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September 22, 2010

Dancing with stars on Simchat Torah

Want to dance with Jewish tradition but don’t know the steps?

Ask Simchat Torah to dance. Not a conventional dancer, it’s a star partner who will drag you off the sidelines and teach you the moves.

Simchat Torah, coming at the end of Shemini Atzeret, is a holiday of rejoicing with the Torah, when Jews end the yearly cycle of reading the Torah and begin anew.

The only major Jewish holiday not mentioned in the Torah, Simchat Torah is a night and day of joy and dance unique in the Jewish year featuring seven hakafot, circle dances with the Torah.

Coming at the end of a season of sitting, both in the synagogue and the sukkah, the counter-conventional Simchat Torah dances you into the fresh circle of a Jewish New Year.

It wasn’t always so showy.

In the mid-16th century, Simchat Torah was a somber service of taking the Torah scrolls from the ark and piously circling the bimah, not the holiday we know today with singing, drinking and dancing with the Torah.

By the mid-17th century, as a result of changes—many initiated from the kabbalists of Safed—Simchat Torah began to resemble what we might recognize today.

The English diarist Samuel Pepys, who attended a synagogue on the night of Oct. 14, 1663, and not knowing it was Simchat Torah commented on the goings on:

“But, Lord! To see the disorder, laughing, sporting, and no attention, but confusion in all their service … I never did see so much, or could have imagined there had been any religion in the whole world so absurdly performed as this.”

Adding to the freilich free-for-all on Simchat Torah, know that you are dancing a couple of Yemenite lefts and maybe a moonwalk or two past several Jewish laws, and clapping your hands at several centuries of Jewish convention.

So readers, enough talk. Grab hands and let’s dance with Simchat Torah; all seven hakafot. As we circle, let’s see where dancing off the usual beat for a couple of centuries has taken us.

First hakafah: Dancing with the Torah

In previous generations, it was mostly the congregation’s leaders who were allowed to carry the sefer Torah. Now it’s anyone who is willing and has the koach, the strength, to dance with the handmade 20 to 40 pounds of sacred parchment. Yes, the Torah does gets heavy after the eighth round of “Sisu et Yerushalayim,” “Rejoice with Jerusalem,” but somehow always gets lighter just before you pass it off.

Second hakafah: Beaming from the bimah

According to kabbalistic teaching, the Torah has its own light, and for many Jews this is the only night of the year when they can experience it after
sundown.

We read the final portion called “Vezot Habracha,” “and this is the blessing,” where Moses dies. I have chanted the last couple of verses, and though it sometimes saddens me, a ray or two of its light can’t help but fall on you.

Third hakafah: Toasting in shul

Raise a glass as we circle first clockwise, then counter, then completely off the clock. A shot of Slivovitz, plum brandy, gets my feet moving. For others, a cold He’Brew adds to the joy.

At the Library Minyan of Temple Beth Am in Los Angeles, where I have joined the Simchat Torah morning service celebration, for some attendees it’s BYOB, as they discretely hand out shots. This seems to get the congregation in the mood to enjoy a Torah reading of the beginning of Genesis, accompanied by a pantomime of the world’s creation.

Fourth hakafah: Calling all children

The Mishnah states that even children younger than 13 are given an aliyah on Simchat Torah. Standing under the chupah of a tallit, it gives kids a taste of reading the Torah. I remember my own children standing next to the reader’s table, nudging each other. I still get a little farklempt.

Fifth hakafah: Unrolling the scroll

Scrolls are usually only seen a few columns at a time, but many congregations are kind to totally unwind a scroll on Simchat Torah. It’s all hands on as
everyone takes an edge and, moving into a circle, the beginning meets the end. One year I found my Hebrew name, Yitzchak, as well as my bar mitzvah
portion. At 13 it seemed much longer.

Sixth hakafah: Letting your spirits flag

Except for Israel Independence Day, flag waving isn’t allowed in shul. Children waving a flag on a stick while circling is an Ashkenazi custom thought to be related to the banners of the encamped Twelve Tribes mentioned in the Torah. In earlier generations, the flags were topped by apples that were hallowed out to hold candles. Many versions now have Torah or Israel themes. By using a computer and printer, even the art-challenged can make their own.

Seventh hakafah: An equal opportunity aliyah

Though group aliyahs on Shabbat have become common, the gabbai never tries to clear the pews—except on Simchat Torah. The gabbai must get creative in a bid to call up everyone. One year he called up “anyone who uses a PC or an Apple.” When I looked at the empty seats, it was as if someone had pushed “delete.”

That was a lot of dancing; Simchat Torah makes quite the dance partner. Somebody get me a schnapps.

Edmon J. Rodman is a JTA columnist who writes on Jewish life from Los Angeles. Contact him at {encode=”edmojace@gmail.com” title=”edmojace@gmail.com”}.

Dancing with stars on Simchat Torah Read More »

Israel Police leave Temple Mount as calm returns to Jerusalem

Calm appeared to be prevailing on the streets of Jerusalem on Wednesday evening, after hours of bloody clashes apparently sparked by the shooting of a Palestinian by an Israeli security guard in the early hours of the morning. Police also redeployed from the Al-Aqsa mosque compound, situated on the Temple Mount in the Old City of Jerusalem.

Israeli riot police had entered the mosque compound on Wednesday afternoon, to push back Palestinians who had thrown rocks at the Western Wall below, a police spokesman said.

The Western Wall, Judaism’s holiest site, had been filled with worshipers praying ahead of the Sukkot festival which begins at sundown.

The police forces left soon after, saying that calm appeared to have returned to the area .The Palestinians had initially withdrawn into the mosque, Islam’s third-holiest shrine, when the police officers arrived, the spokesman said.

Read more at HAARETZ.com.

Israel Police leave Temple Mount as calm returns to Jerusalem Read More »

Riots in Temple Mount, Western Wall area after Palestinian shot dead by Israeli guard

Riots erupted near the Western Wall and Temple Mount in the Old City of Jerusalem on Wednesday, after a Palestinian man was shot dead by an Israeli security guard earlier in the day.

More than 10 Israelis were wounded as hundreds of Palestinians began hurling stones toward Israeli security personnel after the funeral of the man, who had been shot dead in the East Jerusalem area of Silwan, an area that sees frequent tensions over its settler enclave.

An Israeli man, 35, was stabbed by a Palestinian rioter near Mount Scopus and hospitalized with moderate wounds, while three more Israelis were slightly wounded in the same area as Palestinian rioters overturned their car.

Police forces have been deployed throughout the area, including the Western Wall and the Temple Mount to prevent angry Palestinians from hurling stones at the Jewish worshipers praying ahead of the start of Sukkot at sundown Wednesday.

Read more at HAARETZ.com.

Riots in Temple Mount, Western Wall area after Palestinian shot dead by Israeli guard Read More »

A response: The case against the Islamic center

Two weeks ago, The Jewish Journal published a column by Dennis Prager titled “A Question for ‘Progressive’ Jews Who Support the Ground Zero Mosque.” In it, he argued that there are similarities between plans to build an Islamic cultural center near Ground Zero in Manhattan and a 1984 plan to build a convent at Auschwitz to which Jews strongly objected. The Journal received many letters and comments in response to Prager’s column (see below). Click here to read leading Holocaust scholar Michael Berenbaum’s response to Prager.


First I want to thank my respondents, with one exception, for the civility of their responses.

As listeners to my radio show hear me say almost daily: 1) There are good people on both the left and the right (and bad people, too), and 2) We should prefer clarity to agreement. So if my correspondents and I can clarify where the decent people who are for and the decent people who are opposed to the proposed Islamic center and mosque two blocks from Ground Zero differ, we will have engaged in a public service.

First, let’s clear up a major misunderstanding among proponents of Cordoba House (that is the proposed name; it is no longer “Park51”).

In the words of Craig T. Byrnes: “The hypothesis Mr. Prager misses is the American Hypothesis. America has a First Amendment, which guarantees all of us freedom of religion.”

In the words of Rabbi Haim Beliak: “We are loyal to the American principles of mutual respect and religious freedom.”

The issue of religious freedom is entirely unrelated to the objections of the 9/11 families and others who oppose the building of the Islamic center. It is a classic non sequitur. Not one public opponent I know of argues that Muslims have no legal right to build a Muslim center two blocks from Ground Zero. Not Glenn Beck, not Charles Krauthammer, not Sarah Palin, to cite three examples.

Those of us who oppose the center oppose it on grounds of human sensitivity, not on legal grounds and because we have little reason to trust Imam Rauf, the man behind the Cordoba Initiative. We readily acknowledge the legal right of Muslims to build a mosque near Ground Zero. We think it is inappropriate.

Arguing that America has freedom of religion and that Poland in 1984 did not in no way responds to my original argument. I argued that liberal Jews and others opposed the convent at Auschwitz on grounds of it being hallowed ground to Jews and, therefore, inappropriate. That is precisely the argument against the Islamic center near Ground Zero. I wish my correspondents had explained how these examples differ. Repeating over and over that America has freedom of religion is not an answer because no one is questioning that freedom.

Life is filled with examples of actions that are legal but not appropriate. God help us if the only way in which we judge our own actions and those of others is whether those actions are legal.

Most Americans believe that a $100 million Islamic center two blocks from the place thousands of Americans were incinerated by 19 Muslims acting in the name of Islam is not right. Proponents make three arguments against this:

1. Religious freedom demands support for Cordoba House.
2. Islamic terror has nothing whatsoever to do with Islam.
3. The imam involved, Imam Feisal Abdul Rauf, is a moderate Muslim, and moderate Muslims need to be supported.

As explained above, reason No. 1 is irrelevant because no legal issue of religious freedom is involved.

Reason No. 2:

Given that about 100,000 innocents (mostly Muslims — in Sudan, Algeria and Iraq) have been murdered by Muslims in the name of Islam; given that whole countries are governed by Muslim totalitarians in the name of Islam (Saudi Arabia, Iran and, previously, Afghanistan); given that popular Islamist movements threaten to take over countries such as Somalia and Yemen; given that Christians are frequently killed in Muslim countries such as Egypt and Indonesia; given that Palestinian Muslims voted for the terrorists of Hamas and Lebanese Muslims for the terrorists of Hezbollah; given that murderous Muslim demonstrations took place around the Muslim world after the publication in Denmark of cartoons depicting Muhammad; given that we are unaware of any sizable demonstration of more than a few dozen Muslims anywhere on earth against Muslim violence; given all these things, the question of whether Islamic violence has anything at all to do with Islam is not necessarily foolish or prejudiced. Moreover, for many Muslims today (at least 100 million according to polls), their understanding is that Islam does preach violence.

In any event, this is not a matter of opinion: Muslims representing at least 100 million Muslims around the world slaughtered 3,000 Americans on 9/11, and putting up an Islamic center and mosque two blocks away seems to most Americans inappropriate. Furthermore, to those Muslims who do hate us and who do celebrate 9/11, this would represent a victory for Islam.

Reason No. 3:

I entirely agree that Muslim moderates need to be supported. The great battle against Islamist violence and against Sharia-run states must be waged by other Muslims.

The question is whether Imam Rauf is such a man.

I don’t believe so for many reasons:

First, an American Muslim leader, upon learning of the pain he was inflicting, and who cared about Muslim-American relations would have immediately abandoned plans to build his Muslim center near Ground Zero. Rauf is almost solely responsible for the outpouring of American anger at his center and to whatever extent the anger is expressed at Islam generally.

Second, if Jews in the name of Judaism or Christians in the name of Christ had slaughtered 3,000 innocent Muslims in, let us say, Jakarta, Indonesia, it is hard to believe that either group would insist on building a $100 million synagogue or $100 million church two blocks from the carnage, just nine years later.

Rauf should have developed a fund to change Muslim schools’ textbooks that have anti-Jewish and anti-Christian themes, or built a $100 million Muslim hospital for New Yorkers. Those would have been meaningful gestures.

Third, Rauf may have impressed the State Department with his moderate credentials. But the State Department’s record on Middle East and Muslim affairs is farcical.

Recently, on WABC Radio in New York, Rauf was asked three times if he considered Hamas a terrorist organization. Each time, he refused to say it was. That is not a moderate.

Rauf, as posted on his own Cordoba Initiative Web site, defended the recent fraudulent election in Iran, and commended President Obama for not commenting on it or on the vast outpouring of democratic Iranian opposition to Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. That is no moderate.

Rauf even spoke positively of Iran’s totalitarian Islamic foundations:

“[Obama] should say his administration respects many of the guiding principles of the 1979 revolution — to establish a government that expresses the will of the people; a just government, based on the idea of Vilayet-i-faqih, that establishes the rule of law.”

And what is “Vilayet-i-faqih?”

As explained by Christopher Hitchens, who supports Rauf’s Islamic center: “It is the justification for a clerical supreme leader, whose rule is impervious to elections and who can pick and choose the candidates and, if it comes to that, the results.”

A real moderate condemns the Iranian regime, its theological tyranny and its fraudulent elections.

Rauf in 2005 in Australia: “We tend to forget, in the West, that the United States has more Muslim blood on its hands than al-Qaeda has on its hands of innocent non-Muslims. … You may remember that the U.S.-led sanctions against Iraq led to the death of over half a million Iraqi children.”

Such a statement may gain Rauf admirers among the world’s left, but most Americans do not regard as a “moderate” an American who lies about America abroad.

And in 1977 in The New York Times, Rauf wrote this about Israel: “In a true peace it is impossible that a purely Jewish state of Palestine can endure. … In a true peace, Israel will, in our lifetimes, become one more Arab country, with a Jewish minority.”

This “moderate” has not disavowed that sentiment.

And Rauf’s book, published in the West as “What’s Right With Islam Is What’s Right With America,” had a very different title abroad: “A Call to Prayer From the World Trade Center Rubble: Islamic Dawa in the Heart of America Post-9/11.”

“Dawa” means Islamic proselytizing or missionizing.

There are many real Muslim moderates in America. Rauf is not one of them. And they oppose the Islamic center near Ground Zero. Two examples:

Rima Fakih, the first Muslim Miss USA: “I totally agree with President Obama with the statement on Constitutional rights of freedom of religion,” Fakih tells the show. “I also agree that it shouldn’t be so close to the World Trade Center.”

Dr. Zuhdi Jasser, a physician, and president and founder of the American Islamic Forum for Democracy: “To put it bluntly, Ground Zero is the one place in America where Muslims should think less about teaching Islam and ‘our good side’ and more about being American and fulfilling our responsibilities to confront the ideology of our enemies. … This is not about the building of a mosque or a religious facility. It is not about religious freedom. This is about a deep, soulful understanding of what happened to our country on 9/11.”

As Jasser, a religious Muslim, son of Muslim immigrants from Syria, wrote in the Wall Street Journal, “Imam Rauf may not appear to the untrained eye to be an Islamist, but by making Ground Zero an Islamic rather than an American issue, and by failing to firmly condemn terrorist groups like Hamas, he shows his true allegiance.”

And Jewish moderates like Judea Pearl, founder of the Daniel Pearl Dialogue for Muslim-Jewish Understanding, a man who knows more about contemporary Islam than, I suspect, just about any Jewish supporter of the mosque, wrote: “If I were Mayor Bloomberg I would reassert their right to build the mosque, but I would expend the same energy trying to convince them to put it somewhere else.”

I want to thank Michael Berenbaum for his informative and respectful letter on Auschwitz and the convent. He sees far more goodwill in Imam Rauf and his Islamic center than I do. I can only say that I hope he is right. Neither Judea Pearl nor the Anti-Defamation League nor I think he is. And where there is doubt, I will side with the 9/11 victims’ families, the majority of whom oppose the center, and with the majority of New Yorkers, not heretofore known as religious bigots.

Most Jews who trust the imam and regularly defend Islam are also those Jews who most distrust evangelical Christians. Given the Jew hatred that pervades much of the Muslim world and the love of Jews that pervades evangelical Christianity, this is a phenomenon that demands some explanation.

Finally, letter writer Ann Bourman asks a fair question about my putting “progressive” in quotation marks. I normally use the words liberal or left, and I never put them in quotation marks. But as previous Jewish Journal articles referred to “progressives’” support for the Islamic center near Ground Zero, I used that term. I find the term, to use Ms. Bourman’s phrase, “condescending.” Are all those who oppose “progressives” against moral or technological or scientific progress? If conservatives decided to abandon “conservative,” and call themselves “morally serious,” would Ms. Bourman use the term “morally serious” when describing conservatives? Or would she put it in quotation marks?

On that issue we simply differ. But her final ad hominem attack leaves no room for honest difference. She simply lied about me. For 28 years on the radio I have earned a reputation for treating with great respect those who differ with me. I never speak “derisively to listeners who have dared to express opinions that differ from” mine.

First, it takes no “dare” to differ with me on the radio. Calls that differ with me are taken first and treated with great respect. And second, some years ago, the then-media critic for the Los Angeles Times, Howard Rosenberg, a liberal, wrote: “There is the small minority of radio hosts (Dennis Prager comes prominently to mind, regardless of whether you share his views) who present ideas rather than banal flaming rhetoric.”

As noted above, almost every day I announce on my national radio show that there are good people on the left and good people on the right. I wish that those on the left agreed and would stop labeling that great majority of their fellow Americans who oppose the Islamic center at Ground Zero “Islamophobic,” “bigoted” or, as Berenbaum did, “anti-American.” They aren’t.

Between two-thirds of the American people and Imam Rauf, I trust the former much more than the latter.


Readers’ responses to Dennis Prager’s column

I can’t claim to represent progressive Jews, but I can offer my progressive Jewish answer to Dennis Prager’s question. He asked, why do Progressive Jews support the Islamic Center when we opposed a proposed Catholic convent near Auschwitz in 1984? The answer is simple: We love America and we love the First Amendment. Poland isn’t America, and it doesn’t have a First Amendment.

The hypothesis Mr. Prager misses is the American hypothesis. America has a First Amendment, which guarantees all of us freedom of religion. Sensitivities cannot be considered, unlike in Poland. Our First Amendment guarantees these freedoms to you, to me, and to those Muslims who want to build an Islamic Center, replete with a gym, childcare center and even a place of worship, right in the heart of a sizable Muslim community that pre-dated the attacks of Sept. 11. There is no counter-argument, no rebuttal, no compromise of the American hypothesis. The First Amendment guarantees that we are all equal in this nation’s eyes, and free to worship God as we see fit. That’s what we progressive Jews have defended, at peril of our reputations, our freedom, and sometimes of our lives, since this nation began.

Craig T. Byrnes
Manhattan Beach


We hope that Dennis Prager will be happy to learn that some progressives have considered the analogy that he suggests in his Sept. 8 article, “A Question for ‘Progressive’ Jews Who Support the Ground Zero Mosque,” between Park51 and the Carmelite convent that was once located on the grounds of Auschwitz. We don’t think the comparison is useful, for the reasons stated in our new paper, “A Muslim Community Center Near Ground Zero? Why Not? Why Should Jews Care?” (jewsonfirst.org/10a/CulCenter1.aspx).

Given that Christians and Jews are expected to serve on the board of Park51, which will be welcoming to people of all faiths; given also that among the center’s most fervent supporters are its potential Christian neighbors, we are at a loss to understand why support for Park51 would be read as a sign of “hostility” to Christianity or any other religion. On the contrary, we are not motivated by hostility, but by loyalty. We are loyal to the American principles of mutual respect and religious freedom. As Jews, we are certainly concerned when those principles come under attack, as we believe they have, because of the anti-Muslim hatred inflamed by this controversy.

Finally, we have some questions of our own. We find it interesting that Mr. Prager couches the issue in terms of the political left and right wings. We would like to know: Why do elements of the right wing insist on characterizing our Christian president as a Muslim? And why would that be a bad thing? And why, as happened before the last presidential election, are we seeing another well-funded, organized anti-Muslim campaign?

Can it be an effort to change the subject away from the mess that right-wing policies made?

Rabbi Haim Beliak for JewsOnFirst
via e-mail


I often disagree with Dennis Prager, which is fine. I cannot stand his condescension, which is not fine. “Progressive”: How many times in the Ground Zero mosque article? What is his implication? I am not really “progressive” if I disagree with him? Why isn’t “conservative” in quotes? Prager’s “explanations” are his opinions, and he is entitled to them, without quotation marks. So am I. Interesting that Prager compares the mosque situation to one in Poland, a nation that has never had freedom of religion. He also points out that 9/11 was perpetrated “in the name of Islam.” Clearly he cannot distinguish between a small number of vicious criminals and millions of adherents of the world’s second-largest religion. If Prager wants to influence his readers, he might try doing it with respect. I have heard him on the radio speaking derisively to listeners who have dared to express opinions that differ from his.

In print, he attacks with quotation marks.

I hope his “column” is more mature next time.

Ann Bourman
Los Angeles


Dennis Prager’s analysis (“A question for ‘Progressive’ Jews Who Support the Ground Zero Mosque,”  Sept. 10) of the attitude of “progressives” about the Islamic Center near Ground Zero is compelling. No doubt, Jewish “progressives” relate better to Jewish hurt than to the pain of other Americans, even though many killed at Ground Zero were Jews. Also, hatred of the right animates “progressives” more than anything else. Further: “progressives”  criticize Christians but never Muslims and “progressives” are frequently allied with the Muslim World.

True. But Prager shows excessive restraint in omitting conclusions directly flowing from his analysis: that “progressives” secretly but actually approve of the 9/11 mass murder and, just an added small step, that the perpetrators of 9/11 were no doubt “progressives”.

Two Latin sayings apply: (1) “Sapienti sat” = “the wise needs no further comment”. And (2) “Quos Deus perdere vult eos prius dementat” = “Those whom God wants to destroy, He first confounds them”.

Arthur P. Stern,
Beverly Hills, CA


In his ongoing opposition to the Muslim community center and mosque near Ground Zero, Dennis Prager invokes false patriotism, claiming (incorrectly) that “nearly 3000 innocent Americans were slaughtered” at Ground Zero.  In truth, 372 foreigners from 90 different countries, including about 60 Muslims, several of whom were first responders, died on 9/11.

Donna Marsh O’Connor, who lost her pregnant daughter Venessa on 9/11, bemoans the fact that “in the name of [her] daughter, an entire religion is being demonized for the acts of a group of heinous criminals.”

Stephen Rohde
Los Angeles, CA

 

A response: The case against the Islamic center Read More »

Dennis Prager’s false debate

Two weeks ago, The Jewish Journal published a column by Dennis Prager titled “A Question for ‘Progressive’ Jews Who Support the Ground Zero Mosque.” In it, he argued that there are similarities between plans to build an Islamic cultural center near Ground Zero in Manhattan and a 1984 plan to build a convent at Auschwitz to which Jews strongly objected. The Journal received many letters and comments in response to Berenbaum’s column (see below). We present here leading Holocaust scholar Michael Berenbaum’s response to Prager.  Click here to read Prager’s response to Berenbaum.


I am not sure whether I qualify as a progressive, but I may know something about Auschwitz and its controversies and also about museums and their task of memorialization. So permit me to respond to Dennis Prager.

Why is the Auschwitz Convent controversy different than the debate surrounding the Islamic cultural center at Ground Zero, which is in reality two blocks away from Ground Zero?

Let us be specific, because the question is falsely polemical.

Prager assuredly knows — but his readers may not know — that Auschwitz was actually three camps in one:

Auschwitz I was a concentration camp; Auschwitz II was the death camp known as Birkenau; and Auschwitz III, also known as Buna Monowitz, was a work camp.

For precision’s sake, let us recall that Auschwitz III was actually 50 subcamps that housed two types of prisoner workers: forced laborers, primarily non-Jews from many different European countries, and slave laborers, overwhelmingly Jews who were selected to work when they arrived at Birkenau and consequently worked until they were no longer capable of working. After these Jews could no longer work, they were sent over to Auschwitz II-Birkenau, the death camp, where they were gassed along with arriving Jews who were not deemed capable of working or whose work was not required. Their living conditions were different and their fate was death — immediate or deferred.

Auschwitz I was the site of Polish — Polish Christian — victimization. Auschwitz II-Birkenau is the death camp, the site at which some 1.1 million Jews — men, women and children — were systematically slaughtered alongside some 20,000 Roma and Sinti, pejoratively known as Gypsies.

For 50 years under communism, there was a deliberate and systematic attempt to obscure, if not to erase, the memory of the victims of Birkenau as Jews. The remnant of that effort remains in place even 20 years after the dramatic change of regimes and the significant efforts of the Polish government and directors of the Auschwitz Memorial to change the character of the place and be far more historically accurate.

A visitor to Auschwitz I today will encounter national exhibitions of several countries — Belgium and France, Italy and Germany, Poland and Czechoslovakia among them — yet even after the very helpful changes of the post-communist era, these barracks convey the false impression that the nationals of these countries were murdered because they were French or Czech, Dutch or Norwegian, and not because they were Jews. The Jewish experience at Auschwitz I was segregated — ghettoized — to the Jewish Pavilion, Block 27, which during the communist era was more often closed than open to the public and will soon be replaced by another exhibition, because the current exhibition is deemed even by its admirers to be poor and hopelessly outdated.

For a generation, there was barely a mention of Jews at the memorial in Birkenau, even though Auschwitz II remains the largest Jewish cemetery in the world. This situation was rectified over the past two decades. But still today, the most powerful artifacts housed at Auschwitz I, including hair, the soup bowls, the tallisim, false teeth, eyeglasses, prostheses, suitcases and even the extraordinary model of Crematoria B II of Birkenau, were all taken from Birkenau and displayed in Auschwitz I as if they were found there, as if the killing occurred there, and as if they applied to all prisoners rather than overwhelmingly to Jews. The Stobierski model of Crematoria B II is shown in the upper floor of a barracks rather than adjacent to the actual destroyed crematoria where the visitor must rely upon a sign to understand what happened at that site.

Even the pavilion recently dedicated to the Roma and Sinti was constructed in Auschwitz I, though the Gypsy camp was located in Birkenau just adjacent to the Ramp.

Because what visitors see is so powerful and what they see conveys a false impression, ordinary visitors do not grasp the differences between Auschwitz I and Birkenau, despite the efforts of well-trained guides to tell them otherwise. While 1.3 million people visited Auschwitz I last year, the number of visitors to Birkenau is at best 20 percent of that number.

So let me answer Prager:

There is a German peace center near the Auschwitz camp at roughly the same distance that the cultural center will be built from Ground Zero. It has been in place for decades without a murmur from the Jewish community. In fact, Jewish groups use the center, sleep there, study there, convene there and eat there. Kosher food will be served on request.

There is a Catholic cultural center, built under the leadership of the late, much-revered Pope John Paul II, situated roughly the same distance that the Islamic cultural center will be built from Ground Zero. Jewish groups sleep there, study there, meet there and eat there. Kosher food is also served there on request.

There is a Roman Catholic convent relocated from just 10 yards away from Birkenau’s fence, not two city blocks, to roughly the same distance as the cultural center will be built from Ground Zero.

Why did Jews oppose the convent?

Because they feared with good reason that some Poles, together with some support from elements within the Roman Catholic Church, especially within the powerful Polish church, were determined to de-Judaize the murders at Birkenau. Communist historians and Polish nationalists falsely claimed that 4 million people were killed at Auschwitz — 2 million Jews and 2 million Poles.

Because they did not differentiate between Auschwitz I and Auschwitz II. They did not know that the Poles are fully justified in regarding Auschwitz I as a site of Polish — Polish Christian — martyrdom. So when the convent was described as a convent at Auschwitz, they reacted with outrage. As a talk-show host, Prager knows that calling something the mosque at Ground Zero is absolutely different than speaking accurately of an Islamic cultural center a couple of blocks away.

The memorial at Ground Zero is being built by a wonderful team of museum builders led by my distinguished former colleague Alice Greenwald and with the participation of a design team that includes colleagues and former students such as Clifford Chanin and David Layman. They will determine the content of the memorial and help shape the experience of the visitor at Ground Zero. I trust them completely. They are skilled, sensitive and wise.

Visitors to Ground Zero will learn who was lost, who perpetrated the crime and why, who came to the rescue of the survivors, and who came together in its aftermath. Unfortunately, they will not know the legacy of 9/11 because we continue to shape that legacy and all too often to misshape it.

The cultural center is being built not at Ground Zero but two blocks away, and in New York, the psychological space that separates even two blocks is big. It will not be located at the sacred site of Ground Zero, which will soon house office buildings, shops and restaurants and not just a memorial. Instead, it will be in what is currently a rather seedy neighborhood replete with bars and “gentlemen’s clubs.” It will neither determine nor impact the quality of the Ground Zero memorial or the nature of the visitors’ experience when coming to pay homage at Ground Zero.

In fact, the cultural center, like the German peace center and the Catholic center and the convent, should be regarded as a welcome act of counter-testimony — or, dare one say, penance? — because the killers killed in the name of Islam and therefore, the most important counter-testimony must come from within Islam, just as the most important counter-testimony to the Holocaust, the most important acts of penance, came from within Christianity and from the subsequent actions of German and other European leaders.

If Prager really wanted to put the founders of the Islamic cultural center in a bind, he would celebrate its construction as a welcome act of atonement for the murder and violence that were committed in the name of Islam.

As a Conservative — I take him at his word on this matter — Prager should understand that basic freedoms are precious, but also precarious. Hatred aroused to frenzy can lead to the trampling of constitutional rights: In the United States, freedom of religion is constitutionally guaranteed and religious institutions have the right to build wherever zoning requirements permit them to build.

Lest we hear a reiteration by Jews of the false claim that Islam is not a religion, permit me to remind Jews that no less a religious authority than Maimonides regarded Islam as a religion. He lived in a Muslim world, read Muslim philosophers and knew the Quran well — and had significantly fewer theological problems with Islam than he did with Christianity; witness his 13 principles.

Michael Berenbaum is professor of Jewish Studies and director of the Sigi Ziering Center for the Study of the Holocaust and Ethics at American Jewish University.


Readers’ Responses to Michael Berenbaum’s Column

It is the ultimate pro-Americanism that is expressed by the opposition to the Ground Zero Mosque. It is very American to feel the pain inflicted by the events of 9/11. While we realize that not all Muslims are terrorists, we cannot forget that all the terrorists were Muslim and all attacks were perpetrated in the name of Islam.

Building the mosque is not a matter of freedom of religion, it is a matter of sensitivity and morality. Imam Rauf and his followers feel offended by our actions, but they don’t seem to care about our feelings. Playing the Islamophobia card inflames the conflict.

Silence is golden Mr Berenbaum, and keeping your irrelevant explanation private would have been much appreciated.

Susanne M Reyto
Los Angeles, Calif.


If Michael Berenbaum teaches American History, he needs to update his curriculum to the 21st century.

He accuses us of violating an ‘essential American value’, the right to religious freedom, but he denies our
right to free speech.

The Mosque is not about our religious freedom! It is about being insensitive and offensive. He is ignoring Islamic history.

Why is Islam not a rival to Judaism? Who attacks Israel all the time? What about the Mumbai massacre?

How can he compare the Jewish God to Allah in the same breath? He needs to read the Qur’an and lift his head up from the sand!

Freedom as he knows it, does not exist under Sharia! They claim that their laws came from Allah, whereas ours are ‘man made’, thus they reject them all.

Robert Reyto, DDS
Los Angeles

Dennis Prager’s false debate Read More »

A Bittersweet New Year

It seems like the Jewish New Year has brought with it lots of LGBT-related news.  And while I’m generally quite the pessimist and despite a few recent challenges, I am still feeling pretty good about things.

So, let’s start with the bad news.  Yesterday, in some complicated legislative maneuvering and pitting groups against one another, the US Senate voted against repealing the “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” policy, which forces LGBT military members into the closet and mandates that if service members are “outed” in any way, they are susceptible to discharge.  The House had already voted to repeal the law, President Obama has come out against the law, and the US military has stated the law should go. So, for the estimated ” title=”recent survey” target=”_blank”>recent survey of 2,300 people across the US over seven years found that the number of people who consider LGBT couples with children to be “families” has risen from 54% to 68%.  That’s right – more than two out of three people in the US think of LGBT people raising kids to be a family.

2) A ” title=”judge in Florida ” target=”_blank”>judge in Florida concluded that the law prohibiting adoption by “homosexuals” is unconstitutional.

2) A ” title=”violate the US Constitution” target=”_blank”>violate the US Constitution.

4) In Massachusetts, a A Bittersweet New Year Read More »

Meeting again with Jewish leaders, Abbas broaches substance

For Mahmoud Abbas and U.S. Jewish leaders, their second date featured a little more substance and a little less flirtation. And this time the Palestinian Authority president brought a wing man.

Abbas and his prime minister, Salam Fayyad, met separately Tuesday evening with Jewish leaders in New York —a sign of understanding on the Palestinian side of the importance of Jewish sensibilities, in Israel and the Diaspora, to advancing the peace process.

Abbas at the meeting seemed ready to move forward on some substantive issues, which took place during the launch of the U.N. General Assembly session.

In the first meeting, in June, Abbas had frustrated Jewish leaders by dodging issues of substance—returning to direct talks and incitement—but set a tone unprecedented in Palestinian-Jewish relations by recognizing a Jewish historical presence in the land of Israel.

When a group of Palestinian intellectuals challenged Abbas on the issue a month later, instead of backtracking—typical of the one step forward, two steps back peace process tradition—his envoy in Washington, Ma’en Areikat, repeated and reaffirmed the comments.

In the interim, direct talks have been launched, and Abbas was prepared to move forward on some substantive issues at Tuesday’s meeting.

“I would like for us to engage in a dialogue where we listen to each other and where I can respond to your questions because I trust we have one mutual objective—to achieve peace,” he said, according to notes provided by the Center for Middle East Peace.

The center, a dovish group founded by diet magnate Daniel Abraham, sponsored the Abbas meeting, as it did in June. The Fayyad meeting was sponsored by The Israel Project, which tracks support for Israel in the United States and throughout the world.

Making his clearest statement to date on the matter, Abbas said he would not walk away from negotiations should Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu fail to extend a partial 10-month moratorium on settlement building set to lapse next week. The PA leader suggested that a way out might be if Netanyahu does not make a public issue of the end of the moratorium.

“I cannot say I will leave the negotiations, but it’s very difficult for me to resume talks if Prime Minister Netanyahu declares that he will continue his activity in the West Bank and Jerusalem,” Abbas said.

Netanyahu is under pressure from the settlement movement not only to end the moratorium, but to resume building at levels unprecedented in his prime ministership. The Israeli leader also is heedful, however, of Obama administration demands that the parties not go out of their way to outrage each other.

Among the Jewish leaders at the Abbas meeting were Malcolm Hoenlein and Alan Solow, the executive vice chairman and chairman of the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations; Abraham Foxman, the Anti-Defamation League’s national director; and leaders of umbrella groups such as the Jewish Council for Public Affairs and the Jewish Federations of North America.

Also on hand were Clinton administration foreign policy mavens such as Sandy Berger, Madeleine Albright and Daniel Kurtzer, who maintain close ties with Obama’s foreign policy team.

Abbas also showed that he was attempting to bridge a gap on what until now seemed an intractable issue.

The Palestinians have long accepted the inevitability of a demilitarized state, but they reject a continued Israeli military presence. Netanyahu told Jewish leaders in a conference call Monday that he would trust no one but Israeli troops to preserve Israel’s security on the West Bank’s eastern border. At the meeting, Abbas floated the idea of a non-Israeli force that would include Jewish soldiers.

On other issues, Abbas was less prepared to come forward.

Israel wants a clear commitment from the Palestinians that any discussion of the refugee issue would clearly preclude a flooding of Israel with descendants of refugees of the 1948 war, which Israelis say is a recipe for the peaceful eradication of Israel. Behind closed doors, the Palestinians have said they are ready to provide Israel the assurances it needs, but Abbas said at the meeting only that it is a final-status issue.

Another issue could yet scuttle the talks now that the parties seem ready to put the settlement moratorium behind them.

Netanyahu, having extracted what seems to be an irreversible Palestinian recognition of Israel during his previous turn in the job, in 1998, now wants the Palestinians to recognize Israel as a Jewish state—a result of the emergence of movements that seek to strip Israel of its Jewish character.

Abbas has resisted, in part because he sees such recognition as cutting off the 20 percent of Israel that is Arab, but also because he seems baffled by the demand. He argues that states are free to define themselves and should not need the approbation of others.

“If the Israeli people want to name themselves whatever they want, they are free to do so,” the PA president said.

In a sign that he also was seeking conciliation on the matter, Abbas said at the meeting that he would accept the designation if it were approved by the Knesset. He repeated his recognition of Israel’s Jewish roots and decried Holocaust denial.

It was not far enough for some of his interlocutors.

Stephen Savitzky, the president of the Orthodox Union, wanted Abbas to recognize not only Jewish ties to the land but with the Temple Mount, the site of the third holiest mosque in Islam.

“President Abbas missed an opportunity this evening to make a key statement that would have created good will in the Jewish community,” Savitzky said in a statement.

Fayyad, less charismatic but deemed more trustworthy than Abbas by the pro-Israel intelligentsia, appeared to fare well in the dinner hosted by The Israel Project, which hews to the centrist-right pro-Israel line of much of the U.S. Jewish establishment. He scored points for admitting that the Palestinian Authority had not done enough to combat incitement.

“Prime Minister Fayyad’s spirit of hope was extremely welcome,” said Jennifer Laszlo Mizrahi, a founder of The Israel Project.

“We know that some people will criticize us for falling for a Palestinian ‘charm offensive.’ However, there is nothing offensive about charm. More Jews and Muslims, Israelis and Palestinians, should sit together over dinner and exchange ideas—especially when it can help lead to security and peace.”

Meeting again with Jewish leaders, Abbas broaches substance Read More »

It’s not the destination, it’s the journey Sukkot

The 21st century is a time when man should be at his greatest level of stability and security.

We have conquered most of the world’s diseases — polio, measles, mumps, leprosy, bubonic plague and most bacterial infections. And yet many diseases in the world still haven’t been cured, such as cancer and AIDS, and antibiotics are now starting to lose their effectiveness. We also have the latest challenge of paying for all the pharmaceuticals available to us.

Technologies provide us with so many amenities and comforts — yet we are running out of affordable energy, and our environment might be suffering through changing climates.

We have advanced in geopolitics and the development of societies in all parts of the world. And yet whole regions are politically unstable and terrorism is a constant looming threat, especially after 9/11. There is no greater uncertainty than in the Middle East, where Iran’s prospects of acquiring nuclear weapons increase daily.

There is more luxury offered to modern man than ever before. And yet everyone has to work harder to acquire and maintain those luxuries, and fewer and fewer people have the kind of job security that used to come with working for an American company a generation ago.

The great paradox of human civilization is that the more mankind works on ensuring for itself stability and security, the more new causes of instability and insecurity emerge.

It would seem this is the way God wants it: When man succeeds in building the Tower of Babel and living in it securely, he forgets about God in heaven and becomes his own god. There must always be uncertainty and insecurity in order for the human being to place his faith in God.

Insecurity reminds me that I haven’t yet arrived at my destination. If all illness is cured, all wars are eradicated, all financial dilemmas are solved, there’s nothing more for man to do or to aspire toward. God’s mandate for mankind in a pre-Messianic world is this: Remember that you haven’t arrived yet, and that you must keep on working to perfect your world.

This is the message of Sukkot. God told us to re-create the experience not of exodus, not of liberation, not of revelation, but of traveling through the desert, of being on a journey:

“So that your future generations will know that I placed you in booths (sukkot) when I took you out of Egypt …” (Leviticus 23:43). We lived in these temporary dwellings precisely because we weren’t settled and hadn’t yet arrived at the Promised Land.

Particularly during this time of year, in the fall, it’s agricultural man — not modern man — who has the greatest sense of security: He has all his grain, his food is stocked, and he is ready to spend the winter in his home under warm shelter. He has also just emerged with judgment from the High Holy Days season and is confident all will be well in the coming year. That is why the message for this holiday is: Sit in the sukkah and re-enact the process of journeying to a destination. Realize that there’s a lot more that we must do to reach the Promised Land.

At the same time, rest assured that during this time of flux and uncertainty, God is there to protect you, to be your safety net. You haven’t made it yet, but God will prevent you from failing.

In this time of great uncertainty, I can sit in the sukkah and get mechaya (relief) out of realizing that we are in a very unstable time because we are still traveling; there may even be more bumps on the road. But I also have confidence that “God will not forsake His nation” (Psalms 94:14).

Our job now is to enjoy the journey and all the uncertainty that comes along with it.

When the Israelites embarked on their exodus journey, they knew the future was uncertain. They had no way of foreseeing the multiple problems along their journey, or that only their children would ever see the Promised Land. But they were confident that as long as God’s protection was above them, all would be all right in the end. That is the story of our people for centuries — things may be unstable, but they will all work out in the end, either for ourselves or our children.

As the saying goes: It’s not the destination, it’s the journey. That’s enough of a reason to rejoice on Sukkot. May we merit seeing the end of our journey, speedily in our days!

Rabbi N. Daniel Korobkin is rosh kehillah of Yavneh Hebrew Academy, provides synagogue services for the Orthodox Union and is a community mohel.

It’s not the destination, it’s the journey Sukkot Read More »

A match made in Lithuania

It’s easy to understand Shahar Sorek’s immediate attraction to Agne Kudreviciute. The Lithuanian beauty, of mixed Polish and Russian heritage, would be the perfect casting choice for Snow White: long, black hair; light skin; striking green eyes; and a princesslike demeanor. 

Shahar, the ruggedly handsome star of the 2007 big-budget Israeli film “King of Beggars,” first met Agne when she was working the front desk of the Lithuanian hotel that accommodated the film’s cast and crew.

“I was filling out a form and I heard a voice,” said Shahar, who sat with Agne at a Beverly Boulevard cafe a few weeks before their late-July wedding in Israel. “I raised my eyes and she stood in front of me, and that was kind of the initial moment that was very powerful that threw me a little off and her a little off.”

After noticing the mysterious attraction between the two, director Uri Paster decided to cast Agne in the film, a 16th century tale that follows the transformation of a lame Jewish bath attendant (Shahar) into a warrior leading a pack of Jews against the anti-Semitic Polish leadership. Agne, at the time a 20-year-old law and journalism student who had no acting ambition, played a bit part as a beautiful Russian girl who bathes the Jewish warrior. The brief scene was shot in an old castle at Trakai, a medieval capital of Lithuania, located mere minutes from Agne’s childhood home.

Agne said she initially felt shy filming the scene, but eventually it foretold the real-life intimacy to come. “For a young girl, it’s a sign,” she said.

Shahar Sorek and Agne Kudreviciute dance at their wedding

The emotional wave that overcame them during their first encounter — call it love at first sight — embodied more than just physical attraction. Their relationship would soon usher in a rebirth and reconciliation: a tragic past turning the corner into an optimistic future, a process of self-discovery and the building of bridges between two nations.

Sima Skurkovitz, Shahar’s grandmother, is one of Lithuania’s most beloved prewar Jewish entertainers. With an ancestry said to hail from the Vilna Gaon, the great 18th century Lithuanian talmudist, Skurkovitz was the life of the Vilna Ghetto — also called the Jerusalem of Lithuania — where she performed for Jewish and non-Jewish audiences.

The Nazis eventually wiped out the ghetto, and with it Skurkovitz’s family. After World War II, she met her husband and they immigrated to Israel. She documented her story in her 1993 book, “Sima’s Songs: Light in Nazi Darkness.”

During her first visit to Israel in 2006, Agne said she was nervous about meeting Shahar’s grandmother, who is now in her late 80s. “It wasn’t about being Shahar’s girlfriend,” she said. “It was about being a Lithuanian girl who was coming and probably reminding her of that period.”

During the visit, the three communicated in various languages: Russian, Polish, German, English, Yiddish and Hebrew. Shahar describes an intuitive connection.

“She gave me a book with some of her songs that she performed in the ghetto, and that was kind of like a green light,” Agne said.

Agne’s own paternal grandparents had a painful, familiar history with the Jewish community of Lithuania. In a forest bathhouse not far from the hotel where Agne and Shahar met, they hid a Jewish family, only to have their location revealed by neighbors. Inside the forest is a mass Jewish grave.

During the ring ceremony

Agne suspects her grandmother witnessed Jewish executions but said she won’t talk about it.

“She didn’t even want to go back to those times,” Agne said.

Vilna is a modernized Western city today, but most Lithuanians are not aware of the country’s vibrant Jewish past as a center for talmudic learning or its role in Jewish persecution. Shahar was the first Jew Agne had ever met.

She first learned the extent of Lithuanian complicity during the Holocaust upon a visit to the Museum of Tolerance. “Everyone knew of the Holocaust, but unfortunately nobody spoke [about it] or took blame for the participation [in] these events,” she said.

Born and raised in Jerusalem, Shahar followed in his grandmother’s footsteps, earning local fame as a lead in the late 1990s television series “Ramat Aviv Gimel” — Israel’s equivalent of “Beverly Hills, 90210.”

After shooting “King of Beggars,” Shahar settled in Los Angeles to act and produce. After a long-distance and intermittent courtship, Agne joined him in 2007 when she got a job as a marketing manager at a local hotel. Agne completed her conversion to Judaism through American Jewish University in June.

Skurkovitz was the guest of honor at their festive wedding on Poleg Beach, north of Tel Aviv, on July 27. Shahar describes it as “magical.”

About 200 people attended, among them Agne’s parents, uncle, sister, cousins and friends from Lithuania; the Lithuanian ambassador to Israel; UCLA history professor Peter Loewenberg, Shahar’s “L.A. dad”; and Israeli producer-director Paster. Rabbi Ervin Birnbaum, rabbi emeritus of the Masorti Congregation Beit Israel in Netanya, conducted parts of the traditional Jewish chuppah ceremony in Russian for the Lithuanian guests. A violin trio played at the reception, with the chuppah followed by local singer Limor Shapira, performing songs in Yiddish and Lithuanian. Guests danced until 3 a.m. to a disco band and a DJ, with some continuing the festivities by the shore.

“They were blown away,” Shahar said of the Lithuanian guests. “Some of them said they’d never been to such an event. They weren’t prepared to see that kind of investment.”

Agne’s family also attended the Shabbat hatan, a pre-wedding celebration on Shabbat day, at the Soreks’ home in the Jerusalem suburb of Mevaseret Zion. It was their first time encountering Jewish tradition and learning about the Jewish state in depth.

Today, through their bond with Shahar and his family, Agne and her family and friends are Lithuania’s new ambassadors for Israel and the Jewish people.

“Now it all makes sense,” Agne said. “When we go through the journey together and build the relationship a lot of these things that were a question mark or a feeling that didn’t have any substance now absolutely make sense. Overall we’re great friends and we share very similar views of life and similar expectations and that’s why it’s simple and easy.”

A match made in Lithuania Read More »