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February 4, 2009

American Israelis Make Their Bid with the Green Team

For an Israeli politician, Gershon Baskin has an unusual resume.

In the 1960s, he was protesting America’s war in Vietnam, not fighting against invading Arab armies. He grew up on Long Island marching for civil rights, not wandering the alleyways of Jerusalem’s Old City.

And that was all before his bar mitzvah.

Baskin says both his social conscience and his Zionism come from his Zionist youth movement, Young Judaea.

It’s no coincidence that “you find so many Young Judaea people of our generation who have become social entrepreneurs and gotten engaged in all kinds of initiatives to make Israeli society a better place,” Baskin told JTA.

Baskin is one of three Young Judaea graduates who are now American-Israelis running on the Green Movement-Meimad ticket in Israel’s election Feb. 10. Environmentalist Alon Tal occupies the party’s No. 3 slot, while Baskin is listed as 26th and entrepreneur and social activist Yosef Abramowitz is No. 36.

The Green Movement, which is left-leaning and secular, merged with Meimad, a left-leaning and moderate religious party, in the run-up to the election. The party’s platform focuses on energy policy and education.

“There is a lot of enthusiasm, especially since the decision to run together with Meimad,” Abramowitz said of the party’s support base. “If we win together and enter the Knesset together, it will solidify a remarkable philosophical and ideological breakthrough in Jewish life.”

Baskin, a crusader for Jewish-Arab coexistence, says he was prompted to run for Knesset because he wants to be in a position to help drive the Israeli government agenda.

“I personally got tired of telling politicians what they ought to do and realized the time had come for me to stand up to the plate and take responsibility,” Baskin told JTA.

The founder of the Israel/Palestine Center for Research and Information, Baskin has spent the last few years crusading for coexistence through everything from sharing the region’s limited water to cross-border business initiatives.

Tal, too, has sought to build bridges across borders. As founder of the Arava Institute for Environmental Studies, he brings Israeli, Palestinian and Jordanian graduate students together to work on environmental problems.

In 2006, Tal’s environmental work earned him the prestigious Charles Bronfman Prize, a humanitarian award with a $100,000 prize. He also founded the Israel Union for Environmental Defense, which counts among its successes battling the dumping of sewage from Eilat into the Red Sea and got a $10 million purification system installed in the Kishon River near Haifa.

Tal says the paucity of Jews in Durham, N.C., connected him to his fellow Jews and influenced his decision to move to Israel.

“There is a high percentage of Jewish North Carolinians who move to Israel, and it’s not because they don’t like North Carolina,” he said, “but because they have a strong sense of Jewish identity.”

Of the three, Abramowitz is the most recent transplant to Israel. Three years ago, he and his family left their home near Boston for a desert community, Kibbutz Ketura, near Eilat.

Despite their enthusiasm, it’s unlikely any of the candidates will win a Knesset seat. Even if the Green Movement, one of two environmental parties vying for seats, gets a toehold in the parliament, the chances that the party would win enough votes to seat three members are dim.

“Everything is against us and it’s very hard to break in as a new party,” Tal acknowledged.

One of the challenges facing the party is the split of the environmental vote. A recent survey conducted by the Jerusalem Post suggested that the other environmental party, the Greens, could eke out a Knesset seat or two—2 percent of the vote, or roughly 80,000 votes, are necessary to win a seat—but the Green Movement’s odds aren’t as good.

Despite the disillusionment of many Israelis with the larger parties, concern with security is likely to keep them in power.

“I think the large parties will gain most of the votes,” said Professor Avner De-Shalit, a political science professor at Jerusalem’s Hebrew University. “Despite being not popular, people will vote for them because of the recent war [in the Gaza Strip] and its effects.”

Tal remains optimistic, however, predicting that the Green Movement “is going to show up and surprise the pundits.” He said his optimism is fueled by the heavy traffic to the party’s Web site and the increasing interest in environmentalism in Israel—evidenced by the growing number of environmental activists and organizations—over the past few years.

The party’s kickoff rally on Jan. 18 drew an estimated crowd of 1,200 to 2,000. In an event styled after a youth movement meeting, the crowd formed a large circle to hear speeches and musical performances that included Tal on saxophone and fiddle, as well as a rendition of Joni Mitchell’s environmentalist ballad “Big Yellow Taxi.”

“Walking into the room, you realized, ‘Oh my God, we’re going to get some seats in the Knesset,’” Abramowitz said.

In a bid to make the most of its limited budget, the party is employing innovative campaign tactics, including sending text messages to potential supporters, raising funds and awareness through house parties, and running a Web site that appears in Hebrew, English, Arabic and Russian.

Still, for all but the top candidates on the list, the election is not about landing a Knesset seat.

“My goal is not to become a Knesset member,” said Abramowitz, who refers to his 36th slot on his party’s list as “double chai.” “My goal is to bring solar power to the State of Israel.”

Abramowitz, founder of the Arava Power Company, one of Israel’s biggest solar developers, was brought into the party as a solar energy and business expert.

Baskin, on the other hand, has his sights set on making it into the Knesset—at least someday.

“I think I’ll do much better next time,” he said of his party ranking, No. 26. “I think what I bring to the party is the non-environmental agenda, ensuring that this party also addresses social and political issues like peace with the Arab world.”

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Listen to Our Enemy’s Cries

One of the real pleasures of my work as a rabbi is that I get to spend time with the children in our schools. Recently, the third-graders of Temple Emanuel Academy Day School decided to interview me.

They asked all kinds of questions: “How do you get to become a rabbi?” “What do you like best about your work?” “Don’t you ever get tired?” “Do you have any goldfish?” These are all questions I’ve been asked before. But then there was a new one: “How do you decide what to give a sermon about every week?” Good question.

I asked the kids what they would do.

One of them said: “Well, I’d look into the Torah.” Good answer.

I asked another question: “And this week, what would you talk about?”

“Well,” one child answered, “it is Parshat Bo — it is about Moses going to Pharaoh.”

Then another child said: “Not me. I wouldn’t talk about the Torah. I would talk about the inauguration of the first African American president and about it happening the day after Martin Luther King’s birthday.”

Then another said: “Why not do both? You can tell the story and then talk about the things Martin Luther King worked for, like justice and freedom. It is sort of what the Torah is about this week, isn’t it?”

They were right, of course. And if these kids were older, they might also have suggested that I talk about Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel.

In honor of Rabbi Heschel’s yahrzeit, which was just a few weeks ago, I shared with my congregation the words of the speech he delivered at the National Conference on Race and Religion in January 1963, where he first met Dr. King: “At the first conference on religion and race, the main participants were Pharaoh and Moses…. The outcome of that summit meeting has not come to an end. Pharaoh is not ready to capitulate. The Exodus began, but we are still stranded in the desert. It was easier for the Israelites to cross the Red Sea than for men and women of different color to enter our institutions, our colleges, our universities, our neighborhoods.”

This week we do cross the Red Sea, as we read Beshalach. This is the setting for two of my favorite midrashim. The first describes how the Israelites are encamped at the sea, water in front of them, Pharaoh’s armies closing in behind them. Moses doesn’t know what to do, so he stands on the shore of the sea praying, “What should I do; what should I do?” God responds: “Moses, there is a time for praying and a time for action … now is the time for action.” Just at that moment, Nachson ben Aminadav jumps into the water, and then the sea splits. Nachson, the descendant of Tamar, is the ancestor, through Ruth, of King David. Nachson, like Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel and our new president, had the courage and faith to take incredible risks and so helped bring a bit of redemption into our world.
The second midrash suggests how we are to think about our enemies: When the Egyptian armies were drowning in the sea, the angels broke out in songs of jubilation. God silenced them and said: “Why do you sing for joy? Those Egyptians who are drowning are also my children.”

The Talmud, in Tractate Rosh Hashanah (33b), refers to this week’s haftarah, the Song of Deborah, to teach something extraordinary about enemies and about redemption. I learned it from Rabbi Ed Feld. It asks what the sounds of the shofar should actually sound like. One response is that it should be the crying sounds that Sisera’s mother makes when she learns of her son’s death.

It is an astonishing answer. Sisera was a Canaanite general who oppressed Israel. Deborah, the prophetess, gathers an army to oppose him. He is defeated, runs away and is killed by Yael. Sisera is our enemy, and yet we are asked to hear the cry of his mother; to hear, and to respond, because the shofar signals the possibility of redemption. We are meant to learn that the moment of redemption can only arrive when we are able to notice the humanity of the other, even if the other is our enemy. The sounds of the shofar teach what Dr. King and Rabbi Heschel taught: Our redemption is dependent on our hearing the pain of the other.

If they were alive today, Dr. King and Rabbi Heschel might remind the Palestinians that unless they understand the pain of Israeli families who have had to live with fear of missiles, which could destroy them, redemption is not possible. And they might remind Israelis and American Jews that unless we try to understand what the destruction of homes and the loss of life in Gaza means for a Palestinian, redemption won’t come. And they might say to Hamas, “Until you love your children more than you hate Israel, redemption will not come.” And they might say to the teachers of Palestinian children, “Do not teach the next generation from hate-filled textbooks.” And they might say to the children in our day school, “Yes, you are right; the Torah portion is about the things we both worked for. You need to work for them, too.”

Rabbi Laura Geller is senior rabbi of Temple Emanuel of Beverly Hills, a Reform congregation.

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Wall Street Journal missed Madoff fraud three years ago

Harry Markopolos, the now-famous accountant who years ago tried to blow the whistle on Madoff, testified before a House panel today. Turns out the SEC wasn’t the only regulator of the free markets that dropped the ball and couldn’t see what Markopolos saw. Three years ago, he contacted the Wall Street Journal too.

He told the panel:

“[Pat Burns, communications director at Taxpayers Against Fraud] put me in contact with John Wilke, senior investigative reporter for the Wall Street Journal’s Washington bureau. Mr. Wilke and I would become friends over the next three years. Unfortunately, as eager as Mr. Wilke was to investigate the Madoff story, it appears that the Wall Street Journal’s editors never gave him approval to start investigating. As you will see from my extensive e-mail correspondence with him over the next several months, there were several points in time in which he was getting ready to book air travel to start the story and then would get called off at the last minute. I never determined if the senior editors at the Wall Street Journal failed to authorize this investigation.”

Those e-mails can be read here.

(Hat tip: Jay Rosen)

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Pope tells bad bishop to recant views on Holocaust

I’m not sure if Pope Benedict XVI had already planned to issue this directive when he moved to “rehabilitate” a Holocaust-denying bishop who had been excommunicated two decades ago or if this is a reaction to international outcry, but today the Vatican told Bishop Richard Williamson he must recant his positions on the Holocaust.

From the NYT:

A statement issued on Wednesday by the Vatican Secretariat of State said that Bishop Williamson “must absolutely, unequivocally and publicly distance himself from his positions on the Shoah,” or Holocaust, which it said were “unknown to the Holy Father at the time he revoked the excommunication.”

The unsigned statement seemed a clear indication that the Vatican was facing an internal and external political crisis.

The day before, in a rare case of a head of state criticizing the pope, German Chancellor Angela Merkel called on the pope to clarify his position on the Holocaust, saying his previous remarks had not been “sufficient.”

The statement from the Secretariat of State noted Benedict’s remarks last week in which he expressed his “full and unequivocal solidarity” with Jews and condemned all Holocaust denial, yet it went far beyond the pope’s earlier remarks in which he had never mentioned Bishop Williamson by name.

For a refresher on Williamson’s most recent remarks, Swedish television aired these remarks days before his excommunication was lifted:

“I believe there were no gas chambers … I think that two to three hundred thousand Jews perished in Nazi concentration camps … but none of them by gas chambers.”

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Israeli Polls Point to Decisive Win for Right

If the polls are right, the outcome of next Tuesday’s Israeli election is a foregone conclusion. Not only does Benjamin Netanyahu’s Likud seem bound to emerge as the largest single party, but the bloc of right-wing and religious parties that it leads seems certain to garner a winning majority in the 120-member Knesset.

All the latest polls put Likud ahead of Tzipi Livni’s ruling Kadima Party, some by as many as 12 seats (34-22), others by as few as three (28-25), which theoretically is a small enough margin to be overcome via a coalition deal. But all the surveys without exception give the religious and right-wing parties a virtually unassailable lead, ranging from at least 10 seats (65-55) to as many as 18 (69-51).

That means Netanyahu is almost certain to be invited to form the next government.

The only question seems to be the nature of the coalition he will form. Will he go for a narrow right-religious government that includes the hard-line Yisrael Beiteinu Party led by Avigdor Lieberman; two fervently Orthodox parties, Shas and Torah Judaism, and two national-religious parties, Jewish Home and National Union, associated with supporters of the settlements?

Or will he opt for a national unity government that also includes Kadima and/or Ehud Barak’s Labor Party? Netanyahu claims his biggest mistake as prime minister from 1996 to 1999 was in not forming a national unity coalition with then-Labor leader Shimon Peres.

It is a mistake he does not intend to repeat.

This time, Netanyahu says, he wants to establish the widest possible national unity government with the parties on the right balanced by Kadima and Labor on the left. Likud insiders, however, suggest that he would actually prefer to leave Kadima in opposition, where he believes it will disintegrate as a political force. The thinking is that Kadima in opposition might split, with the hawks rejoining the Likud in return for government portfolios.

Moreover, including Labor without Kadima would be enough to enhance the otherwise hard-line government’s international image and, more importantly, give Netanyahu a degree of flexibility in the Cabinet in dealing with peacemaking initiatives.

Livni, who just four months ago seemed certain to become the country’s next prime minister, is now very much the underdog, and she is pulling out all the stops. Her most recent campaign tactic is to appeal for support as a woman. A campaign ad suggests that no one would question the prime ministerial credentials of a man with her record: army officer, Mossad agent, head of the government companies’ authority, minister of immigrant absorption, regional cooperation, justice and foreign affairs and deputy prime minister.

Livni is also highlighting the “Obama factor,” arguing that an intransigent Netanyahu-led government would be almost certain to clash with a new U.S. administration bent on bringing peace to the Middle East. Israel needs to put a peace plan on the table now because time is running out, she declared Monday at a conference on national security.

As for Barak, the most significant element of his campaign is the way he has been targeting Livni, not Netanyahu. More than anyone else, he has played on the “think twice before voting for a woman” card. When Livni called for tough action in the wake of renewed rocket fire from Gaza this week, Barak referred to her as “gveret mebarberet” — the chattering lady — and said he found it difficult to see people who had never held a gun or fought a battle calling for military action.

In contrast, Barak, a former chief of staff of the Israel Defense Forces, highlights his performance as defense minister in the 22-day war against Hamas in Gaza. Given Israel’s tough security environment, he suggests that anyone who can manage the defense portfolio can also serve as prime minister.

But Barak’s chances of actually winning the election seem negligible. According to the polls, the best he can hope for is perhaps to supplant Livni as runner-up.

Whether or not Labor finishes ahead of Kadima, Barak’s post-election dilemma is likely to be whether to join a Netanyahu government that includes the hawkish Lieberman. As much as Barak would like to stay on as defense minister under Netanyahu, there are strong voices in Labor insisting that if Lieberman, who is advocating a “loyalty test” for Israeli Arabs and says only he knows how “to deal” with them, they will stay out in principle.

Netanyahu, however, will find it difficult to keep out Lieberman. Indeed, Lieberman has been the big story of the 2009 election. Latest polls give his strident Yisrael Beiteinu Party about 16 Knesset seats, with some even placing it ahead of Labor as the country’s third-largest party.

Lieberman, who emigrated from the Soviet Union in 1979, started his political life close to Netanyahu in the Likud. In 1999, after a falling-out with the then-prime minister, Lieberman founded a small Russian immigrant party, which has since developed into a major force on the international stage.

In this election, he calculatingly fanned anti-Arab sentiment to build a wide base of electoral support. The showdown with Hamas and the widespread criticism by Israeli Arabs of the devastation in Gaza helped his cause. His main election slogan — “No citizenship without loyalty” — suggests that if empowered he would deny citizenship and its concurrent voting rights to Israeli Arabs. Lieberman’s many critics on the left accuse him of racism.

One thing that could prevent him from becoming a minister in the next government is the fact that police have just accelerated a long-standing criminal investigation against him involving the alleged laundering of huge sums of money. The probe might actually help Lieberman win more seats — many see its sudden renewal just days before the election as a part of a conspiracy against Lieberman.

But if he is indicted or if the attorney general disqualifies him from serving in the new government because of the allegations against him, he would not be able to join the coalition, making it easier for Barak to lead Labor into a Netanyahu administration.

What could change things and have all the pollsters eating their hats? Thirty percent of voters say they are still undecided. If they have not been factored in by the pollsters, Feb. 10 could still provide a surprise twist or two.

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Brandeis: Selling Off or Selling Out?

Would you sell off your precious family jewels to save your house?

That’s how Brandeis University in Waltham, Mass., is presenting the quandary it’s in these days.

Nearly two weeks ago, the university announced that because of a severe budgetary crisis, it would be closing its art museum and selling its 6,000-piece art collection, including major works by Andy Warhol, Jasper Johns, Roy Lichtenstein, Robert Rauschenberg and more — great works by many of the greatest masters of 20th century art. The Brandeis collection could be worth as much as $350 million, according to initial estimates.

What those first reports didn’t say is that such a sale might be illegal — that many of those art works may have been donated to the school under binding agreements that would not allow them to be sold. The initial reports also didn’t mention that the art market stinks right now, so it would not be the best time to sell even the best pieces.

They also didn’t say that Brandeis has tried this before — selling its art that is — and failed because of community outcry.

So now the Massachusetts attorney general is reportedly looking into the conditions on the sale of Brandeis’ artworks, and meanwhile various revelations about the university’s plans have been dribbling out, even as petitions to save the art and to save the school’s Rose Art Museum — a small jewel in and of itself — have been circulating madly.

Hearing the call, Jehuda Reinharz, Brandeis’ president, has pulled back somewhat, saying that because the trustees are aware there may be some restrictions and that the art market is down, the school may not immediately sell all of the collection. What might go first, though, has not been revealed. Nevertheless, he said that the museum will close permanently this summer — its annual attendance, according to a report in The New York Times, is just 13,000 to 15,000, small by any museum standard. The space, argues Reinharz, could be better used for classrooms and a smaller gallery.

But it was in a statement quoted in The Times, that Reinharz showed his hand:

“Choosing between and among important and valued university assets is terrible, but our priority in the face of hard choices will always be the university’s core teaching and research mission.”

And that’s where he lost me.

When I think of Brandeis’ art collection, I am more than sentimental. I am fiercely protective, because for me — and many others like me — it was a revelation. I am a child of the Rose Art Museum. As an art history undergraduate, I served as an intern there, cataloging a part of the collection that had been recently donated. The works I inventoried weren’t masterpieces, but getting to hold those fine artworks in my hands, to measure them and examine their conditions, left a lasting impression. It set me on a path that led to a graduate degree in art history, several years as a museum curator and, ultimately, more than two decades as an art writer and editor.

I learned about art hands-on, in the way that a student working with mice in a lab might learn about medical science.

And this is why I believe this matter needs attention, even here in California. Because university art collections — be they at UCLA, USC or Cal State Long Beach or many others — all offer students and outside visitors alike a doorway into one special world of creative genius otherwise unfathomable on the college campus. To experience real art — not from a slide, not from a book, not from the Internet — is a visceral experience we cannot afford to lose.

And what’s most troubling here is that even in the hallowed halls of a top school like Brandeis, art is being treated as a commodity, as dollar signs divorced from the heart and soul it was intended to reveal.

But, what’s a school on the precipice to do?

Brandeis was badly wounded by the Bernard Madoff Ponzi scam. Some of its major donors were hit. One philanthropic couple, Carl and Ruth Shapiro, reportedly lost $545 million. The downturn in the stock market also has left the school’s endowment radically diminished, and Massachusetts law restricts the school to spend only gains, not capital, from its endowment.

So Brandeis says it is searching for a way to survive.

Last week, Peter French, Brandeis’ chief operating officer, gave an exclusive interview to the online journal, The Daily Beast, in which he said that the school has been “faced with the prospect of closing 40 percent of the university’s buildings, reducing staff by an additional 30 percent or firing 200 of its 360 faculty members.” Selling the art, he stressed, was a better option.

But is this dire situation really without any other recourse? Two days later, Reinharz told 200 students that he had no mandate to sell quickly, and that an upturn in the stock market, or generous donations (a hint?) might overturn the decision on the art, though he plans to close the museum, regardless.

In a climate of tough choices — and without fully reaching out to his community (why didn’t I get an alumni call?) — Reinharz has put his cards on the table.

Other institutions are no doubt also taking painful measure of their options. Yeshiva University lost an estimated $140 million from the Madoff fund collapse. Will it sell a precious treasure to close the operating gap?

Hadassah lost $90 million and already has let go most of its esteemed magazine staff. Will the publication survive?

Brandeis, without its art, would still be a good school, albeit diminished. Much of the collection was purchased long before the artists were famous, and the works have accrued in monetary value over a long period of time. But more than just assets on the balance sheet, they have added tremendous value to the school and its students. Many have been displayed in exhibitions worldwide, in addition to being used as teaching tools. All that would be gone.

So, let us all listen to the outcry against Brandeis and remember, as we look to cut our losses these days, that our decisions about what or who shall stay and what or who shall go will reveal much about our priorities and values as a community.

At the end of all this, when this crunch is over — and we know that even the worst economic crises do end — we will have to ask ourselves this question: In saving ourselves, did we lose ourselves?

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Search for a Leader

It’s one of the defining moments in the life of a synagogue — the search for a new head rabbi. Here in Pico-Robertson, the Orthodox community has been buzzing for months about who will replace Rabbi Steven Weil, the star rabbi of Beth Jacob Congregation who will be moving on to run the Orthodox Union.

Beth Jacob is the old lion of shuls. It’s known as the biggest Modern Orthodox synagogue west of the Mississippi. It has helped spawn the other two Modern Orthodox communities of the area, Young Israel of Century City and B’nai David-Judea Congregation. Those synagogues are so strongly associated with their spiritual leaders, Rabbi Elazar Muskin and Rabbi Yosef Kanefsky, that it’s hard to imagine anyone else leading them.

Beth Jacob is different. It’s bigger than its rabbis. Over the years, it has had a series of big-name leaders, each with his own distinctive style, from Rabbi Simon Dolgin over 50 years ago to Rabbi Maurice Lamm, Rabbi Abner Weiss and now Rabbi Weil. Each has written a different chapter in the book of Beth Jacob.

Now, as a new chapter is about to be written, the excitement is building.

The search began last June. A search committee of about a dozen members was formed to make a recommendation of a candidate to the executive board. But right away there was a problem — the job description — because of the natural, human tendency to want it all. In the marketing business, we say that the essence of strategy is sacrifice. But in the shul business, who wants to sacrifice?

For example, who wants a rabbi who can deliver fabulous sermons but can’t do fundraising? Or a rabbi who is spiritual but not intellectual? Or one who gives great classes but won’t call members on their birthdays or counsel them in their marital woes? Shul members want it all, and who can blame them?

Eventually, the committee split right down the middle between those who wanted a rabbi who leans toward the spiritual and those who wanted one who leans toward the intellectual.

Rabbi Weil himself is an intellectual. He is also a strong leader with an MBA who has revitalized the synagogue and helped it grow and thrive. No one wanted to give that up. But how might this new chapter be different?

We got an inkling of this last Shabbat, when the first of three finalists came to town for an audition. The main sanctuary was bursting with human energy. It seemed like every seat was taken, even in the upper levels. They all came to hear Rabbi Chaim Steinmetz of Montreal’s Tifereth Beth David Jerusalem Synagogue.

Rabbi Steinmetz, youthful looking in his mid-40s, is a graduate of Yeshiva University, which has been actively helping Beth Jacob in the search. The search itself began with about 25 candidates from the United States, Canada and Israel, including a few from Los Angeles. Everyone on the search committee had to sign a confidentiality agreement for the obvious reason that it wouldn’t look good to a congregation that its rabbi was looking elsewhere.

The list was whittled down to three based on lengthy conference calls with the candidates, private reference calls and responses to a detailed questionnaire. Once the three finalists were announced, a member of the committee spent a Shabbat on each of the rabbis’ home turf before inviting them for the local audition.

The local audition is make or break. That’s because at the end of the process, all members of the synagogue will get to vote up or down on the candidate recommended by the executive board. If the candidate gets one vote above 50 percent, he wins.

Rabbi Steinmetz got the race off to a good start. His main sermon was woven around the classic, crowd-pleasing question: How did Jews make it this far? I thought he erred by answering the question too quickly (“We always went against the grain”), but he recovered nicely by delivering a series of inspirational nuggets, such as, “We should raise our children to be better than us.”

He was candid in the question-and-answer period that followed the Kiddush. On politics, he is a fervent Zionist, but he doesn’t want members to know whether he’s right or left, Republican or Democrat. He says politics distract from his goal of inspiring his congregants. His mission, he says, is to help create “better Jews.”

At a small gathering Saturday night at the Beverly Hills home of Bill and Anna Tenenblatt, which I attended as an observer, Rabbi Steinmetz gave a class on the Jewish ethical framework for the killing of civilians during wartime. The subject seemed too deep and complex for the allotted hour, but it gave him a chance to show his nondogmatic, “intellectual-struggler” side. On his Web site and blog, he shows yet another side, as “The Happiness Warrior”— someone who seems sensitive to people’s simple needs.

Rabbi Steinmetz was well-received, but it’s clear no one wants to get too excited until they see all three finalists, all of whom have impeccable credentials. Next up is Rabbi Kalman Topp from Young Israel of Woodmere on Long Island and then Rabbi Dovid Cohen from Young Israel of The West Side in Manhattan.

The day of the final vote hasn’t been set yet, but it should come in late February or early March.

One of the leaders of the search committee, Mark Rohatiner, who with board president Dr. Steve Tabak has been spearheading the search, seemed a little drained by the whole process when I spoke to him last Sunday. He knows how hard it is to reach consensus on any issue, let alone on such a momentous one.

“I feel like I’m pregnant,” he joked, “and I’m starting to feel the contractions.”

As it turns out, it will have taken about nine months to deliver a new head rabbi to Beth Jacob Congregation. At this point, all we know for sure is that it’s a boy.

David Suissa, an advertising executive, is founder of OLAM magazine, Meals4Israel.com and Ads4Israel.com. He can be reached at {encode=”dsuissa@olam.org” title=”dsuissa@olam.org”}.

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A Person of Consequence

“So,” the man in the lilac vest asks me by way of greeting, “Are you making any money these days?”

We’re at a Jewish Federation event at the USC campus downtown. It’s Sunday, and we’ve spent the morning listening to speakers talk about the many ways in which this world could become a better place.

At lunch, senators and City Council members have been introduced and honored, two dozen donors and dignitaries have been praised and appreciated, the mayor, having cut short his own birthday party to be at this luncheon, has delivered a keynote speech about faith and tikkun olam (repairing the world).

The man in the lilac vest is no stranger to the art of making money. And he knows how to give it away, as well. He and I have met only once before, a few months ago when I went to him asking for help on a matter in which we were both involved.

I wasn’t asking for a donation or offering to help raise money for one of his causes. He asked what I do for a living, and when I told him, he decided he wasn’t interested in what else I had to say. He didn’t care what profession I was in; what he really wanted to know is whether I am, to borrow a phrase from the language of the old country, “a person of consequence.”

In Persian, “a person of consequence” is one who has earned and deserves respect because of what he is or what he has done — because of his character, or his accomplishments, or his kindness to others, or any of those qualities that used to matter not so long ago, values that were upheld as cornerstones of a healthy society.

In its original meaning, it doesn’t denote wealth or social class — only what a person has done with that wealth or how humble he has remained, despite his superior station. But in the heady years of sudden wealth and swift ascent of the 1960s and ’70s, many Iranians confused wealth with character, vanity with class.

And because we lived in a place where might was right and in a world where money is might, the word “consequence” became synonymous with “wealth.” “A person of consequence” was someone with enough money to be reckoned with by other people of consequence.

America, too, is a place where might is right and where money can often buy respectability. Only here, “a person of consequence” is referred to in admiring tones by awestruck observers as a “successful person.” Here, within our own community, “a successful person” is someone who has made a lot of money and has the potential to make even more.

It doesn’t matter if he’s content or unhappy, if he’s a good parent, if he’s committed a single selfless act in his life. He can be “a doctor” who’s in Africa treating sick children out of the kindness of his heart (in which case he will be said to be wasting a perfectly good education), or he can be “a successful doctor” who has put eight years of medical training in the service of injecting weird chemicals into the lips of rich women. He can be “a journalist” (in which case he is wasting time till he grows up and finds a real job), or he can be “a successful journalist” (like Geraldo Rivera), who makes a lot of money for making asinine statements on cable television every night.

In America, you can be a person who broke the law and went to jail, or you can be “a successful” convict who robbed little old ladies of their life’s savings, did time and went back to give some of the old ladies’ money to good causes. Tikkun olam, indeed.

But what if, as happened to so many Iranians 30 years ago and is happening to so many Americans these days, the wealth disappears? Do successful people suddenly become failures? Do people of consequence become inconsequential?

Is that why the man in the lilac vest wants to know if I’m still making money before he even says hello to me?

But it’s not the intentions of men with interesting fashion sense or the semantics of the Persian or English languages that interest me (though they are, in a very transparent way, indicative of a people’s ethics); it’s what they imply about our standards as a people and about our culture as a whole.

I’m not concerned about a few hundred sharks on Wall Street or a few dozen wealthy Westside Jews who compete for social acceptance by one-upping each other on spending money on their children’s bar and bat mitzvahs. I’m concerned about a national worldview that reveres wealth and aspires to excess, a society where even the poor revel in accounts of the myriad ways the rich find to waste money. About a country that produces Donald Trump, then gives him permission to, indeed rewards him for and sits down faithfully every week to watch him, berate those who have less than he.

I’m concerned about us — Jews on Wall Street and in Los Angeles and elsewhere — and the extent to which we have bought into those values, adopted the language and the morals of consumerism at the expense of so much that has defined us over time: learning, creativity, kindness to our fellow men.

I’m concerned that we may have come more and more to define charity solely in dollar terms. That so many of us nowadays fail to teach our children that we were of consequence even when we lived in ghettos and were berated by others; that we survived those ghettos because we knew the true worth of a human being, the true meaning of success.

Long before we were rich enough to host luncheons at USC, before we were important enough to hobnob with mayors and senators, before we felt secure enough to form the Jewish federations of the world, we were scholars and artists, soldiers and scientists. We made the world a better place because of who we were and what we did, not because of what we could buy or give away.

I still have a job, yes, and I still make money by writing. But I’m concerned about a future in which, even on a day of community service, even as we preach tikkun olam, we gauge our own and each other’s worth by any measure but our humanity.

Gina Nahai is an author and a professor of creative writing at USC. Her latest novel is “Caspian Rain” (MacAdam Cage, 2007). Her column appears monthly in The Journal.

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Politicizing Word ‘Holocaust’ Trivializes It

Names make a difference, and names must be used with precision, or they are abused.

Naming is the most human of deeds. It was how Adam ordered the animal world; it is how scientists control disease and identify phenomena.

I fear that we have spent a generation building up the moral capital of a word that signifies an event, and just as we have done with our monetary capital, we are in the process of expending moral capital with nothing to show in return.

Naturally, I am thinking about the word “Holocaust” and the assault on its meaning in contemporary times. A few examples:

• The International Association of Genocide Scholars has been going back and forth furiously about whether Israel committed genocide in Gaza.

• A Jewish member of the British Parliament has compared Israelis to the Nazis.

• The president of Iran denies the Holocaust. The president of Germany affirms it.

Over the past few months, I received urgent e-mails from my Jewish activist friends: “Help stop a second Holocaust,” they read, followed by an assignment:

– Send an e-mail to Israeli politicians not to join the government.

– Write President George Bush to halt the Annapolis Peace Talks.

– Vote for John McCain and not a Muslim friend of radical anti-Semites for president.

Again and again, Jewish activists portray us as on the brink of a second genocide, as if nothing has changed over the past decades, nothing has been learned, nothing has been done.

Permit me some words of clarity to preserve that moral capital. Permit me to speak frankly.

To those on the left, which is my natural political habitat, I must say bluntly Israel has the power to commit genocide. The imbalance of power between the Palestinians and the Israelis is overwhelming.

Israel has the provocation. If rockets were falling on homes in Bangor, Maine, or San Diego, I wonder how restrained the United States would be. If our cities were being bombed and our children killed, how long would we wait to respond overwhelmingly, disproportionately?

Israel has not committed genocide. It is really as simple as that.

Why do some want to depict Israelis as Nazis? Let us seek to understand their strategy, not to condone it or accept it.

For the Europeans, it is an alleviation of guilt and a soft-core denial of the Holocaust. If Israelis are Nazis, then the behavior of Europeans in World War II is less objectionable, less morally reprehensible.

Holocaust denial in the Muslim world is different from Holocaust denial in the West. The latter seeks to rehabilitate the good name of Hitler and to cleanse fascism of its bad name.

In the Islamic world, denial of the Holocaust seeks to undo what it regards as the most important outcome of the Holocaust, the establishment of the State of Israel. Its Holocaust denial is not about history, it is about wishing away, imagining away, a country that some would wish out of existence.

It combines two of the three elements that distinguish legitimate objections to Israeli policies from anti-Semitism — delegitimization and demonization. If Israel is Nazi-like, it is demonic; if the Israelis are the new Nazis, then Israel itself is illegitimate.

The Holocaust was the systematic, state-sponsored murder of millions of Jews that emerged as the sustained policy of the Nazified German state over 12 years and implemented as a national priority between 1941-45 in some 21 countries that were controlled or allied with Germany.

Whatever the events in Gaza are, they bear no resemblance to the Holocaust and the Israelis no resemblance to the Nazis. That does not make everything Israel does just or wise; it is merely restating the obvious.

There are questions to ask, important questions, ethical questions that must be faced in a new series of battles:

How are the Israeli government and its army to respond to an irregular force that hides within civilian institutions — schools, mosques and hospitals among them — and behind civilians precisely because it knows that the possibility of civilian deaths restrain the actions of a democratic state?

It is not sufficient to say that it cannot be done, because if that were the case, one would cede to these forces an unimpeded victory.

The conventional categories of warfare, the battles between armies, do not apply; conventional definitions of appropriate military behavior must be reapplied under these new circumstances. Some evidence is impressive. The Israelis made more than 90,000 calls. They also dropped leaflets and gave warnings to civilians in Gaza.

Some mistakes were also made. The Israeli army must be more precise; targeting must be more specific.

As to the Jews and our fear of a repeat of the Holocaust, I have a deeply uncomfortable feeling that Jews, committed and serious Jews concerned with the survival of the Jewish people, are increasingly responsible for trivializing the word “Holocaust” by using it as a rhetorical political tool, with little regard to its appropriateness or the consequences of its misuse.

I neither wish to condone or to minimize contemporary anti-Semitism nor to presume for a moment that Jews are not vulnerable today. To state that something is not the Holocaust, that a second Holocaust is not pending, is merely to restate the obvious, not to prescribe complacency.

The word “Holocaust” must be guarded, lest we undo the moral capital that we have accumulated and its importance to moral discourse.

It must be guarded from misuse by our enemies and from trivialization by some of our most ardent supporters.

Michael Berenbaum is director of the Sigi Ziering Institute: Exploring the Ethical and Religious Implications of the Holocaust and a professor of theology (adjunct) at American Jewish University.

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