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August 31, 2010

ADL briefs community on holiday security

Shortly after releasing its annual Audit of Anti-Semitic Incidents, which found an increase in reported hate crimes in California — up from 226 to 275 — the Anti-Defamation League held a meeting at its Los Angeles headquarters to advise local Jewish leaders on security threats facing the community in advance of the High Holy Days.

“There’s no specific threat that we know of this year,” ADL Senior Associate Director Alison Mayersohn said. “[But] the High Holy Days are a good time for Jewish institutions to be in touch with their local [law] enforcement agency.”

Seventy representatives from synagogues and Jewish institutions attended the briefing, including the Skirball Cultural Center, Jewish Federation chapters, and the USC and UCLA Hillel centers. The meeting, held Aug. 4, featured presentations by the FBI as well as ADL Associate Director Ariella Loewenstein and ADL investigative researcher Joanna Mendelson.

An FBI spokesman, who asked not to be identified, said that hate groups are currently on the rise in the United States, with 932 groups in 2009, up from 926 in 2008.

The ADL is encouraging Jewish institutions to review their security policies, procedures and training, and to download its security manual, “Protecting Your Jewish Institution,” which includes a chapter on High Holy Days security, from ADL.org.

Among the organization’s recommendations to Jewish institutions this year:

• Instruct staff, ushers and congregants to keep their eyes and ears open for anything unusual or suspicious, and call law enforcement immediately if they come across something.

• Ensure staff members and ushers know what to do in the event of an emergency, including reaching management during services, contacting a hired police officer or security guard and calling 911.

• Provide a hired police officer or security guard with specific instructions, identify who will be their primary contact if they have questions (e.g., an usher captain), and ensure that someone is responsible for making sure they remain at their post.

• Review and practice security procedures — in particular, review with all personnel and ushers their role in safety and security.

• Renew/establish relationships with local law enforcement and discuss security. If there is no established relationship with key police personnel, set up a meeting to create one.

• Trust your instincts. If something strikes you as being out of place or problematic, call the police immediately.

For more information, call the Anti-Defamation League’s Pacific Southwest Regional office at (310) 446-8000.

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Is Los Angeles ready for its dose of “Law & Order”?

Following last year’s cancellation of the original New York version of the series after a venerable 20-year run — a record matched in drama only by the classic Western “Gunsmoke” — a new spawn will appear this fall: “Law & Order: Los Angeles.”

While some may dismiss this latest iteration of Dick Wolf’s procedural formula as “more of the same, only different,” to me, the creation of a “Law & Order” in Los Angeles signals a cultural watershed, a moment to consider what living here means and to question how our concepts of justice and ethics, crime and punishment, play out in a city whose geography has often been its destiny and whose police force and city prosecutor’s office have their own specific histories and culture.

To get a sense of how the show might navigate our freeways and byways, I spoke with René Balcer, executive producer of the new show and, since 1996, a veteran of what he calls “the mother ship.” With Balcer having weathered so many homicides from week to week over the years, I wondered what he thought Los Angeles would have to offer in the way of murder.

“There’s no end to the crime story, starting with Cain and Abel,” Balcer told me. “People are always coming up with new ways of dispatching their fellow man. And for different reasons … I don’t think we’ve done it all.”

“Law & Order” has always relied on a uniquely compelling structure — in the first half of the program, police investigate a crime (usually a homicide); in the second half, lawyers from the District Attorney’s office prosecute. The L.A. version will be no different.

Like the original, the story will be told through two police officers and two deputy district attorneys — but, like identical twins might at first glance seem the same, the Los Angeles version, due to its own idiosyncrasies, inevitably will be different from its New York sibling.

In New York, Balcer believes, cultures clash more, and people get in one another’s faces, while Los Angeles is a “patchwork of different cultures,” a city where denizens of the Westside need never go to the Eastside, nor those from South L.A. to the Valley; where beaches are free, but in some places, public access is made difficult (particularly in the enclaves of Malibu). Such insularity will affect the storytelling in the new show. “Each episode can concentrate in a certain area of town and deal with the culture almost, but not quite, in isolation,” Balcer said.

Over the course of its storied run, “Law & Order” became known for not delving much into characters’ personal lives, for taking stories “ripped from the headlines” and for making interesting casting choices that often gave serious roles to stand-up comics and stage actors largely unknown to TV audiences. The L.A. version will uphold those traditions, for the most part — tweaking them to reflect the character of the city.

Given that in this city, private matters are just a prelude to publicity, Balcer admitted that there will be “five degrees” more focus on the characters’ private lives outside the office.

In creating the two detectives and the two D.A.s, who will alternate weekly, Balcer and the other writers hope to reflect the complicated ideologies, loyalties, lifestyles, career paths and ambitions that characterize Los Angeles.

In “Law & Order,” Jerry Orbach’s Lennie Briscoe captured a specific New York Jewish ethnicity that was pervasive in some of the episodes (after the show was canceled, Heeb magazine ran a feature highlighting the eight most Jewy episodes). But Balcer feels the show and its L.A. descendant are more universal, saying, “In the world of crime, every ethnic group and religious group is well represented.”

Balcer, who is concurrently writing a miniseries about the LAPD in the 1960s, wants “Law & Order: Los Angeles” to acknowledge the city’s police history, both good and bad, including its history of bias, from its many former John Birch Society members to the corruption of the Rampart scandal.

The main detectives are Rex Winters (Skeet Ulrich), who as a rookie went through the Rodney King riots, and his younger partner, Tomas “T.J.” Jaruszalski (Corey Stall), whose father is a Polish émigré cinematographer and who, in Balcer’s words, “thinks being a cop is the most fun anyone can have … [like being] front row at the circus everyday.” Their lieutenant is Arleen Gonzales (Wanda De Jesus), a 20-year veteran who was one of the office’s first women detectives. “She’s gay; she has a life partner who’s younger; they have an 11-year-old son together,” Balcer said.

On the prosecution side, the alternating deputy D.A.s are Ricardo Morales (Alfred Molina), a first-generation Latino whose father was a groundskeeper at Hillcrest Country Club, “a political animal” whose goal is to become District Attorney, which he sees not only as a stepping stone but “the place to do the most good.” He is assisted by attorney Evelyn Price (Regina Hall), an African American who grew up in Baldwin Hills, the daughter of a successful upper-middle-class businessman who, although aware of “all the foibles of the LAPD,” will choose law over anarchy.

By contrast, Deputy D.A. Jonah Dekker (Terrence Howard) is more of a free spirit and creative legal thinker. “This is not going to be his last job.” His assistant D.A. is Lauren Gardner — the character’s name may change — (Megan Boone), who comes from a well-off San Marino family with right-of-center politics (think Angie Harmon on the mother ship).

As for the stories, Balcer said celebrities will only be about “one-tenth of the cases, because there are a lot more crimes that happen in L.A. … but don’t get the publicity.” A mix of national stories will be told with an L.A. hook, along with stories unique to the region.

“For example, in Temecula,” Balcer said, “there’s a big controversy over the building of a mosque — well, that’s an L.A. story, even though that story’s being replicated in other places in the country. And there are some that are unique to L.A. — like the backdrop to the financing of something like Proposition 8. That would be fertile ground for a story.” Balcer also said he and his writers are working on a story about “second-generation Russian immigrants who get kidnapped in L.A. in order to shake down their rich relatives back in Moscow.”

When we spoke, Balcer was only a few days into filming the first episode. Scripts for half of the first 13-episode order had been written, and the rest were in process.

Will the show succeed? Will it ring true? Will it convey how morality and justice are two shades of gray in a city where everyone wears sunglasses?

From my conversation with Balcer, Los Angeles already seemed to be becoming a character in its own drama — a city set in a desert where strong hands grasp at sand.

Tom Teicholz is a film producer in Los Angeles. Everywhere else, he’s an author and journalist who has written for The New York Times Sunday Magazine, Interview and The Forward. His column appears here regularly, and his blog can be found at jewishjournal.com/tommywoodtheblog.

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’Neshoba’ probes truth behind 1964 civil rights slaying

On June 21, during the Freedom Summer of 1964, two young Jews from New York and an African American from Mississippi were murdered while on a mission to register black voters in the South.

They were killed by a Ku Klux Klan posse outside Philadelphia, Miss., the seat of Neshoba County.

In 2005, 41 years later to the day, the mastermind of the slayings, “Preacher” Edgar Ray Killen, 80, was convicted by a local jury and sentenced to 60 years in prison.

Shortly before Killen’s trial, Micki Dickoff, a Los Angeles filmmaker and social activist, and photographer Tony Pagano traveled south. Their goal was to record memories of the political and emotional landscape of the people of Philadelphia, many of whom had lived with, or ignored, the crime that occurred in their midst for more than four decades.

In “Neshoba: The Price of Freedom,” the filmmakers have created a documentary about a town where a new generation is trying to confront and heal the scars of the past, while a few unrepentant elders mouth the same racist epithets, as if frozen in time.

There are heart-wrenching interviews with the families of the three victims, undeterred in their search for truth and justice, as well as glimpses of black and white Neshoba residents working together for a better future.

But, in their most impressive feat, Dickoff and Pagano managed to get full access to Killen before, during and after the trial.

The result of what might be called “A Portrait of the Racist as an Old Man” is a picture of a once-common Southern rural type whose bigotry came so naturally that he’s proud to show it on camera.

As a reviewer for the Dallas Morning News put it felicitously, “You know the phrase ‘give them enough rope’? This guy is a one-man hemp factory.”

We learn from Killen that the media is controlled by Jews and communists, and that the black man is inferior because the Bible says so.

The murder of the three young men shook the country and helped galvanize President Lyndon Johnson and Congress to pass the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act the following year.

In parallel, the brutal crime, which joined in martyrdom two Jews — Andrew Goodman and Michael Schwerner — and one black, James Chaney, came to symbolize the close ties of the two minority communities in the civil rights struggle.

It is, therefore, rather puzzling that the film never explicitly mentions that Goodman and Schwerner were Jews, nor is there any indication of their heritage at their funerals or in their families’ laments.

It is not that Dickoff — writer, co-director and co-producer of the film — is insensitive to the issue.

She recalled in a recent phone interview how her father grew up on the Mississippi Delta, the child of the only Jewish family in town, later moving to New York.

In 1964, when his daughter, Micki, was 17 and wanted to join the Freedom Riders, he categorically forbade her to go. He knew the prejudice and latent violence of the Deep South.

There is probably a separate film that could be done, exploring the fluctuations of black-Jewish relationships over the years, Dickoff said, but in “Neshoba” she focused entirely on the trial and how attitudes had changed, or not changed, in the four decades between the murder and the trial.

Dickoff worked more than six years on “Neshoba,” always scrambling for money to keep going, and said she thinks that if a film about black-Jewish relations is to be made, someone else will have to do it.

“Neshoba” will open Sept. 10 at Laemmle’s Music Hall in Beverly Hills and Playhouse 7 in Pasadena.

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A hip-hop, Shakespearean, operatic ‘Venice’

Matt Sax, the baby-faced composer-performer whose new show, “Venice,” was dubbed “the year’s best musical” by Time magazine, has a penchant for creating works in which life imitates art.

In 2004, he penned his solo hip-hop musical, “Clay,” about a Jewish teenager from suburban New York who escapes his dysfunctional past and finds his place in life by learning to rap and becoming a hip-hop star. Sax learned to rap to perform “Clay,” which made him, at 24, the first rapper ever to take the stage at the Lincoln Center Theater, for which he was widely hailed as a theatrical wunderkind — the story “absolutely mirroring my own trajectory as a writer and performer,” Sax said.

On Oct. 7, Sax’s new musical, “Venice,” a political fable that has proved prescient as well, will open at the Kirk Douglas Theatre in Culver City. The show was commissioned by the Center Theatre Group in Los Angeles but premiered at the Kansas City Repertory Theatre, where the show’s co-author, Eric Rosen, is artistic director.

“Venice” fuses elements of hip-hop, R&B, Broadway musical theater and opera — as well as Shakespeare, Brechtian allegory and Greek tragedy — to tell of an idealistic young leader named Venice, who clashes with his militaristic brother on how to save their city in the aftermath of a 20-year war and ongoing terrorist attacks.

“We started writing ‘Venice’ a few months before President Obama announced his candidacy,” Sax said of how the piece mirrors current events. “He was just this rock-star senator, but we were very inspired by the idea that a new leader could come and shake the world up.”

“We had been inspired by ‘Othello’ to create a play about the politics of the moment,” said Rosen, who wrote the book, co-authored the lyrics and directs the show. “Long before Obama won the presidency, we were writing about a charismatic leader trying to save his people and the love-hate relationship they develop with him.”

At the beginning of the play, Sax, who plays the Clown MC narrator, walks onstage carrying a laptop and begins typing the story of “Venice”  as actors bring his words alive. We learn that, on a terrible day two decades ago, “bombs fell on the rising sun” of Venice — which is meant to be a fictional city — as citizens died and children were evacuated to safety in a distant haven.

On the 20th anniversary of that attack, Gen. Venice Monroe (Javier Muñoz) has invited the exiles to return with the slogan, “Venice is for Venice” — words that later will assume a xenophobic twist. Soon a terrorist bombing interrupts the general’s wedding to his childhood sweetheart — the ceremony is meant to double as a peace celebration — and turns citizen against citizen.

“What remains in ‘Venice’ from ‘Othello’ is the idea that the city believes it is at war with someone else, when, in fact, it is at war with itself,” Rosen said. He cites as comparable the Virginia Tech massacre of 2007 and the 1995 assassination of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin by a right-wing religious extremist at a rally supporting his peace initiative and the signing of the Oslo Accords.

The co-authors hail from disparate artistic — and Jewish — backgrounds. Rosen, 39, grew up in Asheville, N.C., with a Jewish father and a Southern Baptist mother who converted to Judaism in an Orthodox ceremony. Sax, now 26, grew up Reform in Mamaroneck, N.Y., where he became a bar mitzvah and was confirmed, but at 13 was preoccupied with hip-hop rather than religious studies. The first rap song he heard was “Suicidal Thoughts” by Notorious B.I.G., which concludes with a gunshot as the narrator kills himself. “Having imagined myself as a theater artist my whole life, I was astounded by how theatrical rap actually was,” he recalled. “I also gravitated toward its lyricism, its ability to tell stories and the intricacies of being a wordsmith and a lyricist.”

As the Jewish son of a wealth manager, however, Sax was initially reluctant to rap, fearing he might be labeled inauthentic; he changed his mind when he began writing “Clay” during his sophomore year at Northwestern University in an attempt to mold his career. “I wasn’t cast in a student production of ‘The Seagull,’ and I was pissed,” he said. “I realized that if I wanted to perform, I was going to have to create something for myself.”

Sax had never previously written a play, nor had he ever rapped, but he taught himself to do both so he could create a monologue about a nerdy Jewish teenager suffering through his parents’ divorce, a seduction at the hands of his stepmother and his mother’s suicide — which so traumatizes the teen that he remains mute until he regains his voice through rapping.

Because Sax’s parents are, in his words, “very nice people” and still married, the story isn’t directly autobiographical. Instead, it was inspired by his own artistic angst, and “a bit of ‘Oedipus,’ of ‘Henry IV,’ of ‘Hamlet,’ ” he said. “I believe that if something is going to be on stage, the stakes must be raised to the level of ‘ghosts and gods,’ ” he added. “And I felt I could take a bit of this and a bit of that, a bit of myself and put it all together to create something new, which in itself is reminiscent of hip-hop.”

Nevertheless, after “Clay” earned buzz at the Edinburgh Fringe Festival several years ago, Sax’s parents insisted he return to Northwestern to earn his degree — which disappointed him but turned out to prove fortuitous.  Rosen — then artistic director and founder of Chicago’s About Face Theatre, said a mentor dragged him to see a campus production of “Clay” in a “grungy, graffiti-covered, clublike space, with only a handful of people in the audience. But I was blown away by Matt’s powerful performance.”

Rosen went on to help shape “Clay” through productions at the Kansas City Repertory Theatre (where he is now artistic director), in New York and at the Douglas in Culver City.

“Eric and I are very different people, but there are certain things we share — one of them being our Jewish pasts, which is something that connects us as collaborators,” Sax said. Rosen said his complex Jewish background leads him to see direct Jewish influences in both “Clay” and “Venice.” His great-grandfather emigrated from Poland, landed in the American South and, according to family lore, became the first kosher butcher in Appalachia.

“My parents divorced when I was 7, and having a mother who converted and then diverted from Judaism made that heritage even more profound to me,” he said. Rosen immersed himself in Jewish studies as an undergraduate, and part of his doctoral work in performance studies at Northwestern included Jewish folklore and literature. He has visited Israel a number of times and has traveled to Europe to visit the birthplace and haunts of Jewish forebears.

Thus, while Sax sees the Jewish character in “Clay” as a reflection of his self-effacing kind of Jewish humor, Rosen interprets the story, in part, “as a Philip Roth-like narrative of the disintegration of the third-generation Jewish family in the suburbs,” he said

And “Venice,” for Rosen, echoes elements of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. “When I worry about Israel,” he said, “I worry about a society so consumed with fear that it cannot perceive its real enemies.”

For tickets and information about “Venice,” which runs Oct. 7-Nov. 14, visit www.CenterTheatreGroup.org.

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A mirror on the haunted self

Just weeks before she graduated from Yale University in May 1959, Eva Hesse — a child survivor of the Holocaust who would become renowned for her sculptural assemblages — railed against artists of the day: “The hell with them all,” she wrote in her journal. “Paint yourself out, through and through, it will come by you alone. You must come to terms with your own work, not with any other being.”

The exhibition “Eva Hesse Spectres 1960,” which will be on display Sept. 25 through Jan. 2, 2011, at the Hammer Museum, will for the first time show 21 rarely seen paintings the artist rendered upon moving into her first studio in New York City in 1960 — 10 years before her untimely death at 34 of a brain tumor. 

In stark contrast to her later abstracted, idiosyncratic Minimalist sculptures and assemblages, these more figurative paintings and self-portraits are haunting images reflecting a haunted psyche. And though they adapt some of the painterliness of the Abstract Expressionism that dominated the era, in contrast to those mostly large-scale works, a number of Hesse’s paintings are as small as a hand-mirror — or a page from a diary — as the 24-year-old artist strove, “literally, to paint her self out,” E. Luanne McKinnon, the show’s curator and director of the University of New Mexico Art Museum, writes in its catalogue. 

In the self-portraits, Hesse transformed her real-life beauty into grotesque visages in corpselike shades of gray or putrid yellow-greens, her body often rendered sexless and undefined, the eyes sometimes gouged out. In one image, a slash of red lipstick indicates her mouth, which leers through a hole in a masklike layer. In another, Hesse’s doppelganger abjectly stands in the extreme left side of the frame — isolated, confined, sealed off — her dark hair hanging lankly. In a third painting, blazing eyes stare from a face that is cropped below the nose, as an oversized hair bow gives the likeness a childlike aura.

Other paintings in the exhibition depict erect figures with a great deal of distance (read: disconnect) between them. Still others appear to cleave together or apart, like two halves of the self, struggling to individuate or to merge with each other. The biomorphic creatures are perhaps indicative of Hesse’s own battle to move past her pain while immersed in psychoanalysis and to discover her unique voice as an artist in a predominantly male milieu. 

Then there is a kind of double self-portrait: a ghostly bride who sits passively as a black-clad spectre with a skull’s head aggressively exits the scene.

“The abiding question for Eva Hesse always was, ‘Is it safe?’ so there is an awkwardness in these pictures,” curator McKinnon said. “We see levels of self-doubt, monstrous depictions of an inner, haunted [soul], disconnection, the loss of her mother and the fear of being reduced to simply a wife and a mother. And so we are invited into an inner sanctum of Hesse’s psychological being.”

In some of the paintings with two figures, McKinnon sees “one self coming out of another self. … Hesse was bothered and challenged with being by herself in New York for the first time, knowing it would be up to [her] to carve out her way.”

“The act of looking … was directed both at herself and at others, at her past and no doubt her future,” McKinnon noted in the catalog. “Looking inwardly and outwardly and with paint as her guide, she began to paint herself out and away and ahead.”

Hesse had quite a past to contend with. Born in Hamburg, Germany, to an observant Jewish family in 1936, she was separated from her parents when she was almost 3, as they sent Eva and her sister on a Kindertransport to the Netherlands to escape the Nazis. Although the family managed to flee to England and then to New York, the Holocaust continued to cast its long shadow; Hesse’s mother spiraled into depression and committed suicide when Eva was 10. Hesse’s father remarried, to a woman who reportedly had little interest in children.

By 1960, Hesse had already been in analysis for three years in an attempt to grapple with the anxieties stemming from her multiple abandonments; it is not insignificant that she gave one of her self-portraits to her analyst, Dr. Samuel Dunkell. “Things have come to pass, so disturbing that the shell made of iron which has refused to be set ajar — will — must — at last open,” Hesse wrote in 1960, upon learning that a former lover had married.  “Problems of my past, of my past sickness, of the scars of my early beginnings. The deep-rooted insecurity which has made any relationship … impossible.”

McKinnon was struck by how Hesse “obliterated” the eyes in many of the figures, in which the eyeballs are “either shut or damaged or hollowed or smeared through,” she said. “In her acts of self-blinding, I think Hesse is shielding herself from seeing her memories of tragedy … symbolically working through her fears in order to protect herself from recurring and debilitating anxieties.” And thus regaining the clarity of vision so necessary to the emerging artist.

Yet Hesse’s early paintings could also be forceful. “There is a physicality to the work,” McKinnon said. “You can almost feel the stroke of her brush and her hand coming away from the canvas, allowing the paint to drip.”

McKinnon envisioned the “Spectres” exhibition after viewing several of Hesse’s 1960 paintings in more complete retrospectives of her work at Yale and at the Robert Miller gallery in Manhattan. While Hesse had become one of the most examined artists of the 1960s, the 21 self- or partial self-portraits she rendered before definitively embracing abstraction had never before been shown, or studied, en masse. Hesse had never allowed them to be exhibited in her lifetime, although she clearly valued the pictures, because she was prodigious about destroying work she disliked.

In 1965, in the midst of a major personal and creative slump, Hesse had her first major artistic breakthrough. At the time, she was deeply unhappy to find herself back in Germany, as a wealthy industrialist had given her husband, the artist Tom Doyle, an abandoned textile factory in exchange for artwork. Although the couple’s relationship was rocky and they later separated, it was Doyle who encouraged Hesse to begin making sculptures out of detritus she found in the building — prompting the kind of whimsical works that would later place her on the map as an artist. 

McKinnon sees qualities in Hesse’s 1960 paintings that, she said, “I could feel in her future, completely abstracted works. Four years later, she was working with fiberglass and other materials, but even in this abstracted work, ultimately, there is a sense of veiling, or of bodies connecting and disconnecting.

“Are the disturbing images a premonition of her early death?” McKinnon queried, rhetorically. “Of course, we can never know that. All we can do is present the paintings and ask the questions that emerge.”

For more information, call (310) 443-7000 or visit hammer.ucla.edu.

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The war in Iraq is over — let’s hope

 

President Obama announced tonight from the Oval Office that the war in Iraq is over. Via The New York Times:

In an address from the Oval Office – only his second as president – Mr. Obama reminded Americans that, in giving responsibility for Iraqi security to the Iraqis, he was fulfilling a promise he made while running for office. He conceded that Americans are ‘’understandably asking tough questions’’ about Afghanistan, but urged the nation to stick with him on that war.

“We must never lose sight of what’s at stake,’’ Mr. Obama said. Sounding much like his predecessor, former President George W. Bush, he warned, “As we speak, al Qaeda continues to plot against us.’’

But it was clear that, at a time when Americans are anxious about the economy, Mr. Obama also wanted to use the address to pivot toward problems at home. As he praised the courage and resolve of the American troops, he reminded the nation of the blood and treasure that had been spilled during the Iraq war, and said it is time for him to focus on his “central responsibility’’ as president: restoring the economic health of the nation.

So after 7/5 years, that’s it. Hopefully this announcement will mean more than President Bush’s May 1, 2003 “mission accomplished” speech.

Questions about whether religious chasms can ever be crossed in Iraq remain. I just hope that all those years, all those billions of dollars and—most costly of all—all those lives lost purchased something more than a new corrupt and fractured government.

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Secrets of the murderous human heart

David Scott Milton, 50-some years old, Jewish, is alone in a locked room with a young Nazi. They’re in the library of the Maximum Security Yard of the California Correctional Institution at Tehachapi. It’s night, and the prison is in lock-down. David and the Nazi had a standoff a few days earlier — the Nazi doesn’t like Jews and David doesn’t like people who push Jews around — but that time, they were surrounded by prisoners and guards, and so the Nazi had backed down. When the lock-down began, he knew David would be sent alone to the library. Somehow, he evaded the guards, got there before David, and waited. He knows it’ll be some time before anyone realizes he’s missing, and some more time before he’s found.

The Nazi is telling David he’s in the hole because he likes to burglarize homes when the owners are in, having dinner or watching television or doing whatever peaceful activity families do together. He likes roaming the house while they’re awake, coming up close behind them, standing over them while they sleep. And if they turn around, or wake up, and see him? He kills them. 

“You’re an animal!” David screams at him, but the Nazi just stares at him. He has “graveyard eyes”— eyes that never move, that reflect no soul. Slowly, he opens the front of his shirt, shows David the swastika tattooed across his chest.

It’s raining hard outside. A prison guard has lost it and is threatening to open fire on the yard from the observation tower. The Nazi’s doing life without parole. He’s got a score to settle and nothing to lose by settling it.

I first met David Scott Milton over 20 years ago, when I was a student in his playwriting class at USC and he was writing screenplays for big Hollywood movies. By then, he had published many books; his plays had been staged all over the world; he’d won all kinds of awards. But you wouldn’t know any of that unless you looked up his bio. In person, he was unusually humble. He had a deep voice and an exceptionally generous spirit, found the best in his students and in their work. He taught the way he wrote — with fervor, insight and humor. He was more interested in understanding the human heart than in cashing in on it, and that’s why he ended up in Tehachapi one day in 1991, just drove up to the prison gates and told the guard he was a writer and wanted to teach at the prison.

“Teach what?” the guard asked.

“Creative writing.”

“Why?” the guard asked, frowning. “It’s a waste of taxpayer money.”

The warden told David he wouldn’t last more than a week, that he would be teaching murderers exclusively, that he would be alone with them in a room that locked from the outside. There would be no guards, just a pager David could activate in case he was attacked. He was well-advised, however, to avoid being attacked, because the men were fast, and the guards couldn’t respond to the page right away. 

There were 12 students in the first class. One was a Mexican Mafia leader who was doing 1,300 years, plus three life sentences. Another was a Mensa member who had killed his stepfather. A third had been functionally illiterate till he was 42 and came to prison; he wrote with the help of a dictionary, took a week to complete a page. They wrote about their lives, their crimes, their victims. Their stories haunted David from week to week, polluted his life, poisoned his sleep. He had gone in to explore the question of guilt, the nature of sin, and the more he learned about these men, the bigger the mystery became.

“These murderers are becoming your life,” one of his students at USC warned. “Stop teaching those criminals and go home to your children.”

The student, Aziz, was the son of a Moslem Palestinian father and a Jewish Israeli mother, with an American wife he loved, two small children he adored and a very promising career he had begun under David’s tutelage.

He kept telling David, who also had two kids, about the importance of telling one’s children how loved they are. “Tuck them into bed at night,” he said, “and tell them you love them.”

A year went by, and then another, and still, David went back to the prison. He had started to believe that there were different degrees of guilt involved in the commission of the same crime, that sin is relative, that most criminals are born innocent. He had taught everyone from Lyle Menendez to Geronimo Pratt to Ken Hartman, young men from privileged backgrounds who had killed for the thrill of it, prison gang leaders, and he had never seen an instance of pure evil until he met the Nazi who cornered him in the library.

“You’re an animal,” he screams at the man the night of the lock-down, then showers him with insults. He knows these may be the last words he utters, but he can’t help himself, he wants to kill this man, put out the dull, dirty light behind the graveyard eyes. He’s a peaceful person, but he’s never been able to back down from a fight when Jews or Jewishness were involved. He grew up in Pittsburgh, on Squirrel Hill, surrounded by anti-Semitism. He went to a Conservative synagogue, had many a fight with kids from the neighboring areas. His father, once a prize fighter, had a heart attack when he was about the age David is now: Someone — a much younger, stronger man — had called him a dirty Jew, and David’s father had thrown the first punch.

For most people, David has learned by teaching at the prison, the line between guilt and innocence can shift in a fraction of a second.

“Those murderers are your life,” Aziz warned. He and his wife had just bought a house together. He was working on a film with David, and he kept talking about his children. Once, he gave David a book his wife had given him; it was subtitled “Over 300 ways to say I love you.”

“I’m at No. 270,” he said. “Some of the advice is very helpful.”

At Tehachapi, a guard notices that the Nazi’s missing, figures he’s gone to find David and gets to the library in time. A few days later, David gets a call from someone at USC: Has he heard about Aziz? the person asks. He killed his wife and kids. Shot them execution-style, then drove out to the woods and used the gun on himself.

A nice Jewish man, a father and family man, a talented writer who disliked violence and warned David to stay away from murderers. One day, he’s sitting at a conference table in a classroom at USC; the next, he could be writing from inside Tehachapi.

In all, David would teach the murderers for 13 years, at four different maximum-security prisons in California. Afterward, he would write a one-man play about those years and those men, about Aziz, and about the night when David wanted to kill the Nazi or be killed himself. 

“Murderers Are My Life” is a breathtaking study of the nature of guilt and evil. Just about everything in the play is true. David wrote it with the intention of showing it in schools and prisons, religious institutions and civic centers, anyplace where the study of the human heart may help make a difference. He has a taped performance that runs for about an hour, and afterward he speaks to the audience. It’s a transformative experience, at once witty and devastating, and it stays under your skin long after the evening is over. He still teaches screenwriting at USC’s film school, but with “Murderers Are My Life,” he’s teaching the world about the tangled pathways of the human heart.

David Scott Milton can be reached at dsm@onemain.com


Gina Nahai is an author and a professor of creative writing at USC. Her latest novel is “Caspian Rain” (MacAdam Cage, 2007). Her column appears monthly in The Journal.

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The battle for Israel

As experts rush to predict the outcome of the upcoming round of peace talks between Israel and the Palestinians, all the familiar issues are resurfacing for discussion. Borders, right-of-return, Jerusalem, settlements. The world waits, and hopes, that this time the outcome will be different.

But while all eyes are on the peace process, another, little-known process is unfolding within Israel, where a debate rages over the nature and definition of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state. It is, in other words, a battle for the soul of Israel, and its outcome is no less crucial to the future of the State of Israel than the results of the negotiations in Washington. 

At present, there are no fewer than 14 bills pending in the Knesset that would de-fund or penalize civil society, curtail freedom of speech or dissent, or in some way diminish democratic freedom. Extremist settlers, with the tacit assent of the government, are taking over East Jerusalem’s historic Palestinian neighborhoods, based on land claims that pre-date 1948. So-called “student groups” with millions of dollars in opaque funding are attacking the universities, the media and my own organization, the New Israel Fund (NIF), and the many human rights and social justice groups we fund, as anti-Israel, anti-Zionist and treasonous.

Americans may remember a similar atmosphere in our own country after 9/11. But what is happening in Israel is different and more ominous. Not even the most enthusiastic backers of the Patriot Act suggested closing down the ACLU, requiring loyalty oaths from all Americans or forbidding Native Americans, African Americans or Japanese Americans from commemorating their historic tragedies in this country — but parallel demands are escalating in Israel. When L.A.’s Progressive Jewish Alliance, which I used to lead, opposed the war in Iraq and came to the defense of moderate Muslim leaders, many argued with us but no one suggested shutting us down.

The drift toward authoritarianism and McCarthyism in some sectors of Israeli society actually doesn’t have much to do with physical security. The number of terrorist incidents is way down, and despite the looming threat from Iran, the borders are quiet. 

But Israelis do not feel secure. The memory of the horrific suicide bombings earlier in the decade is still sharp. And the buzzword of this year, the great fear among Israelis, is the “delegitimization” of Israel. Some on the Israeli right — and their supporters abroad — have cynically labeled every critic and every criticism of Israeli policy or actions, no matter how valid the criticism or how loving the critic, as delegitimization. In the international reaction to the flotilla, to the Goldstone Report and to the Gaza action, many Israelis see uncompromising hostility to the Jewish state itself, not to its actions or policies.

Israel has real adversaries who deny its right to exist. But while it may be understandable, the indiscriminate rejection of all criticism is creating the very zero-sum game that many Israelis fear. If Israelis believe that every gain for Palestinians — whether in peace talks or in civil rights for Arab citizens inside Israel — is a loss for Jewish Israelis, there will be no progress. If progressive organizations report on human-rights violations, the widening gap between rich and poor and the ever-growing power of the ultra-Orthodox hierarchy, and the reaction of Israeli leadership is to shoot the messenger, the message of a deteriorating democracy will not be lost on the international community. And if the forces of ultra-nationalist reaction gain even more traction, the caricature of Israel drawn by its real enemies will, tragically, come closer to reality.

But there is good news. Those who cherish the Israel envisioned by its founders are fighting back. The Israel Defense Forces has changed its operational protocol to better protect civilian lives and infrastructure, and actually credited human rights groups’ reports on the Gaza war for their information and observations. Attorney General Yehuda Weinstein refused to “investigate” NIF and the human rights community, citing the duties of civil society in a democracy. Knesset Speaker Reuven Rivlin decried the divisiveness of pending anti-democratic legislation, and scores of Israeli leaders defended academic freedom against extremist attacks. 

Israel needs this kind of courage to confront both itself and its adversaries, because securing a vibrant and functioning Israeli democracy is as critical for Israel’s future as is securing peace with its neighbors. The factions resisting a settlement freeze and real progress toward peace are the same ones attempting to dismantle freedom of speech and conscience, restrict minority rights and reverse equality for women. The more they intimidate and bamboozle their countrymen with the canard that only they are the guardians of Zionism, the more likely it becomes that the Jewish-and-democratic state will, eventually, be neither.

The two-state solution may be the obvious answer, but it is by no means assured.  The answer to the despotism of Hamas is not anti-democratic measures in Jerusalem. As Israel confronts its adversaries, it must reject the temptation to mimic those whose repressive and theocratic regimes are rightfully condemned. Shutting down dissent and democracy will not keep Israel safe. A commitment to justice for all its citizens and to a fair and equitable solution of two states for two peoples, will.

Daniel Sokatch is CEO of the New Israel Fund.

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Three States

We can get very jaded about these Middle East diplomatic endeavors now under way in Washington, D.C., but we shouldn’t. If you care about Israel, you have to care about peace. For Israel to maintain its identity as a Jewish state it must find a way to allow for Palestinian self-determination. For Israel to thrive economically, diplomatically and culturally, it must reach an accord with its neighbors. That’s not peace-nikky platitudes, that’s the finding of every serious study of Israel’s long-term prospects.

At the Milken Institute’s Global Conference in 2008, Israeli venture capitalist Yossi Vardi spelled it out to me plainly. “You simply don’t get real growth without peace,” he said.

So there’s no brilliant future for the Jewish state without peace, and no peace as long as both sides can’t contain the incitement and violence of their fanatics.

On the Palestinian side, unfortunately, fanatics control the entire Gaza strip.

Hamas won control of the 1.5 million Palestinians in the Gaza Strip in the 2007 election pushed by the Bush administration. Hamas rejects the state of Israel and opposes the peace process. Children living under Hamas rule are treated to cartoons depicting Israelis as monsters and the Palestinian Authority as collaborators. In one cartoon last year, a Palestinian child mocked captured Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit as Shalit, shivering in a corner, calls out, “Mommy!” Shalit convinced the child to kidnap more soldiers to strike fear in the whole Israeli army. Every time I close my eyes and try to imagine a two-state solution to the Israeli Palestinian problem, I keep seeing Hamas cartoons.

But let’s be clear: There are extremists north of Gaza, too.

Over the past week, the world has gotten a taste of Israeli fanaticism. Rabbi Ovadia Yosef, the 89-year-old leader of the ultra-Orthodox Sephardi Shas party, a key power broker in Netanyahu’s government, called for all Palestinians to be destroyed.

“May God smite them with the plague,” he said.

History shows that the 17-year-long direct peace process between Israel and the Palestinians usually goes off the rails because of bad faith and extremism.  Either the Israelis and/or the Palestinians just aren’t as committed to compromise as whichever American president knocking their heads together is, or extremist sentiments or actions on one side or another blow a hole in the proceedings.

So there’s no real future to the Jewish state without peace, and no peace as long as both sides can’t contain the incitement and violence of their fanatics.

What to do?

Some analysts believe that if Israel and the Palestinian Authority under President Mahmoud Abbas can reach an agreement that leads to an independent, sound Palestinian state in the West Bank, Palestinians under Hamas rule will vote the P.A. back into power in Gaza. They point to a June poll in Gaza that gave Abbas 54 percent of the vote versus Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh’s 39 percent.

If those numbers hold, and if Palestinian terrorism or Israeli actions don’t derail the process, and if Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Abbas can reach and maintain an agreement, there can be a two-state solution.

You’ll notice a lot of ifs in that sentence.

And the big ifs always come back to this: Can we marginalize the extremists?

I don’t know the answer. But I have come to believe that there are two sides in the Middle East conflict, and they have nothing to do with race, nationality or religion. There are Jews and Arabs who want compromise, and Jews and Arabs who want to demonize and eradicate their neighbors. The moderates will find a way to compromise on every issue — not because they love their neighbor or because they believe their neighbor loves or even fully accepts them, but because moderates believe that, in the end, their cause is best served through compromise.

Fanatics will do everything in their power not to compromise, not with the enemy, not even with one another. Hamas brutalizes Palestinians who disagree with it politically or don’t adhere to its own twisted standards of Muslim morality. In 2008, Hamas security forces beat a 10-year-old Palestinian boy in the face with iron bars because he was sitting with some Abbas supporters. Back in Israel, Rabbi Yitzhak Shapiro recently published a book declaring that “there is nothing wrong with the murder” of gentiles, because one day they might be a threat. I do wonder if their fanatics wouldn’t get along better with our fanatics than we moderates do, and vice versa.

I’ve often wondered, too, if the solution is not two states, but three: one each for Jews and Palestinians willing to live side by side, and one for those Jews and Arabs who think God tells them otherwise: Israel, Palestine and Fanatistan.  The populations can shift according to their predilections. I imagine plenty of Jews will see eye to eye with the strict standards of modesty Hamas enforces, and plenty of Palestinians will prefer the cafes of Ramallah to the bar-less streets of Gaza City.

The fanatics can all go to Gaza and continue screaming and killing one another. We moderates can get on with building two great nations.

A couple of years ago, I even bought the Web domain www.fanatistan.com. As a first act of peace, I will give it away, free, to the Jews and Arabs who will lead their future nation of Fanatistan — right into the grave.

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Actress Von Teese sues ex-landlord for anti-Semitism

Burlesque dancer and actress Dita Von Teese in a lawsuit accused her former landlord of an anti-Semitic tirade.

Von Teese, 37, alleged in a suit filed Monday in Los Angeles Superior Court that when her managers tried to have her $5,000 security deposit returned, the former landlord “went on Mel Gibson-like anti-Semitic tangents, personally attacking Plaintiff’s Jewish managers and business managers,” TMZ reported.

Gibson, a film actor and director, let loose an anti-Semitic tirade after being pulled over in 2006 for drunk driving.

Landlord Lallubhai Patel also wrote Von Teese a note warning her to “be aware of Jews. In your business no one can do anything without them. Just a reminder to be cautious.”

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