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April 26, 2010

N.Y. rally decries Obama on Israel

At least 1,000 demonstrators protesting President Obama’s treatment of Israel gathered in front of the Israeli Consulate in Manhattan.

Sunday’s rally was organized by the Jewish Action Alliance and sponsored by 20 groups, Jewish and non-Jewish.

“We are outraged that President Obama is scapegoating Israel and wants to expel Jews from their homes in Jerusalem,” said Beth Gilinsky of the Jewish Action Alliance, according to WPIX TV in New York. “President Obama and Secretary [of State] Hillary Clinton show more anger about a Jewish family building a home in Jerusalem than Iran building a nuclear bomb. Vast segments of the Jewish community will not tolerate the president’s continuing attacks on Israel. Grass-roots Jewry will not be silent.”

In a taped message played for the protesters, former New York City Mayor Ed Koch slammed Obama for his treatment of Israel and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

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Netanyahu and nuclear deterrence

These are not the easiest of days for Benjamin Netanyahu.  The Israeli prime-minister is faced with a growing nuclear threat from Iran, collapsing relations with neighboring Arab countries and the worst crisis in U.S.- Israeli relations since the 1956 Suez War.  And just when he thought things couldn’t get any worse, along comes demands for him to attend a Washington D.C. conference on nuclear security where, he is told, Israel’s supposed best friends in the region are going to demand that Israel sign the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.
Someone give this man an aspirin.

It is certainly not the first time the Israeli PM has come under unrelenting pressure from multiple directions.  In November, 1998 during his first prime-ministership, Bill Clinton, pressing the full weight of his presidential office on Netanyahu, instructed him to sign the Wye River Memorandum, which was an updated version of the Oslo Accords, detailing security arrangements, IDF redeployments and economic matters between Israel and the PA.  The Memorandum would never be implemented.  IDF withdrawals from contested areas were not met by the stipulated reciprocal responses from the Palestinians – particularly with regard to the collection of weapons and the cessation of incitement.  Two years later, the outbreak of the Second Intifada made it all but irrelevant.

Yet at that time, Netanyahu was seen largely by his own constituency on the Israeli right, as a dupe.  He had signed an agreement which had given gratuitous concessions to a reprobate Palestinian dictatorship and made Israel seem weak.  His coalition partners had still not forgiven him for surrendering 50% of Hebron to Palestinian control the previous year and within a few weeks, having lost the confidence of his Knesset majority, his government fell.

Netanyahu has spent ten years nursing the bruises received from those encounters and in the interim seems to have learned some important lessons.  The first of them is that his political survival in Israel is dependent on his country’s projection of strength.  When it comes to Israel’s security, he now seems to understand that he should insist on his country’s right to reject any proposal that compromises it.  Second, he now appreciates that U.S. Presidents will place their own priorities before that of Israel’s welfare, in order to accelerate broader policy goals. ( Clinton, we might remember, pegged his chances of earning a coveted Nobel Prize to Middle East peace). Third, peace is not going to come to Israel and the Middle East through Israeli concessions but rather through a demonstration of Israeli power respected by Arab regimes – forcing them to concede that they have no other choice but to come to the table.

Although the summit is intended to focus on nuclear security, leaving other broad topics such as non-proliferation and disarmament to different fora,  there will be an inevitable drift of discussion to those issues.  Netanyahu is aware that demands will be made on Israel by erstwhile friends Egypt and Turkey (who have been given lately to describing Israel as ” the greatest threat to peace in the region”) to sign the Nuclear Non- Proliferation Treaty.  He is also aware of the deep ambivalence of the Obama administration towards his government.  There could be little relish for the idea of being dressed down again by Hilary Clinton.

Netanyahu’s aversion to attending the conference is, however,  more than mere discomfort at the thought of being confronted by Israel’s antagonists.  Perhaps alone among world leaders, he recognizes that his country stands as a hedge against Iran’s acquisition of nuclear weapons – which he rightly regards as the greatest calamity to befall our civilization .  He sees no evidence that the world is seriously tackling this issue and is convinced the United States government is more at ease castigating Israel about building Jerusalem apartments than dealing effectively with the threat.  He recognizes that within a short while Israel will be forced to launch a preemptive strike on Iranian nuclear facilities or else expose Israel and the world to the destabilizing reality of a nuclear Iran.

So Netanyahu’s Israel may soon become the very kind of rogue state that the Nuclear Security Summit will be trying to identify and outlaw.  If and when Israeli planes strike Iran, no world leader will praise Netanyahu.  Instead, he will be excoriated from Whitehall to Foggy Bottom as a lawless provocateur, attempting to instigate World War III.  Secretly, however,  they will all concede that what he authorized had precisely averted such a catastrophe –  even if it takes memoirs written many years into the future to produce such an admission.

Having learned the lessons of Wye then, Benjamin Netanyahu seems to have matured into a world leader who knows how to handle international pressure.  His tacit understanding that Israel must be left to make decisions about its own security and that Middle East peace is illusory without a demonstration of Israeli power, vouchsafe his suspicion that his presence at the conference will only damage Israel’s image and encourage continuing international lassitude on the matter of Iran.

Benjamin Netanyahu is not winning many popularity contest anywhere in the world.  Except, perhaps, in Israel – where he is beginning to demonstrate the way a world leader, in a time of crisis, should act.

Avi Davis is the President of the American Freedom Alliance in Los Angeles.  His writings and blog entries can be found at the The Intermediate Zone and the Los Angeles Jewish Journal’s On The Other Hand.

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Trying to set the ‘lag’ on fire

There’s nothing like a Jewish holiday where you get to set something on fire.

Usually it’s a candle, but on Lag B’Omer you can light a bonfire. You can even use the fire to light up your mind.

The fire is lit every year on the 33rd day of the counting of the omer, which this year is observed from the sunset of May 1 to the nightfall of May 2.

Lag B’Omer marks the ending of a plague during the Bar Kochba revolt in the second century CE. According to tradition, students and soldiers were dying and the plague ended on that day. “Lag” literally means 33. The Hebrew letter lamed (the “L” sound) carries the numerical value of 30; the gimmel (the “G” sound) the value of 3.

Though a minor holiday between Passover and Shavuot, Lag B’Omer is important as a day of relaxation and outdoor recreation during the otherwise traditional mourning period of the omer.

Lag B’Omer comes as a break in a time of year that for many is filled with anxiety and anticipation—after you have suffered through doing your taxes and after those college acceptance/rejection letters have arrived. Hint: Use the rejection letters to start the fire, then use the flames to read the ones of acceptance.

The fire’s flames are said to represent the kabbalistic teachings of Rabbi Simeon bar Yochai, a disciple of Rabbi Akiva, who many think brought light to the world by his authoring of the Zohar (Radiance).

Bar Yochai’s yahrzeit is observed on Lag B’Omer, and his tomb, located on Mount Meron, is not far from Safed, a small town in northern Israel that for many centuries has been a center of kabbalistic thought. On Lag B’Omer, many flock to the site to ask for his “next worldly” intercession on matters of health and peace.

Last Lag B’Omer, reeling from the death of a parent, I needed to recover a spark of my own radiance, so I lit a fire in the backyard. A bit of urban camping, sitting by the fire was quieting in a way that was unexpected. Amid a city of millions, I found the experience to be meditative.

This year I am going to make good use of those flames and sparks: I am planning a night full of fire to open my eyes to masters and mystics, and their mishegas. Shavuot, the time of receiving the Torah, is coming soon, and I am hoping some fireside reading will help me to prepare.

The Pirke Avot, Ethics of the Fathers (2:8), tells us, “Warm yourself by the fire of the sages.” So to warm my thoughts, that night I am pulling together a few Jewish books to read by the fire.

Jewish books seem to have their own Law of Accumulation. Friends recommend them, even drop them by. Intriguing titles speak to you from sales tables and book signings. Kids go to college and bring even more home.

They accumulate first into low piles, then stacks, then a single skyscraper, then a veritable downtown of books. And then comes the realization: I haven’t opened a single one. Where is the time? Each book has a flame of its own, and opening them first by firelight should be a fine way to grow the glow.

A week before the holiday, I found the time to test my plan. I built a bonfire, sat down and read.

The first book I pulled off the pile was “Tales in Praise of the Ari,” with drawings by Moshe Raviv. “The Ari” is Rabbi Isaac Luria of Safed, who long before the Big Bang theory gave us the mystical concept of “ein sof,” “without ending,” “the infinite No-thingness.” It’s a translation of a small book of legendary deeds taken from his life called “Sefer Shivchai Ha-Ari.” It was a good read for flame and shadow, though I had to keep getting up to add more wood just as I came to the good parts.

“The Book of Legends,” “Sefer Ha-Aggadah,” which has been collecting dust here for an epoch, also will be part of my fireside reading. The book is a selection of haggadic—that is, non-legal portions of the Talmud. Compiled by the Hebrew poet Hayim Nahman Bialik and editor Yehoshua Hana Ravnitzky in the first decade of the 20th century, it includes parables, proverbs, and folklore. By flame light, I discovered, the book is cross indexed. I looked under “fire” and found myself with “angels,” and “Abraham.”

I also want to see how the fire will play off the black-and-white pages of a graphic novel that I have been saving, “The Jew of New York,” by cartoonist Ben Katchor. By the fire I will be introduced to the members of Katchor’s cartoon universe: a disgraced kosher slaughterer, an importer of religious articles and women’s hosiery, a latter day kabbalist and a man in an India rubber suit. The comic heat let me take off my jacket.

The rest of the reading world has finished the prequel of Maggie Anton’s series of “Rashi’s Daughter” series. By the fire I will open “Book One: Joheved.” It’s about the eldest of the Torah and Talmud commentator’s three daughters, which is tagged as a “Novel of Life, Love and Talmud in Medieval France.” That night I finished the first chapter, filled with imagined demons, a fireplace and a very real father. Some real light is going to be shed.

Don’t have a fire pit or fireplace? Not to worry; try reading that night by candlelight. Lag B’Omer has no requirement for flame size and, as you read, perhaps the “fire” will grow.

(Edmon J. Rodman is a JTA columnist who writes on Jewish life from Los Angeles.)

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Obama to Barak: U.S. committed to Israel’s security

President Obama told Israel’s defense minister that the United States is committed to Israel’s security.

Obama spoke with Ehud Barak at the White House, where the defense minister had arrived on Monday to meet with U.S. National Security Adviser James Jones.

Obama also told Barak that he is determined to bring about a comprehensive peace in the Middle East, Obama spokesman Robert Gibbs told reporters.

Also Monday, Jones apologized for telling an off-color Jewish joke last week during a 25th anniversary celebration for the Washington Institute for Near East Policy.

The joke told the story of a Jewish merchant who had tricked a Taliban terrorist searching for water into buying a tie.

“I wish that I had not made this off-the-cuff joke at the top of my remarks,” Jones said.

“It also distracted from the larger message I carried that day: That the United States’ commitment to Israel’s security is sacrosanct.”

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Jewish magazine to honor Goldstone

Tikkun magazine will give its 25th annual ethics award next year to Richard Goldstone, author of the U.N. report on the Gaza war.

The announcement of the award came amid the controversy over Goldstone’s attendance of his grandson’s bar mitzvah in South Africa. Goldstone initially said he would skip the family simcha to avoid planned protests at the event by Zionist groups in South Africa, but late last week an agreement was reached to allow Goldstone to attend the bar mitzvah without protest.

Goldstone, a respected jurist in South Africa, has been persona non grata in pro-Israel circles since the publication last year of his U.N.-sponsored report on Israel’s 2009 war with Hamas in Gaza that said both Israel and Hamas committed war crimes and possibly crimes against humanity. Israeli officials denounced the report as dangerously biased and inaccurate.

Tikkun’s founder and editor, Rabbi Michael Lerner, told JTA that the decision to recognize Goldstone was made prior to the bar mitzvah brouhaha and that the timing of the announcement was the result of his “outrageous” treatment by his fellow South African Jews.

Goldstone is doing a service “for the Jewish people in reinforcing the notion that our ethical judgments are not tied to blind support for any government,” Lerner said.

He said the award stems from Goldstone’s record on human rights and is a “reflection on his contribution to the Jewish people in affirming the independence of loyalty to the policies of the State of Israel.”

Before the bar mitzvah situation was resolved, Lerner issued an invitation last week to Goldstone to relocate his grandson’s bar mitzvah to Lerner’s congregation in Berkeley, Calif.

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Marty Kaplan: The end of Hollywood as we know it

This is not a happy time to be an entertainment industry executive. 

If you work for a movie studio, a television network or a cable provider, the question that keeps you awake at night is, Will we be the next domino to fall? 

The first two dominoes were the music industry and the newspaper industry, and the tap that tumbled them was digital technology.  Whatever the Internet, broadband and wireless brought to the party, they were accompanied by a catastrophic plunge in album sales and ad revenues that decimated the music and newspaper businesses.  Now movies and TV are wondering whether they’re next.

If you listen to entertainment executives, there are three causes for their concern, from which they have gleaned three purported lessons.

The first is piracy.  Whether it’s the DVDs that you can buy for a couple of bucks on streets from Lahore to Los Angeles, or the movies and series that anyone can download for free from file sharing sites, the top reason they believe their businesses are on the brink is the theft of their intellectual property.  As they read it, the recording industry was too slow to shut down Napster and to nail consumers for stealing.  The scorched-earth lesson learned: this time, take no prisoners.

The second cause for industry insomnia is how handily technology can defeat advertising.  Digital video recorders, now on their way to being ubiquitous, make it a snap to zap commercials; there’s even a simple hack for TiVo remotes that programs a button to fast-forward 30 seconds at a time.  Lesson learned: if you depend on ads, force viewers to watch them, whether they want to or not.

The third nightmare is the consumer belief that content ought to be free.  By putting newspapers online without charging subscriptions or metering usage, publishers devalued journalism.  They gambled that they could build a new business model on Web advertising:  more readers, more ad revenues.  Instead, search engines and aggregators make it easy to decouple the ads from the articles, and the articles from the newspapers’ brands.  The lesson?  Forget free.  That’s why Comcast is backing a “TV Everywhere” strategy that forces online viewers to buy a cable subscription.  No wonder Comcast’s purchase of NBC-Universal has been called a “hulu killer”: the free TV that hulu.com offers, including NBC programming, is now on the endangered species list.

The problem with these lessons is that they ignore how digital technology has transformed the people formerly known as the audience.  Today’s consumers refuse to be passive targets of top-down marketing and distribution, and they bridle at corporate definitions of choice, convenience and fair pricing.  If movies and TV want to avoid the epic collapse of music and print, they need to transform their business models as radically as digital technology has transformed the way that their customers interact with entertainment. 

Illegal fire sharing and piracy hurt artists, workers, businesses and national economies.  So why is it so pervasive?  Did honest people become lawbreakers overnight because digital technology put a dangerous tool in their hands? 

Maybe piracy is a symptom, not a cause.  Maybe the root problem is illustrated by how the music industry tried to ram its business model of $17 CDs down the throats of its customers, despite their clamor for a convenient way to buy individual songs at a fair price.  The industry couldn’t have come up with a more effective plan to drive those customers into the arms of Napster.  No wonder Apple wiped the floor with the music labels when it introduced the iPod and iTunes: it gave people what they wanted, and it invented a business model for doing it. 

The movie industry could learn something from that experience.  Hollywood clings to its “windows” system of distribution, which dictates to consumers when they can see movies, on what media platform, and at what price.  The result has been a disastrous reliance by the studios on DVD sales, and a burgeoning resentment by consumers who are fed up with being pawns in Hollywood’s dying business model.  If the studios don’t want to keep losing customers to BitTorrent and LimeWire, perhaps they should come up with a distribution strategy that doesn’t depend on frustrating, inconveniencing and infantilizing their customers.

TV is no less hobbled by a failing business model.  People loathe advertising, and they’ll do anything to avoid it.  They also loathe cable companies for their monopolies, their soaring pricing and their indivisible program bundling.  Networks and cablers have been terrified to discover that the same generation that grew up assuming that content like journalism and YouTube is supposed to be free is now insisting on an equivalent arrangement from TV.  The Internet emboldens and empowers the audience to demand that.  No wonder the TV industry is madly scrambling to prevent broadband from untethering their customers from coaxial. 

None of these rear-guard actions is working very well.  That’s why the entertainment industry is threatening the audience with the nuclear option:  pay up, or else.  Or else what?  Or else the kind of content we’re hooked on will become prohibitive for them to keep producing.  The suits just can’t imagine a world where executives, stars, directors and agents don’t make gazillion-dollar salaries, and where skyrocketing special effects budgets aren’t the only way to win audiences.  Nor can they imagine that social media and smart phones are mortal threats to their power to monetize our attention.  The studios, networks and cable companies are betting that we’ll do anything to save the old business models in order to keep the old content coming.  Looking at what’s happened to music and newspapers, I’m not sure it’s such a shrewd bet to place.

Marty Kaplan directs The Norman Lear Center at the USC Annenberg School for Communication & Journalism.  Reach him at {encode=”martyk@jewishjournal.com” title=”martyk@jewishjournal.com”}.

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Rabbi Elie Kaunfer’s “Empowered Judaism” challenges the institution

This article first appeared in New Voices Magazine on Thursday, April 22.

Lose your synagogue, lose your rabbi, go to a church basement and start singing payers in Hebrew—whether you understand it or not. There you will find yourself.

This is the thesis of Rabbi Elie Kaunfer’s “Empowered Judaism,” which advocates for and analyzes the effect of independent minyanim, or prayer groups. Volunteer-led and unaffiliated with any denomination, most independent minyanim observe traditional halakha while supporting progressive ideas such as gender equality and openness to the queer community.

Kaunfer says that independent minyanim can transform and save American Judaism. He observes that the traditional synagogue structure does not speak to unmarried Jews in their 20s and 30s and that independent minyanim offer a spiritual product that keeps the post college population in Jewish life by making observance relevant.

The book does not, however, explain the larger implications of that transformation: there is little discussion of congregants’ Jewish observance, and although Kaunfer discusses existing Jewish institutions at length, it seems as though he is more interested in building up the independent minyan movement tha n he is in investing energy to fix synagogues. He has little faith that the Jewish community that others have built can serve the next generation.

Kaunfer constructs a model of the successful independent minyan using Kehilat Hadar, which he cofounded in New York in 2001. The traditional Jewish prayer service is key to that model: Kaunfer discourages cutting prayers or the torah reading, and asserts that a richer service leads to a richer Jewish experience. He instead advocates making traditional liturgy more efficient, cutting out the “dead time” transitions and shortening the sermon.

Much of the book reads as a how-to guide for setting up and running one’s own independent minyan. Aside from passages in the first and last chapters, Kaunfer eschews broad ideas and focuses on details for running an effective meeting, soliciting donations, identifying appropriate prayer leaders and other such logistical concerns.

As a result of its focus on leadership, the book provides few entry points to the movement: it has little to say about what independent minyanim expect from their participants or how someone interested in such minyanim can get involved, aside from finding information on Kehilat Hadar’s website. Kaunfer also assumes that readers are familiar with Jewish prayer, tradition and law; he includes a glossary, but his target audience has had some formal Jewish education.

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Capitulation and Our Freedoms

Comedy Central’s continuing lack of nerve regarding Trey Parker and Matt Stone’s hit show South Park reached a new low last week when it heavily censored an episode that humorously depicted the Prophet Muhammad, the founder of Islam.  The show featured Muhammad disguised in a bear suit.

Corporate executives ordered that all mentions of Muhammad be bleeped from this show, just as some South Park episodes in the past had also been censored.  In 2006 a two-part episode that was written as a response to a Dutch newspaper that had censored a comic strip that portrayed Muhammad in a humorous manner was itself edited by the network.

This time episodes “200” and “201” of South Park included a caricature of Muhammad and caught the attention of a radical Islamic website.  The website promptly issued warnings that could only be interpreted as thinly-veiled death threats directed at South Park’s authors.

The fundamentalist site sent the threats to Parker and Stone saying the two could face retribution because of their “disrespectful” depictions of Muhammad.  The warning of violence was posted on

www.RevolutionMuslim.com

which also featured a grisly photo of a dead Theo van Gogh. Van Gogh, was the Dutch filmmaker who was brutally butchered by a Muslim radical who was “offended” by the release of a van Gogh’s documentary film which depicted and described Muslim violence against women.

The radical Muslim site claimed “We have to warn Matt and Trey that what they are doing is stupid and they will probably wind up like Theo Van Gogh for airing this show … This is not a threat, but a warning of the reality of what will likely happen to them.”

A spokesman for the website, somebody identifying himself as “Abu Tallah al Amerikee” (actually a Fairfax County resident, Zachary Adam Chesser, who converted to Islam) said the entry was posted to “raise awareness.”  He said there was a possibility that Parker and Stone could be killed because of their perceived slight against Muhammad. 

To make clear what the ideological leanings of this obscure website are, it also features a sermon by Anwar al-Awlaki, the U.S.-born radical cleric thought to be in hiding somewhere in Yemen.

Comedy Central quickly caved-in to the threats, apparently without even knowing whether or not the site represents anyone beyond this al-Amerikee (Chesser) character.

Parker and Stone clearly disagree with the corporate decision to censor their show.  The two issued this statement:

In the 14 years we’ve been doing South Park we have never done a show that we couldn’t stand behind.  We delivered our version of the show to Comedy Central and they made a determination to alter the episode.  It wasn’t some meta-joke on our part. Comedy Central added the bleeps. In fact, Kyle’s customary final speech was about intimidation and fear.  It didn’t mention Muhammad at all but it got bleeped too.  We’ll be back next week with a whole new show about something completely different and we’ll see what happens to it.

Beyond the issue of gutless corporate executives censoring a comedy show is the larger question of what is a much greater danger – the growing tendency to knuckle-under to demands of all sorts coming from radical Islamists.  This has been the generalized response in Western Europe, and it may become America’s response as well – unless we demand a different approach.

Every slice of the population is routinely skewered by America’s pop culture.  Jews, Blacks, “trailer park trash,” bad Asian drivers, gay people, Jesus, and Bible-thumping Christians are consistently the butt of jokes and caricatures.  But Muslims are rarely joked about, and the Prophet Muhammad is almost never treated as the subject of jokes.

The reason is obvious.  People have lost their lives over depictions of Islam or Muhammad.  However, if – as many like to argue – Islam is really the “religion of peace,” then why is “offending Islam” all-too-often something that elicits threats of violence and death.  People living in western societies don’t have fears of Christian fundamentalists, Hindu activists, or Buddhist radicals.  Only Islam, among the world’s great religions, issues warnings of death to those who “offend.”

I’m not a fan of South Park and I don’t watch the show.  I am, however, a staunch advocate and defender of something essential to being an American – the freedom of speech and expression.

While what the bean-counters at Comedy Central did may appear to be the all too predictable weak-kneed and self-serving actions of entertainment industry lawyers, the implications are far-reaching.  Giving in to the voices of radical Islam at any level only emboldens those who want to destroy us and our nation.

Hell, even Jon Stewart, the liberal host of the Daily Show gets it.  He said, “Comedy Central decided to censor the episode.  It’s their right … we all serve at their pleasure.” 

But Stewart went on to play extensive clips of past South Park episodes that showed Parker and Stone making fun of every conceivable religion and ethnic group,

except one

…..point made. 

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Op-Ed: What to do about Jewish teens

Observers of Jewish education for teens are increasingly concerned about a disparity between the participation of boys and girls. Lamenting the absence of boys in youth programs, Jewish educators and philanthropists have turned their attention more and more to enticing boys to become involved.

I wonder, however, whether the concern over boys masks a deeper issue that is more difficult to confront: Jewish teen participation rates are abysmal in general, regardless of gender.

Rather than lament the misguided notion that we have disenfranchised boys in the Jewish community, let’s focus on how to empower all Jewish teens.

Admittedly, most rational people fear teens. We fear their hormones and mood swings. We fear their experimentation with substances and sexuality. We fear their penchant for argument. We don’t know how to approach them or curry favor with them. Most professionals steer clear.

This seems to be true for many funders as well. Everyone is interested in primary Jewish education, with its crown Jewel of bar/bat mitzvah, and recently, major initiatives such as the reinvigoration of Hillel, the explosive growth of Chabad and the founding of Birthright Israel and Repair the World have targeted 18- to 26-year-olds.

Clearly, to be a young adult is hip. They get to dig ditches in Guatemala for spring break, fly to Israel for free, and choose a myriad of free activities at campus Jewish centers and Moishe Houses.

In contrast, options for Jewish high school students haven’t changed much since the 1950s, and despite impressive initiatives in Jewish camping and in particular Jewish communities, day school tuition and synagogue-based programs remain prohibitively expensive.

Nor do researchers take much interest in Jewish teens. The study that everyone cites on teen participation rates, “Being a Jewish Teenager in America: Trying to Make It,” already is 10 years old. I am hard-pressed to identify any rigorous large-scale studies that have been conducted since.

So what do we know about teens? Anyone who has taken Psychology 101 is aware that a defining aspect of teen development is a process of identity exploration, individuation and independence from parents, much of which occurs through the medium of a tightly knit peer group.

For the 85-88 percent of teens who do not attend Jewish day school, the 60-plus percent of teens whose families do not belong to a synagogue and the huge numbers of teens who do not participate in Jewish youth groups or camps, the peer group more often than not is a religiously, racially, ethnically and sometimes economically diverse group.

Faced with this reality, one option is to continue with business as usual: We can alienate a majority of Jewish teens by continuing to insist that they only bring their full Jewish selves to bear in Jewishly exclusive spaces. However, it is pretty clear that the standard model of ripping teens out of their everyday lives and placing them in artificial, Jewish-only peer groups has failed for all but the most affiliated teens.

Or we can promote Jewish learning that focuses on meaning-making and encourages teens to integrate their Jewish selves into every aspect of their lives.

To be sure, many believe that the purpose of American Jewish education is to prevent assimilation.

Wake up! We have already assimilated! Jewish teens see themselves in Rahm Emanuel, Sarah Silverman and Adam Lambert, among others. Jewish teens are smart, savvy and motivated. They understand complexity and fill their lives with myriad academic and extracurricular pursuits.

This is not a value judgment; it is simply reality. If we continue to frame Jewish learning as peripheral, as something to do in isolation from their friends and everyday activities, then how will Jewish values ever find a place in their lives?

Several initiatives have successfully developed models for Jewish learning in secular spaces.

The Curriculum Initiative partners with private high schools to introduce Jewish content into student clubs, all-school assemblies and classrooms. By partnering with Jewish student leaders and their teachers, TCI develops and teaches Jewish content that is rooted in student interests and developmental needs.

The Jewish Outreach Institute takes a similar approach by running Jewish programs in public spaces, where barriers to participation are lower than what is typically found in Jewish institutions. Even BBYO has conducted “Rock the Vote” programs at public high schools.

The beauty of Jewish tradition is that it imagines that every place and every act from the most mundane to the most extraordinary can be infused with meaning. This sense of integration should guide Jewish education.

Integration does not connote a “watering down” of Jewish learning. In-depth Jewish learning should be able to match the rigor of any learning and should energize Jewish teens and their friends. By way of comparison, wouldn’t it be absurd to assert that African-American studies are only relevant to African Americans? That African-American studies can only be rigorously pursued in historically African-American schools and colleges with exclusively African-American teachers?

Jewish students may internalize and personalize Jewish learning differently from their peers, but that should not affect the quality of the learning nor the potential impact.

Jewish teen education is in need of a massive paradigm shift, but the hand wringing about what to do is silly. All we have to do is talk to teens. They understand their worlds better than we do.

(Adam Gaynor is the executive director of The Curriculum Initiative, an organization that supports Jewish culture and identity at secular and parochial private high schools.)

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Abbas law bans settler products

Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas signed a law that bans products made in West Bank settlements.

The law, signed Monday, is designed to build support for an international ban on settlement goods, Reuters reported, specifically among European Union states.

Palestinians found in possession of goods produced in West Bank settlements will face fines and jail terms, according to Reuters.

Products from Israel within the pre-1967 borders are not included in the ban.

Palestinian officials estimate that Israeli-run companies in the settlements sell goods worth $500 million per year to Palestinians in the West Bank, according to Reuters.

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