves into heart of Rosh Hashanah

Rabbi Lord Jonathan Sacks, chief rabbi of the United Kingdom, has published enough books to earn his many titles — around 20 tomes, ranging from scholarly commentaries to analysis of contemporary culture. Widely viewed as one of the top Jewish leaders in the world, Sacks published the “Koren Sacks Siddur” in 2009, so named for the author and his famously authoritative publisher. That prayer book offered a new translation and commentary and has been making its way into wide use in Modern Orthodox synagogues.

Last month, Koren released the much-anticipated “Koren Sacks Rosh HaShana Mahzor” ($34.95), integrating Koren’s elegant format and linear translation with Sacks’ scholarly insights into the High Holy Days. In the 1,120-page volume, Sacks offers an accessible, accurate and poetic translation and wide-ranging commentary to explain and augment the prayers and significance of the day. Sacks spoke to The Journal from his office in London.

Julie Gruenbaum Fax: You acknowledge in your introduction that the High Holy Days prayers are lengthy and sometimes obscure, with difficult-to-understand poetry and acrostics. How does your machzor make the service more accessible? 

Rabbi Jonathan Sacks: We put a lot of work into the translation to, hopefully, bring out the power of the poetry and of the prose. And I constructed the commentary around the parts where there is time to reflect. …

In my rather long introduction, I tried to tell the story of Rosh Hashanah, which almost nobody knows. I didn’t know the story until I started researching, because Rosh Hashanah doesn’t appear as Rosh Hashanah as we know it in the whole of Tanach [Bible]. So how did it evolve? I wanted to make it in some sense interesting and in some sense moving, to stop you and make you say, ‘Wow, I didn’t think about that before.’ Rosh Hashanah is one of those moments when you really think, ‘Who am I? What am I doing with my time? What have I added to the story of our people? What will I be remembered for?’

I think it’s an incredibly energizing thing to be able to review your life once a year. It just keeps you on track somehow. You know, if I ruled the world, I would make every country celebrate a Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur. I think they call it mission drift in military terms, when you get blown off track by events. So it’s just important to get back to first principles and say, ‘Why am I here and what does life ask of me?’

JGF: In looking at your V’Chol Maaminim (And All Believe) prayer, for the first time I realized that I’ve been singing the prayer incorrectly, parsing the couplets in the wrong way — a common practice, you point out on that page. In several instances in the stage directions and the commentary, you note subtle, almost academic nuances, yet these are differences that can really impact the way people pray.

JS: You know, you go around an ancient building and it looks old, and it looks spectacular, but if you know the history of the building, and know why this bit is in this style, and this bit is in that style, and what is the difference between Gothic and Baroque and Palladian columns, you see the building differently. It is that kind of architectural detail that I wanted people to have. I had the privilege once of being invited by Prince Philip to deliver a lecture at Windsor Castle, and I began by saying that Jews don’t have castles, but we have a story, and that is our castle. It isn’t built out of brick, but it is built out of words, and it’s four times as old as Windsor Castle. And that is where we live — that is our spiritual home. And I wanted to point out in the machzor this incredible structure of words, put together over many centuries.

But I also wanted to write in the commentary the questions that we are being asked. It’s not the questions we ask about Judaism, it is the questions that Judaism asks of us that are also important.

JGF: What are some of those questions?

JS: It all comes to a climax in ‘Unetaneh Tokef’ (Let Us Voice the Power). Here we are, ‘like fading grass, like shattered pottery, like a cloud that floats away.’ We’re here for so short a time. How can we make a difference? How can we connect with something that will live on after us? How can we experience eternity in the here and now? And these are questions that our very consumerist, individualist, secularist culture just doesn’t ask. So the mere fact that we’re sitting there through this extended choral symphony of Rosh Hashanah tefilah [prayer] just lifts us out of our everyday lives and really confronts us with the challenge of greatness.

Jews are a people of words — we just keep talking. And in the heart of it all comes this wordless cry of the shofar. Rabbi Akiva said the shofar is the cry of us to God, it’s the binding of Isaac, it’s the Jewish people saying to God, ‘Look at all the tears we shed in Your name.’ And Maimonides says it’s the opposite — it’s the cry of God to us, saying, ‘Wake up, get real.’ This whole thing of the wordless cry at the heart of this religion of words is tremendously dramatic. And I’ve tried in my commentary to bring that out a little bit. I hope you’ll read it and learn a little bit more about what it is to be Jewish and standing face to face with God at the very moment that he is acting as both sovereign of the universe and judge of our lives.

JGF: Your rabbinate has been focused on those two aspects — the universal, the place of Jews in the larger world on the one hand, and the particular, Jewish responsibility on the other. Tell me how you see these themes playing out in the machzor.

JS: The thing about Rosh Hashanah is it ties in this huge cosmology of God bringing the world into being, with this very intimate, personal thing God is asking us. We’re all passing before him, like sheep before a shepherd, and he is looking at us one by one — it’s eyeball to eyeball with infinity. So, on the one hand the cosmic, and on the other the very individual. And it is that contrast that makes Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur very different from Pesach, Shavuot and Sukkot, which are all to do with being a part of a particular nation and its history. Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur are sort of beyond history.

JGF: I found on a single page in your commentary references to Shakespeare, Rabbi Bunam of Pzhysha and S.Y. Agnon — people from all different parts of Jewish and non-Jewish life. What sort of research did you do, and how did you pull this all together? 

JS: I believe in the particular and the universal. I’ve been a rabbi, and I’ve taught rabbis, and headed a rabbinical seminary, and on the other hand, I was educated in secular philosophy at Oxford and Cambridge and I’ve taught at universities around the world. Judaism is about vast horizons. Torah on the one hand, chochmah, the wisdom of the world, on the other. Why not integrate them? Why not bring them together on the page? I sometimes think we’ve become quite narrow in the way we represent Judaism. The psalmist says, ‘Min hametzar karati ya, anani bamerchavyah,’ ‘I cry to God from my confinement, and God answers me with wide open spaces.’ I tried to give this some intellectual breadth that says, ‘We are Jews, and that is our way of being citizens of the world.’ It’s going a bit against the grain of where Orthodoxy is at the moment. But that is fine. I enjoy going against the grain.

JGF: Did you get feedback about the experience people were having using the daily siddur that influenced what you put into the machzor?

JS: The feedback on the siddur was so positive that it really gave me the motivation to do the machzorim. Almost the first thing people said about the siddur is, ‘This really helped me daven.’ And the second thing was, ‘When are you going to do the machzorim?’ So I did the Rosh Hashanah machzor, and I’m working on the Yom Kippur machzor at the moment. I certainly felt that the reaction to the siddur exceeded my expectations. There is something about the Jewish soul that wants to speak to God, but we’ve found ourselves a bit tongue-tied. l

New machzor delves into heart of Rosh Hashanah Read More »

Natan Sharansky speaks out on Palestinian statehood bid during L.A. visit

No one knows exactly how things will play out as Palestinian leaders make a bid for statehood at the United Nations, but Natan Sharansky, chairman of the Jewish Agency for Israel, believes the impact will be more rhetorical than practical and that it represents no threat to Israel.

“I think it’s unfortunate. I don’t think it’s as tragic as some people try and present it,” the former Soviet dissident and prisoner said on Sept. 13. “The only real consequence, then, is it will be much more difficult for both sides to come to direct negotiations.”

Sharansky’s comments came during a brief visit with reporters at the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library and Museum in Simi Valley prior to a lecture he gave on faith and America’s 40th president. The event was co-sponsored by the Ronald Reagan Presidential Foundation Centennial Celebration and Pepperdine University’s School of Public Policy.

Sharansky believes peace will not come unilaterally and that it must be the result of a grass-roots effort.

“I believe that peace cannot be … imposed,” he said. “Nobody can be forced. Peace can be brought from the bottom up.”
Part of that, he said, must be democracy, including a Palestinian society that is built with a free economy, education, open political discussion and security forces that fight terrorism.

Sharansky, the author of several books, including “The Case for Democracy: The Power of Freedom to Overcome Tyranny & Terror,” believes this can be achieved.

“I believe that democracy can come to the Arab world,” he said. “There are enough Palestinians who are interested to do it.”

Then Sharansky pointed to the Israeli model and how it didn’t happen overnight.

“Israel was created because, for 30 years, Jewish leaders of the community living in Palestine were building their democratic state. They were building the institutions of the state,” he said.

“We must have patience,” he concluded.

That’s something Sharansky knows something about. A human rights activist who was born in the Ukraine, Sharansky was accused in 1977 of collaborating with the CIA and sentenced to 13 years in prison.

In 1986, he became the first political prisoner ever released by Mikhail Gorbachev, thanks to intense political pressure from Reagan. (Sharansky is featured at the president’s Simi Valley museum as part of its “Voices of Freedom” display.)

He has credited Reagan’s faith and moral clarity for helping Russian immigrants flee to Israel, where Sharansky founded the political party Yisrael B’Aliya and served as deputy prime minister, among other positions. He received the Congressional Gold Medal in 1986 and the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2006.

Natan Sharansky speaks out on Palestinian statehood bid during L.A. visit Read More »

Knesset member criticizes Netanyahu

A Knesset member visiting Los Angeles this week accused Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of buckling under intense pressure from President Barack Obama, who wants to prevent any Israeli retaliation against the Palestinian Authority (PA) in its bid to win recognition as a state from the United Nations.

Aryeh Eldad, a member of the self-described “right-wing” Hatikvah faction of the National Union party, charged that Obama was holding Netanyahu “at gunpoint” — the gun being the U.S. threat to go back on its promise to veto the Palestinian statehood bid in the U.N. Security Council.

Specifically, Eldad claimed that Obama has demanded that Netanyahu and Israel’s supporters in the United States pressure Congress to abort two pending resolutions to penalize the PA if it pursues its bid.

One would shut off U.S. aid funds to the Palestinians and a second would support Israel’s right to annex the West Bank. The legal justification for such actions, cited by many Israeli officials, would be that the unilateral statehood request would be a direct violation of the 1993 Oslo accords.

Eldad said he was certain of the accuracy of his information, but declined to name his sources.

The PA bid is scheduled to be presented to the United Nations on Sept. 23, and Obama and Netanyahu are to meet the same day.

“Netanyahu is the first Israeli prime minister who hasn’t threatened sanctions if the PA seeks unilateral statehood,” Eldad said during a phone interview on Sept. 19.

Asked what he would do if he were prime minister, Eldad replied, “I would immediately annex Judea and Samaria (West Bank). There will be some riots, as in the two intifadas, but this will happen in any case, because the expectations of the Palestinians can never be met. They think the sun will rise in the West the day after independence.”

Eldad’s National Union Party has four Knesset seats and is in the opposition, but he asserts that a total of 42 members, many belonging to the government coalition, share his viewpoint.

As to his stand on an eventual negotiated two-state solution, Eldad, a prominent physician before he turned to politics, said he was enthusiastically in favor — as long as the Palestinian state was Jordan.

He predicted that when the Arab spring uprisings reached Jordan, Palestinians, who make up the majority of the population, would take over and turn the country into their own state.

If this happens, Eldad said, he would oppose a forcible transfer of Palestinians from the West Bank to Jordan.

Eldad is nearing the end of his 15-day stay in the United States, during which he lobbied Congress members in Washington, D.C., met with Jewish organizations in New York, and on Sept. 18 addressed some 2,000 Evangelical Christians at the Calvary Chapel in Costa Mesa.

Based on his various meetings, he described the American Jewish community as largely confused, with even strong lobbies such as AIPAC sidelined, “as long as Netanyahu is not strong enough to lead.”

Will there ever be peace? “Maybe in four generations,” Eldad responded, Israel and its neighbors will find equilibrium, “like Europe after its religious wars.”

Knesset member criticizes Netanyahu Read More »

Good year, good food

Theodor Herzl understood the truth about food. When the founder of Zionism imagined the Jewish People reborn in a land of their own, he wrote of Jews tending their own orange orchards, vineyards and olive groves. In his novel “Altneuland” (“The Old New Land”), the fantasy that gave birth to the reality of Israel, visitors to this fantastical homeland saw Jews remade as a different sort of human being altogether. In the cities, they engaged in high culture and the merchant trades, but they also did something revolutionary, something that would remake them from the inside out: They farmed.

Is it any coincidence that the orange became the symbol for pre-state Palestine — the product of Jewish hands?  (OK, let’s put aside all the sticky questions that arise from the fact that the Jaffa orange was developed by an Arab.) Is it any wonder that the sabra, the native, local cactus pear, became the symbol of the independent Israeli, whose identity was inextricably entwined with the food that sprang from the soil?

Herzl was no foodie. But he understood that fundamental changes in society begin with fundamental changes in what we eat and how we produce it. To change our very nature, Herzl was saying, change the way we grow our food. We don’t make food; it makes us.

I thought about Herzl, oranges and cactus pears as I dragged my daughter around the Good Food Festival & Conference in Santa Monica last weekend.

The three-day festival used the 30th anniversary of the Santa Monica Farmers Market as a starting point for seminars, workshops, lectures and displays of how growing local, sustainable food can bring about a healthier, happier and more just society.

It sounds dreamy and grandiose (by the way, so did Herzl), but think of the Santa Monica Farmers Market itself. Founded in 1981 by the city’s one-term mayor, Ruth Yanatta-Goldway, it transformed the city. The market brings 10,000 shoppers each Wednesday into the downtown core, according to Laura Avery, the market’s manager. Some 85 percent of all Santa Monicans have shopped there. Chefs across Los Angeles have changed what they serve, and people have changed what they eat, because of what Chef Mark Peel called “the immediate connection between people who love food, cook food and grow food.” Change the food, change the society.

A major focus of Good Food was how to bring these benefits of local, healthy food to all neighborhoods, especially poorer ones. Jim Slama, the founder of a group called FamilyFarmed, which co-sponsored the conference, told me that one key is to expand the market for food grown locally. One encouraging sign: In his home base of Chicago, the school board recently agreed to purchase $3 million of food locally.

“We have to create hubs for production, marketing and distribution,” he said.

While many forces in agribusiness are arrayed against this effort, some big players, notably Whole Foods and the “fast gourmet” chain Chipotle, have embraced it.

That’s key, as are efforts to extend the benefits of local food production to the people who can’t afford to shop at Whole Foods. In the Midwest, Will Allen, a former pro basketball player and a 2008 MacArthur Fellow, has created an archipelago of inner-city farms.

“The only way to end world hunger is to develop local food systems,” he said.

In Los Angeles, there are urban farms like Miguel Luna’s Urban Semillas and Rickey Smith’s Urban Green.

The idea, said Andy Lipkis, founder of TreePeople, is to create “citizen farmers” who can replace a food system that has gone horribly awry. “We don’t want to just recycle the back-to-the-land movement,” Lipkis said. “We’re trying to get more and more people involved.”

Yes, it’s all something of a dream. The crowds at the conference were largely the already converted — some idealistic young people and about 100 scholarship students brought in, but a lot of middle-agers like me walking around in jeans and untucked shirts, tasting the latest chia seed bars (Locally made! Stuffed with omega-3!) and fawning over the chefs at a luxe reception at the Annenberg Beach House, who turned the market produce into a beachside feast (Melon Soup With Thai Basil! Goat Cheese Rinds With Tomato Salsa and Goat Cheese Fondue!). But, hey, somebody has to be at the vanguard.

On the last day, a Sunday, I brought my daughter to the last workshop, a demonstration on home goat-cheese making. I told her I was toying with a New Year’s resolution: more urban farming.

We have raised chickens on and off for 18 years. Now we have six. I’ve ripped out our front lawn and planted enough artichokes to sell at the farmers market. Two pygmy goats provide us all the fertilizer we need. But fresh chevre?

I took copious notes as Stephen Rudicel, who runs Mariposa Creamery in the heart of Altadena, spoke of Nubian goats and bacterial cultures and cheese molds. My daughter groaned.

But at the end of the day, isn’t that how change comes — through each of us shifting our own relationship to what we eat, and how and where we get it? We don’t make food, it makes us.

If you want a good year ahead, eat good food. And start now.

Good year, good food Read More »

Fighting to beat addiction

Beit T’Shuvah, the Jewish addiction treatment center and synagogue, held its second annual “Knock Out Addiction” fundraiser on Sept. 15, drawing a crowd of more than 400 to the Petersen Automotive Museum for a gala that included six boxing matches.  Last year, Beit T’Shuvah’s rabbi, Rabbi Mark Borovitz, faced off with comedian Tom Arnold, but this year, professional boxers and a “secret celebrity guest” took to the ring. 

Robert Shapiro, founder of the Brent Shapiro Foundation for Alcohol and Drug Awareness, emceed the evening. Michael King received the Knock Out Award, and Zach Wohlman, a recovering addict and former Beit T’Shuvah resident who is now a boxer, was given the Recovery Award.  A live auction of mainly sports memorabilia preceded the boxing.

Ryan O’Neal, an Academy Award and Golden Globe nominee, served as the secret celebrity guest and won his fight against Jimmy Lange.

The event raised $200,000, double the amount of last year.

Fighting to beat addiction Read More »

Joseph Heller’s daughter gets the final word

As a rule, a novel speaks for itself and its author, but when it comes to Joseph Heller, we are privileged to have an especially intimate source of information about his life and work. In “Yossarian Slept Here: When Joseph Heller Was Dad, the Apthorp Was Home, and Life Was a Catch-22” by Erica Heller (Simon & Schuster: $25), we find out exactly what it was like to grow up as the daughter of one of America’s greatest writers.

At the very outset of her memoir, for example, Erica Heller tells us about the calls that her father made to her during the final illness of her mother and his ex-wife, Shirley. “He wasn’t the caustic, clever master of the verbal arabesque who for years had answered the question ‘How come you’ve never written a book as good as “Catch-22”?’ with the sly, talmudic response to put any other to shame: ‘Who has?’ he’d ask, genuinely wanting to know. He was not bombastic or self-satisfied during those nightly calls. He was only sad.”

Erica clearly shares her father’s wry sense of humor and his gift for storytelling. When her mother and father divorced, she reveals, “My father had begged, cajoled, and finally actually offered me a hefty bribe of ten thousand dollars in cash if I would only tell him my mother’s secret pot roast recipe.” On her deathbed, her mother extracted a solemn promise: “No matter what, don’t ever give him the pot roast recipe.” The payoff for me, an ardent fan of Heller’s comic masterpiece of midrash, “God Knows,” is that I recognized in Joe and Shirley Heller’s marriage the model for his depiction of the immortal David and Bathsheba.

“Yossarian Slept Here” is, at once, a literary biography, a family chronicle and a memoir. Erica harks back to 1952, when the family moved into a quirky old apartment house on the Upper West Side of Manhattan called the Apthorp, and she recalls that it was in apartment 2K South that he wrote “Catch-22,” turning to his typewriter “early in the mornings and after returning home in the evenings from his pleasant but prosaic job as ad writer.”

The stakes were high. When Heller first met his future wife at Grossinger’s, in the Catskills, he had boasted that he was going to be a writer, “and not just a writer, but a great writer” who would produce “the definitive book about World War II.” Nor were his literary ambitions a good preparation for fatherhood: “I don’t do children,” Heller cracked in a 1998 interview, which Erica interprets to mean that “he was not willing to exert the effort and expend the time and concentration” that was necessary when it came to children, whether his own or those of his friends.

Heller’s appetites were famously large, both for literary achievement and for the delicacies of Coney Island. “He would circle the counters at Nathan’s, pacing, thinking, studying it all, eventually settling on pea soup, a hot dog, fries, a slice of pizza, chow mein on a roll, and a hamburger smothered in onions,” Erica writes. “Notice there was no ‘or’ in that sentence.”

Food was a way to measure success in the Heller family. Erica recalls that during the era she calls “B.C.” — that is, Before “Catch” — she would receive a kick under the table if she tried to order a shrimp cocktail at the local Italian restaurant. “After the publication and eventual success of ‘Catch-22,’ ” she reports, “the kicks under the table at Tony’s suddenly stopped. It was in this way that it suddenly dawned on me that my father’s book must have been successful.”

Erica had the courage to write a novel of her own, “Splinters,” and to ask her famous father to mark the galleys with the same red pen he used to put comments on the work of his writing students at Yale and City College. “They came back three days later, covered in that red felt-tip scribble, like a wild rash erupting,” she recalls. Her mother flatly refused to read it at all. “What if it’s terrible? What will I say to you?” “ ‘What if it’s not?’ I countered, having learned at the feet of the master.”

Erica felt her father’s sting more than once. She recognized the brutal scenes between father and daughter in “Something Happened” as autobiographical: “How could you write about me that way?” she confronted him. “What makes you think you’re interesting enough to write about?” he demurred. She interpreted the exchange to mean that “if I was interesting enough to write about, he had written terrible things,” and “if not, the girl in the book wasn’t me and I could rejoice in that, except for the fact that I was boring.”

She is utterly honest about her father and herself. When she gently suggested that his second wife might not be comfortable at her wedding, he refused to attend on his own. “I was only doing what felt right, but still, it was certainly uncharacteristically optimistic of me, and not in the natural Helleristic order of things.” He stopped talking to his daughter, and then, as she puts it, “the notion of Dad having the ‘last word’ suddenly took on an altogether new meaning” when Joseph Heller died.

“Yossarian Slept Here” is a must-read for anyone who delights in finding out exactly how our favorite books entered the world. Some of the most delightful illuminating moments, in fact, have nothing to do with family conflict, as when Erica describes a ritual that involved Osner’s typewriter repair shop at 79th Street and Amsterdam Avenue. “Typewriters there were a religion, and the shop had cared for the machines of Isaac Bashevis Singer, David Mamet, Alfred Kazin, Erich Maria Remarque, Roger Kahn, Philip Roth, Howard Fast, and Murray Schisgal,” she recalls. “Dad always went there when a book was finished to announce that he was done.”

As someone who loves (and misses) typewriters, and as a reader who reveres (and rereads) the work of Joseph Heller, that’s a memory I will cherish.

Jonathan Kirsch, author and publishing attorney, is book editor of The Jewish Journal. He blogs on books at Joseph Heller’s daughter gets the final word Read More »

Dear Gov. Perry: Instill Christian values with some Jewish ones

Dear Gov. Perry,

You are a man who speaks his mind, which is rare in a politician and is a quality that I admire. I’m also grateful to you for your staunch support for Israel, which is no doubt influenced by your strong Christian faith.

I would like, however, to respectfully address your comments pertaining to America’s need for a values renaissance. Recently, in speaking to a crowd of 13,000 students and faculty members at a sports arena, you said that America needs to be guided by some set of values and rightly asked, “Whose values?” to which you responded, “Those Christian values that this country was based upon.”

No doubt, Christian values and Christian faith have played an absolutely pivotal role in America’s founding and subsequent prosperity. One need look no further than the Pilgrims, who landed at Plymouth Rock in search of the freedom to practice their Christian faith without British Anglican hindrance, to prove the point.

But of late, Christian values seem to have been narrowly reduced in the political arena to the twin goals of stopping abortion and gay marriage. Indeed, amid my deep-seated love and respect for my Evangelical brothers and sisters — a love that will be formally crystallized in the form of a full-length book on the Jewishness of Jesus that will be published just before Christmas — I greatly lament how some Christian values have come to so deeply divide our country, and I respectfully propose that Christians begin turning to universal Jewish values in order to reinvigorate America.

Take the breakdown of marriage and family. Raising a well-balanced, inspired, independent and motivated child — an immense challenge — is far likelier to succeed with two parents than one. Yet, while rabbis talk constantly about the 50 percent heterosexual divorce rate, pastors seem to gravitate far more to opposing gay marriage, even though we straight people have done a fine job of eroding marriage ourselves. (Indeed, one of the ironies of marriage in America is that the only men who seem to want to get married are gay!)

One of the supreme Jewish values is keeping a troubled husband and wife together in peace, something I have sought to do in more than 20 books. Rather than obsess over gays marrying, why not join me in creating legislation that would make marital counseling tax-deductible so at-risk couples can get the help they need?

The same is true, Governor, of embracing another supreme Jewish value, Friday night Sabbath dinners. Unfortunately, in America only about a third of all families sit down for regular family meals. But imagine if we could create, at the very least, a weekly national Friday night Sabbath meal observed by Americans of every persuasion. The Christian Sabbath, Sunday, has unfortunately been commercialized by shopping malls, cineplexes and football. Let’s ask all American families to embrace what on fridayisfamily.com you’ll see called “the triple two”: Call on American families, every Friday night, to set aside two uninterrupted hours without television; invite two guests; and discuss two substantive subjects, because learning and a life of intellectual depth is perhaps the most supreme of all Jewish values.

Which brings us to the economy, the most important of all campaign issues and the most serious crisis facing America today. Politicians on both sides of the aisle — from President Barack Obama to candidate Michelle Bachman — are all saying that if only their policies were followed, America would be in the black again. Many politicians promise to cure every ill, as if they were miracle workers. These promises would seem to stem from the Christian value of perfection as opposed to the Jewish value of struggle. People running for President feel forced to overpromise: Vote for me and it’s all going to be all right. That’s why Barack Obama has lost so much credibility. He ran as Jesus Christ, a man who could walk on water and make the tides rise. Turns out his perfection only alienated him from the people. We now dismiss him as cold, detached and aloof, a far cry, say, from Bill Clinton’s all-too-human frailties that seem, counterintuitively, to have endeared him to the American public.

By contrast, we Jews have not one perfect man or woman in the Bible. In Jewish values, righteousness is defined not by perfection but by struggle. Leadership is defined not by promising a utopia but by inspiring others to be strong through the struggle. America is in for some tough years. We have a $14 trillion debt that isn’t going to be paid off any time soon. Why not level with us? Tell us you’re not perfect but you’re prepared to wrestle with America’s great issues to make things better, and inspire us to do the same. Tell us that struggle is a sign of greatness, as the Talmud says, “Only when an olive is squeezed do you get its oil.” This is not Jimmy Carter’s defeatist malaise, but rather Lincoln’s promise of many long, hard years of battle that would inevitably result in triumph, or Winston Churchill’s “blood, toil, tears and sweat” that never surrenders.

Americans today are struggling to find and hold on to jobs, struggling to pay mortgages, struggling to raise good kids and struggling against a worldwide Islamist terror enemy. And rather than take pride in the struggle, we escape into manufactured materialistic fantasies of shopping, celebrity obsession and the latest Hollywood fare. We have become soft, expecting the government to do too much for us rather than showing our mettle through the power of struggle.

Finally, Governor, one of the biggest problems we face in America today is that many good men and women refuse to run for public office, fearing that they will be outed as hypocrites. The microscopic media review to which they will be subject will be too revealing, and none, in truth is perfect. Yet the Jewish-values view of hypocrisy is different from the Christian view, which defines hypocrisy as saying one thing and practicing another. But, Judaism argues that human beings have two competing impulses within them, one godly and pure, the other selfish and animalistic. Therefore, when a man says one thing and does another, he is not a hypocrite but rather inconsistent. In most cases, he believed the good he preached but simply could not summon the willpower to live by it, whereas the hypocrite is someone who says something for public consumption and never believes it in the first place.

Gov. Perry, Christians have brought immeasurable good to America, and today, Evangelical Christians like you account for 60 percent of the American military and are Israel’s most staunch supporters. But the time has come for Christians in America to embrace the Jewish values that Jesus, as a staunchly devoted Jew, himself practiced. It is time, after thousands of years of Jewish values being heard in a somewhat altered way through the megaphone of Christianity, to be heard in its own right and with its own voice.

Rabbi Shmuely Boteach this week publishes “Ten Conversations You Need to Have with Yourself.” (Wiley). In December he will publish “Kosher Jesus.” Follow him on Twitter @RabbiShmuley.

Dear Gov. Perry: Instill Christian values with some Jewish ones Read More »

Letters to the Editor: High Holy Days, UN-Vote, Palestine

Blank-slate Rabbis

I agree in general with Dennis Prager’s article “When Rabbis Politicize the High Holy Days” (Sept. 16). The question is, where is the threshold? So I pose the following question to Dennis: In the early 1960s, would sermons regarding the civil rights movement (Martin Luther King, Freedom Riders, etc.) have also been inappropriate? Including sermons advocating passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964?

I certainly realize that the specific issues Dennis mentions in his article are not comparable to this one. But my question is, would the civil rights issue also fall within Dennis’ statement that “anyone who attends my services will be entering a politics-free zone”?

Amiel Shulsinger
El Monte


I will agree with Mr. Prager that a rabbi who fails to inspire his listeners to engage in the deep self-work of the Days of Awe has failed his community. However, it is folly to suggest that discussing our individual responsibilities regarding war and peace, or hunger, or the plight of the stranger, the widow and the orphan is not a critical part of answering “what do I need to do in order to be a better person?” Mr. Prager may disagree, but the Torah certainly doesn’t, and neither do the Prophets. Our sacred literature addresses these issues as matters of religious obligation in no uncertain terms, and a rabbi who fails to inspire his listeners to include them in their High Holy Days self-search has failed his community no less than the rabbi who speaks only of such issues from the bimah.

There are, no doubt, rabbis who exploit the bimah by promoting their personal politics. But most rabbis who periodically speak about the matters of the day seek to refract society’s most pressing issues honestly through the lens of the Jewish tradition, regardless of whether that exploration leads to a liberal or conservative conclusion. That is what rabbis have always been charged to do — use our textual history as a means for interpreting and responding to the new circumstances of contemporary life.

Even Mr. Prager himself does not actually believe that “moral and religious introspection” can be wholly disconnected from political matters. If he did, he wouldn’t have written in this same publication just this past June that “liberal policies actually diminish a society’s moral character,” and that “if you want to do good, (liberalism) is largely awful.” I’m afraid that Mr. Prager will have to choose between his June position and this more recent one, as both cannot be simultaneously true.

The debate regarding how best to employ the Jewish tradition to inspire soulful reflection about the responsibilities of citizenship is a worthy one. However, it is not aided by partisan proclamations so grand that they defy any possibility of substantiation. Mr. Prager obviously can’t pretend to have any idea whether “rabbis with conservative political beliefs do not use their pulpit to advance their political agenda,” but he makes the generalization anyway. So, too, does he assert that “separation of pulpit and politics is a conservative value, not a liberal one,” when he knows full well that there are plenty of American houses of worship in which the pulpit is passionately and unapologetically used to support religious beliefs that lead to conservative public policy.

Mr. Prager, we understand that your profession requires you to say and write some truly outrageous things to generate the kind of buzz that measured argumentation can’t. But please know that many of us believe that the clearest demonstration of our society’s moral descent is not liberal or conservative politics; it is the decay of our discourse into demonization. If we truly want to become better people, we would all be well served to refrain from making sweeping generalizations that lampoon our ideological adversaries and transform the exchange of ideas into a contact sport.

Rabbi Ken Chasen
Leo Baeck Temple
Los Angeles

Dennis Prager responds:

Amiel Shulsinger asks the $64,000 question: When is a subject of such overriding moral significance that, even if it also political, a rabbi needs to address it from the pulpit? The answer is that good people can differ about when a rabbi should talk politics. Clearly, one would have expected rabbis to speak against slavery, for example. But when left-wing rabbis make a habit of doing so — calling political issue after issue a matter of social justice and morally urgent — they have abused their pulpit.

Unlike Amiel Shulsinger’s measured response, Rabbi Chasen ends his disagreement with my column with an ad hominem attack. In condescending fashion, the rabbi writes: “Mr. Prager, we understand that your profession requires you to say and write some truly outrageous things to generate the kind of buzz that measured argumentation can’t.”

I doubt that Rabbi Chasen has a clue about my profession or about me as a radio talk-show host. If he actually listened to my show, he would retract what he wrote. Likewise, my Salem Radio Network colleagues — Bill Bennett, Michael Medved and Hugh Hewitt (a professor of Constitutional law) – speak in measured, thoughtful ways.

And here is the kicker: After his attack on my profession and on me, Rabbi Chasen condemns those who “lampoon our ideological adversaries” and laments “the decay of our discourse into demonization.”


The UN-Vote

When my husband slapped the paper down on the table today and said, “Cancel our subscription, I cannot read the rest of Rob Eshman’s editorial” (“UN-Vote,” Sept. 16), I picked up the paper expecting to see a refutation of President Obama labeled as “that well-known Israel hater,” later in the article. Instead, the same slander is repeated in the fourth paragraph.

Usually good with words and believing that we should hear all sides of an argument, this calumny makes me sick. Please return my subscription money, or send me a personal note of explanation. It is never too late for teshuvah. If I have offended Mr. Eshman, I am sorry. Now it is his turn.

Judith Aronson
via e-mail

Let’s see: Eshman writes an article quoting some nut job who writes against Obama as an example of everyone’s opinion as to how Obama hurts the possibility of Israeli/Palestinian peace by his policy choices. How about quoting some sane people who make a great case for Obama’s poor policy decisions vis-a-vis the peace process?

Let’s go to his other point, where he doesn’t think how a U.N. vote for Palestinian statehood would hurt Israel. Nothing else needs to be said except that the Palestinians who won the last election (Hamas) are not only against bringing this to the U.N. but also deny Israel’s right to exist at all and the unification agreement between Hamas and Fatah has not yet (and probably never will) been ratified … and this process ends in what?

Bill Bender
via e-mail

“The Israelis cannot have security at the expense of Palestinian freedom.”

Nonsense. Have we not seen the whole Bush doctrine of one nation attempting to safeguard its liberty by promoting and supporting its advancement in the world?

“Palestinian freedom” is a crass oxymoron. Freedom cannot be given to anyone; it must be claimed. Freedom is not an artifact for a state that does not exist, nor ever will. And the chief hindrance to everyone recognizing this truth is the warmongering Arab and Muslim states hostile to the existence of Israel, forbidding the refugees in the West Bank to enter Jordan or the other surrounding Arab states to establish their own identity.

Besides, those living in the West Bank enjoy more freedom under the military supervision of Israel than they would ever hope to receive in another Arab state, created by fiat by micromanaging political players who do not appreciate that the ground rules have changed forever for Israeli-Arab peace negotiations.

Arthur Christopher Schaper
Torrance


Politics on the Bimah

As a fellow member of the Board of Rabbis Executive committee who has successfully advocated for the board to take positions on certain political issues, I differed with Rabbi Vogel’s conclusion that rabbis should remain carefully neutral when speaking from the bimah (“Politics on the Bimah,” Sept. 9). At Stephen S. Wise Temple, a large portion of my responsibilities includes engaging our membership in political activism for social justice. In that capacity, I often speak about issues such as immigration reform, climate change, budgetary decisions and advocacy for public education, to name a few. Martin Luther King Jr. wrote the following:

… any religion that professes to be concerned about the souls of men and is not concerned about the economic conditions that damn the soul, the social conditions that corrupt men, and the city governments that cripple them, is a dry, dead, do-nothing religion in need of new blood. For it overlooks the basic fact that man is a biological being with a physical body. This must stand as a principle in any doctrine of man.

— Martin Luther King Jr., “The Measure of a Man,” Minneapolis: Fortress Press (1959)

I fear that the risk for religious leaders who do not speak out on major social issues of our days is to make religion irrelevant. Religions are concerned with morality and ethics, and public policy reflects particular values. Having said that, religion is an interpretive means of expression, so, it goes without saying that the ideas that one religious leader culls from the words of his or her faith are a product of that person’s identity and beliefs. Therefore, it is incumbent upon religious leaders to maintain respect for divergent views. I cherish the opinions of those who take the time to thoughtfully articulate their disagreements with a position that I might assert. Often their perspectives refine my thoughts on an issue. I believe that congregations are places that can reclaim a civil discourse on vital issues and restore what many feel has been lost in our society by modeling respectful disagreement. When speaking from the pulpit, one must model that civil mode of discourse. Dismissiveness, derision or misrepresentation of opposing positions is not productive nor does it reflect that civility. It is not becoming or warranted to support parties, political leaders or partisan issues, because it does inflame passions and becomes more divisive than thought-provoking. However, to invite congregants to become engaged in the public arena and to wrestle with the meaning of their religious identity when they assert those positions is among the highest callings of a rabbi and the deepest expression of our spirituality.

Rabbi Ron Stern
via e-mail


Jewish Home

In answer to the proposed question of how do we maintain programs when funding is pulled back (“Turning 100: Los Angeles Jewish Home Has Ambitious Growth Plans,” Sept. 16), I feel the efforts of the vast amount of volunteers were not recognized as a vital force in helping to maintain programs at the Home. These volunteers give of themselves in many tireless ways. They are out in our Jewish community educating others about the values of the Home and accepting donations from helpful contributors. With these donations, many projects are accomplished, such as the Red Hat event pictured in your article.

Please continue to highlight the Jewish Home’s 100 years of caring for our growing elderly community.

Anne Geffner
via e-mail


Missing Al Jolson

In Tom Tugend’s Article on Al Jolson (“Two Yiddishe Boys and a Bissel of Berlin,” Sept. 9), I’m surprised to see no mention of the 1946 classic film “The Jolson Story” and 1949’s “Jolson Sings Again,” which brought Jolson back from obscurity to the public eye. Ironically, in the same issue, Harry Cohn, the head of Columbia Pictures,  who idolized Al Jolson and was responsible for both films, was mentioned.

Eddie Cress
Sylmar


Wrestling With the Yetzer Hara

Rabbi Barclay’s interpretation of Parashat Ki Tetze was very informative (“Ultimate Fighting Strategies,” Sept. 9).

However, I would submit that the Holy Scriptures provides a more effective and final way for us to overcome yetzer hara in our midst.

Consider the joyful verse of the Prophet Isaiah:

“Thou wilt keep him in perfect peace whose mind is stayed on thee, because he trusteth in thee.” (Isaiah 26:3)

In the original text, “mind” renders “yetzer” in the original text, a notion far more encompassing than our mere rational intellect. Our mind, our imagination, anything framed within us is at perfect peace when we lean on, or rest on the Lord.

This perfect peace is far more encompassing than most modern translations permit. The original text reads “Shalom Shalom,” perfect peace, superlative, unassailable peace, as well as health and wealth, consummate desires devoutly wished by every human heart.

Consider also the wisdom of King Solomon:

“Trust in the Lord with all thine heart; and lean not unto thine own understanding.” (Proverbs 3:5)

Just as in Isaiah’s song, Solomon’s word for trust is “betach,” which speaks to security, confidence and boldness! Whereas to lean on one’s own understanding, sadly, implies leaning on ourselves, and we are but dust, and “the imagination [yetzer] of man’s heart is evil from his youth.” (Genesis 8:21)

Rather than leaning on our own merits and obedience, it would appear that YHWH intended for us to trust Him, and to trust in Him completely, not in our own merits, efforts or good intentions.

Arthur Christopher Schaper
Torrance


Between Turkey and Israel

Israel has often relied on the secularized Islamic nation of Turkey for support (“No End in Sight for Downward Spiral,” Sept. 9).

Sadly, in the midst of a growing, and more religiously radicalized Turkish government, Israel is losing its favored status with this erstwhile Middle Eastern ally.

In the wake of the critical Palmer Reports, Israel has nothing to be ashamed of. The flotilla heading for Gaza posed a great security risk then, and the Jewish state had every right, as well as necessity, to ensure that the cargo and crew entering the vicinity would not engender an ominous threat.

At this point, the State of Israel must remember that in the midst of hostile states who have breathed nothing but her annihilation, she has remained stalwart and strong. The brief shake-up in political alliances must not induce the Netanyahu government, nor Israeli citizens, to back down from protecting the interests and integrity of their nation. A well-protected, assertive Jewish state, now matter how isolated at the moment, still remains in the best interests of the international community, including the idealistic Middle Eastern protesters who have wrought the Arab spring, which is currently mellowing into a more dubious autumn of political transition and turmoil.

Arthur Christopher Schaper
Torrance


9/11 Conspiracy

At what point will individuals cease to blame the Jews for every hardship and catastrophe?

The ludicrous allegations of Jew-plotting in the 9/11 attacks (“Anti-Semitic Conspiracy Theories About 9/11 Persist,” Sept. 9) strikes one as so sophomoric, if not inane, that the lunacy littered throughout the czarist-forged “Protocols of the Elders of Zion” at least has the nefarious merit of insidious creativity.

Why continue to puzzle over the archetype “original instigators” of the vicious attack that rocked this nation’s complacent sense of security? Bin Laden and company had plotted to topple the Twin Towers before, then succeeded in blowing up United States’ embassies and military craft up until that fateful September morning.

No matter who ultimately instigated the heinous scheme, Al-Qaeda operatives took shameful advantage of a confused security network left unrepaired when President Bill Clinton left office. The Islamic radicals hijacked American aircraft, which in 50 minutes could have been neutralized following more responsive efforts from our federal aviation network.

Notwithstanding the egregious errors of the United States government to safeguard this nation, President Bush and Obama did not rest until they had prosecuted a full military response to those attacks, wiping out the Taliban in Afghanistan, executing Al-Qaeda operatives throughout the Middle East, and finally slaying the Playboy Saudi Arabian who had been leading these wicked terrorists all this time.

Rather than debunking the anti-Semitic cant implicating Jews, Judaism and the Jewish state in 9/11, why don’t the American press corps and United States government promote the anti-terrorist reconnaissance employed by the State of Israel, right down to the armed guard who boards every plane leaving El-Al? Last time I checked, terrorists have not hijacked a plane taking off from Tel Aviv.

Arthur Christopher Schaper
Torrance


How Did This Happen to America?

Mr. Kaplan’s snobbish rhetoric is appalling and disappointing (“How Did This Happen to America?” Sept. 9).

How can this professor of media relations begin to blame the near-nascent Tea Party movement for the stalling of our government? What have the Democrats offered in response that would assist the American people and restore the grandeur and prosperity of this country?

Contrary to his elite and smug invective, the United States has not become “captive to a band of ideologues and fundamentalists.” We were attacked by such people on Sept. 11, 2001.

And how in the world can this man malign the frustrating genius of our Constitution, with its checks and balances and division of powers, as the root cause of our nation’s woes?

Like many progressive liberals, Mr. Kaplan targets the washed-up old-fashioned framers of the Constitution, whose “sclerotic” system of checks and balances apparently fails to take into account the recriminations of human ambition, still very much on display in this “we-are-the-change-we-have-been-waiting-for” Obama administration.

The Tea Party movement emerged partly in response to the corporate cronyism that has throttled the Beltway with backroom deals and pork barrel spending, which exploded during the Bush administration, and astronomically so during the current presidency.

In typical liberal-elitist fashion, Kaplan denounces Joe the Plummer as a mindless victim of “spectator democracy,” which hardly describes the galvanized Tea Party movement, a dedicated and growing populist movement that has channeled the rising national frustration with deficit spending, erupting national debt and outrageously unfunded entitlements into significant electoral reversals.

The only “bewildered herd” in the current political mix-up is the knee-jerk liberal mainstream media that refuses to acknowledge the blunt obvious: Obama-Keynesian economic policies are further bankrupting this country and dragging us down the road to serfdom.

We the People refuse to be taken down such a hateful, tyrannical path. Our obstinate tenacity to constitutional government does not constitute the majority of Americans as a mindless horde giving into the flimsy props of corporate-financed campaigning.

Arthur Christopher Schaper
Torrance

Many authoritative and highly literate persons have written recently concerning the woes of the U.S.A. and their causes.  But none have presented so precisely and concisely as you. “How Did This Happen to America” nails it right between the eyes of those who refuse to open theirs. There leaves little doubt that our distraction will be our downfall. Perhaps that will be the awakening needed to return us to that which is significant.

Ronald L. Goldstein
Thousand Oaks


Pleading Religion

I wonder how Rabbi Moshe Zigelman (“Jewish Law Goes to Court,” Sept. 16) would respond to the following verse in the Torah:

“That which is altogether just shalt thou follow, that thou mayest live, and inherit the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee. (Deuteronomy 16:20)

The original text rendered by “that which is altogether just” reads “Tzedek tzedek.” The repetition of “Tzedek” (“righteousness” or “justice”) therefore implies perfect, superlative justice.

No Jewish law or commentary can break or compromise the Torah. If perfect justice demands that a Rabbi inform against other ultra-Orthodox Rabbim, he does not have the shameless comfort of shielding himself behind human law and tradition.

Arthur Christopher Schaper
Torrance


Blank-slate Rabbis

I read Dennis Prager’s highly politicized High Holy Days article (“When Rabbis Politicize the High Holy Days,” Sept. 16) in which he tells rabbis not to politicize the High Holy Days. I noted his statement, “Because separation of pulpit and politics is a conservative value, not a liberal one” (As an aside, Dennis, dependent clauses cannot be sentences). Indeed, there are no examples in this country in which conservative politics are joined to evangelical pulpits. I heard him, a talk-radio host, accountable to neither board nor congregant, remind me that principled stands in politically heterodox congregations are without courage.

Am I the only one who realizes how hypocritical these statements are? How can one take an article like this seriously?

Somewhere in here was an interesting question about the purpose of drashot on the High Holy Days. One notes the irony: The question was completely obscured by Prager’s politics.

Rabbi Scott Perlo
West Los Angeles

Dear Editor: I was with Dennis Prager as he admonished rabbis against making political statements from the pulpit — until he got to “… the left-wing rabbi has everything to gain from giving a sermon against … carbon emissions.” The issue of carbon emissions, and the climate change they inflict, is not political. It is accepted scientific fact. The science has been politicized, manipulated and distorted for the advantage of politicians and their parties. And it will likely, and unfortunately, take politics to enact the kind of legislation necessary to make significant progress toward alleviating the already disastrous effects of climate change here in the United States and around the world. But when a rabbi implores his congregation to change their behavior in order to do all they can to take care of the Earth —which, according to Genesis, God has given us to “guard,” not exploit — that is not a political statement. It is a message quite in keeping with our Holy Days’ themes of personal and communal transformation.
 
Larry Braman
Los Angeles

Finally, someone has the acumen to fault liberal-leaning religious leaders for their political machinations.

Political discourse should never allow individuals to excuse themselves from improving their own lives and those of friends and family. We may not have it within ourselves to change the world, but we can change ourselves, and tending our own garden will have a much greater salutary effect than lecturing the earthly powers-that-be.

I share Mr. Prager’s condescending critique of liberal rabbis who evince very little courage when demanding liberal reform before the herds of their like-minded liberal congregants. Sadly, the same sickening sycophancy occurs in all left-leaning religious establishments, not just among the Jews.

“If Judaism and liberalism are identical, who needs Judaism?” Right on! Liberalism, if nothing else, is a manufactured, man-centered religion, espousing the failed notion that people are basically good, and that with the right amount of state intervention and government tinkering, we can make the world a better place.

According to the Torah, we are called to be holy, set apart from a dying world, not to become ingratiated with it. Every religious leader, no matter what the dictates of his faith, must persuade others to the same.

Arthur Christopher Schaper
Torrance


CORRECTION

A profile of Eric J. Diamond (“The Business of Spirituality,” Sept. 16) incorrectly stated that Don Rickles was president of Sinai Temple in 1983. He was not; Aaron Fenton was president of the synagogue at that time.

Letters to the Editor: High Holy Days, UN-Vote, Palestine Read More »

A penny to get to Israel

I’m standing in a room with Sheldon G. Adelson, the tough, outspoken billionaire casino magnate. And I’m wondering: Where is he?

I had arrived at the lovely Wilshire Boulevard high-rise home of Corie and Michael Koss expecting to meet the fearsome subject of Connie Bruck’s 2008 profile in The New Yorker — the 16th-richest man in the world in the 2011 Forbes list, the chairman and chief executive officer of Sands Las Vegas Corp., the brash man who created Vegas’ showcase Venetian hotel and casino, the outspoken right-winger who helped propel Bibi Netanyahu to office.

But when Adelson spoke, he was a surprise.

He was modest. Haimish. Earnest. Even nervous.

He came to talk to a group of big givers to The Jewish Federation of Greater Los Angeles about his favorite charity, Birthright Israel, to which he has given more than $110 million to date.

More than 100 guests showed up. And before he stepped up to the podium, Adelson and his Israeli-born physician wife, Miriam, received a string of laudatory introductions by Michael Koss; Federation chair Richard Sandler; Barry Schrage, the longtime president of the Combined Jewish Philanthropies of Boston (the Federation equivalent there); and even Adelson’s friend Michael Milken, who used his time to describe a long-ago scheme to arrange a shidduch between their kids — which was so unsuccessful and subtle, as it turns out, that this telling was apparently the first the Adelsons heard of it.

“I’ve never done this before,” Adelson said of this fundraising pitch for Birthright, though he’s spoken often to groups of the program’s participants as they complete their trip at Tel Aviv’s Independence hall. “I can’t stand rejection,” he told the group.

Then, he added, “I’ve been told to ‘be short.’ ”

“Look at me!” he joked. Indeed, physically, Adelson, 78, is not a big man.

But his lightheartedness ended as he warmed up and talked at some length, despite the admonition.

He described how he grew up poor, taunted by anti-Semites outside Boston, and how he was deeply influenced by his father, whom he repeatedly referred to, endearingly, as “Daddy.” Adelson’s father was a Lithuanian-born dirt-poor cab driver who, each evening, put all his spare change into the Jewish National Fund “pushke” (tzedakah box). The billionaire son remains bothered that this man, who ardently gave whatever he could to Israel, never got to visit the Jewish state, which is a part of why he believes in sending 18- to-26-year-olds there on free 10-day trips, to help, he said, ensure a Jewish future. Indeed, he has happily paid a lion’s share of Birthright’s costs, though the need has never been fully met, so now he wants more help. Still, he’s prepared to match, dollar for dollar, anyone’s gift.

He explained that “beside my current motto that It Feels Good to Do Good,” he believes in the Jewish obligation to give, whatever your situation. “My parents were too poor to own rags,” Adelson said, and yet, “Daddy told me, ‘No matter how poor you are, there’s always somebody poorer.’ ” The elder Adelson instructed his son to put one penny from every dollar he earned into the pushke, and it stuck.

“I don’t do it every day,” Adelson admitted, “but I make it up in bulk.”

So, why Birthright? Because, he said, he believes that the current trend toward assimilation will be Judaism’s undoing and that Birthright’s introduction to the spirit of Zionism, as embodied by the sights and sounds and values of the Jewish state, is “the best program in my lifetime.”

The room remained hushed as he spoke, and not just out of politeness. Adelson was a different kind of speaker on this night — extemporaneously allowing memories of his beloved father and his humble beginnings to spill out, one over the next. Telling of how he and his dad shared an unusual shoe size — 8 EEE — and that he strode out in his dad’s shoes on his first trip to Israel. It was clear that Adelson still wants some part of his father around.

His failure to bring his dad to Israel drives him: “I don’t want the children, the young people to wait until they are too old and too sick to go to Israel; I want them to go today.”

So, what’s the chance they will? Well, not entirely great. Although Birthright says close to 300,000 youth worldwide have participated on the trips since the program was founded in 1999, and even though Los Angeles’ Federation is one of the biggest givers of its kind to the program — to the tune of $550,000 in 2010, according to Federation, also raising another $700,000 above that from private sources for the trips (matched 2-to-1 by the Adelson Foundation). And while nearly 1,500 L.A. kids went on Birthright trips in 2009 and 2,600 in 2010, the waiting list remains huge and continues to grow.

I had a few minutes with Adelson after his speech to ask him why he had agreed to make his pitch now. Why put himself out? He said it was time for more people to step up, but he has put no limits on his match. “We can give $25 million, $50 million, even $100 million more,” he said. Seems like a generous offer.

But then he added something that hit home even more: “I want other people to understand the importance of giving.”

Which brings us back to that pushke. From one penny to $110 million, the phenomenal impact of Daddy’s lesson to little Sheldon is greater than anyone could have dreamed. And whether we heed Adelson’s call on behalf of Birthright or some other cause, the evening offered a vivid reminder to teach our kids, from the earliest age, of their obligation to give. Because you never know what kind of philanthropist they might become.

A penny to get to Israel Read More »