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May 18, 2007

Mr. Nobody

A senior colleague once told me that when he was a student in college he took a creative writing course. One of his classmates could express himself beautifully, but could not conceive any creative ideas on his own. He would always turn to my colleague for ideas, and then proceed to write an excellent paper.

Thanks to his writing skills, he earned a doctorate and eventually became chairman of the English department at a university in the Midwest.

Many years later, during a visit with his former classmate, my colleague asked his old friend, “Isn’t there a rule of ‘publish or perish’ in your university?”

“Yes indeed,” replied the professor, “and I have published many books.”

“But don’t you need new ideas in order to publish?”

“Not really,” the professor explained, “if, like me, you publish critical works critiquing that which others have written.”

My colleague concluded the story by telling me, “I always repeat this anecdote to teach my members that criticizing is easy, but creative thinking is difficult.”

A similar message permeates the story of Megillat Ruth, which we traditionally read in the synagogue on Shavuot. The Megillah tells us that Naomi and Ruth had a close relative who was legally and morally obligated to marry Ruth and redeem her land in order to perpetuate the family name. When asked to marry Ruth, this fellow could only answer, “I will not do it.”

We might wonder who was this man and what was his name, but the Megillah, surprisingly, does not identify him. Instead, it informs us that he was called by a nickname, “Peloni Almoni,” which literally means “so and so,” or no name. In other words, the man was nameless, for he was “Mr. Nobody.”

The 19th-century biblical commentator, the Malbim, claims that he received this nickname because he was critical of Ruth. He looked at her with a jaundiced eye, convinced that she would deplete the inheritance he owned.

He did not have the ability to think creatively, to see the larger picture, to recognize Ruth’s spiritual potential. Instead, he remained a little man, a “nobody,” who could not rise to the challenge.

Megillat Ruth, however, does not only record the story of Peloni Almoni.

It also tells us about Boaz, another relative of Naomi and Ruth, who indeed married Ruth, and from that union King David descended. Wondering why Boaz acted in a diametrically different fashion from Peloni Almoni, the Midrash tells us that before marrying Ruth, Boaz suffered a personal holocaust. Tragically, he lost his entire family and everything he owned. Rather than despair, Boaz regained his strength and perpetuated our religion. Although he could have criticized his lot, instead he saw the larger picture. Therefore our rabbis tell us that the name Boaz combines two words, “Bo” and “Az”, which means, “he comes with strength.”

We, the generation after the worst Holocaust that ever occurred to our people, cannot afford to emulate Peloni Almoni, criticizing and watching from the sidelines.

Often we give excuses of not being involved in Jewish life because we have strong and even valid criticisms against organized religion. We only see the negative in our Jewish institutions, forgetting that such an attitude produces Peloni Almonis, nothings and nobodies.

We have no choice but to accept the challenge to become a generation of Boazs, whose creative thinking will guarantee the future of our people.


Rabbi Elazar R. Muskin is rabbi of Young Israel of Century City.

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Dreayer finds ‘Suite’ success with talented twins

“I had the busiest two weeks ever; sold another show, made some big deals for twins number three and oy,” says Irene Dreayer, her voice husky and a bit tired.

Gracefully traipsing between the backlot buildings of Hollywood Center Studios, her petite frame wrapped in casual but elegant garb, “The Dray,” as family and friends know her, greets everyone she passes, from celebrity to security guard.

“I kiss 400 people everyday,” says the executive producer of Disney Channel’s “The Suite Life of Zack and Cody.” “From day one, I hugged and kissed everybody, and it allowed everyone on the show to become family. That’s the Jewish producer in me; family is everything.”

After graduating from the University of Florida in the late 1970s, Dreayer left her childhood behind to chase her dream in Los Angeles. “I grew up in Orlando, Fla., where you either worked for Disney or a mall, so with my parents’ support I came to L.A. and cried every day for a year,” she says, her brown eyes peering out from nondescript designer glasses. “What kind of Jewish girl leaves her family?”

Dreayer re-imagined her notions of family and created a self-styled community on her sets, beginning with the discovery of twin sisters who she would go on to produce in the sitcom “Sister, Sister.”

On the way back to her office on the third-floor above the stage, she gives a grand tour of the premises, from the craft-services table to the writers’ room, and walks through the set, still mingling and embracing.

“This shoot is insane,” she declares, “very unusual, with lots of special effects and swing sets for our big Halloween episode.”

Her long and rigorous Fridays are spent in casting meetings, script rewrites and live audience tapings, which in recent weeks have boasted a guest list from Matt Damon to Larry David with their kids in tow. The sitcom starring 14-year-old twins Dylan and Cole Sprouse, whom Dreayer set her sights on when they appeared opposite Adam Sandler in “Big Daddy,” is a throwback to classic serial comedies and focuses on a central family narrative: the relationship of siblings.

As Dreayer makes the rounds, she is waylaid by cast and crew who clamor for her attention, opinion and discerning approval. This is clearly her show, and she carries herself around it with poise, ease and an irrevocably pleasant demeanor, setting the tone for a home-like atmosphere. On this set, the metaphoric parent-executives gratefully acknowledge the contributions of the children and Dreayer is conscientious of infusing her professional assessments with warmth and sincerity.

At first glance, one may wonder how such a delicate-looking 55-year-old with a bleach-blonde buzz could command such an elaborate production, but Dreayer’s cool sophistication and integrity mark her as an emblem of value, and watching her work elucidates her commanding presence.

Although she is perfectly comfortable trumpeting her various projects in development (including a pending spin-off series of “The Suite Life” currently in negotiations), there is a candor and humility in Dreayer’s tone, presumably derivative of her humble, Jewish upbringing. Indeed, the intimate connection she feels to her roots inspired the course of her life.

Her beloved father was a salesman and encouraged her to be fearless in her work.
Her mother was a stage performer with vocal talent. Dreayer recalls watching her sing, “I was smitten. I loved the theatrical world.”

Perhaps it is her indefatigable persistence that earned her a place at the head of three syndicated television series. In an industry that demonstrates little loyalty and suffers from chronic fickleness, Dreayer has achieved remarkable longevity.

“When I came out to L.A., I thought I could dance. I could not dance. So I worked in a restaurant, a wine store, baby-sat, delivered flower baskets — I did all that stuff,” she notes.

While her pursuit of producing family programming lingered, she held various management positions in other people’s companies and then her own, managing a client list of reputable actors with roles on “L.A. Law” and “Saturday Night Live.” However, that roster was short-lived after a crippling industry strike. Reflecting on the despondency she felt then, “I remember sitting in my apartment wondering what I was going to do with my life. Should I move back to Florida?”

Despite the struggle, Dreayer’s dream did not waver. She called a friend in casting at NBC who turned her on to 6-year-old Tahj Mowry (“Full House”), but he was taken. “I called his mother and asked, ‘Is there anyone else?’ and she said, ‘Well, I have these twin daughters.'”

Days later, Dreayer abandoned a baby-sitting job to attend her first pitch meeting at Paramount. By the end of the meeting, she had launched her first set of twins, Tia and Tamera Mowry, into their own sitcom, aptly titled, “Sister, Sister.” Years later, she followed suit with their little brother, Tahj, and his show, “The Smart Guy.”

Her most recent project, “The Suite Life of Zack and Cody,” has also become a vehicle for Dreayer’s highly prized new discovery, Camilla and Rebecca Rosso, blonde-haired, blue-eyed twins from the United Kingdom, who star respectively as Janice and Jessica on the show.

“I’m about to make stars out of my third set of twins,” she declares. “Who does that? Who finds three sets of twins, puts them on television and then they become completely famous?”

The Rossos were discovered on a Friday similar to this one, when the warm-up announcer asked the audience who was from out of town. Immediately, the 12-year-olds girls responded.

When the announcer asked if they were twins, Dreayer says she looked up, was transfixed and invited the girls to her office the following day.

“I had a vision the second I met them,” she says. “I knew they were special: 12, beautiful and international.”

Dreayer finds ‘Suite’ success with talented twins Read More »

Correcting the tilt in Jewish politics — it’s not just Israel, stupid

What will it take to convince politicians that Jewish voters care about a wide range of issues, not just Israel?

The creative folks at the Jewish Funds for Justice (JFSJ) think they have an answer.

This week the group is conducting an online survey of domestic priorities, with the goal of pressing the 2008 presidential contenders to engage in a genuine dialogue with Jewish voters over the results.

But the problem isn’t just that some candidates don’t know that Jews care about heath care, economic inequality, church-state separation, government ethics — the list is endless. Money distorts the political dialogue, and Jewish campaign contributions are concentrated and focused on the single issue of Israel.

Jewish organizations contribute to the problem as they shift the communal focus to Israel, both out of a sense of growing urgency over its fate and because Israel is what brings in members and dollars.

The idea that politicians can deal with Jewish voters with a few pro-Israel talking points and ignore domestic affairs is not new, but the tactic seems to be hardening into political dogma.

Jewish Republicans have good reasons to pursue an all-Israel-all-the-time strategy; the domestic issues advocated by their party, including banning abortion, giving money to religious schools and opposing gay rights, are non-starters with a Jewish electorate that remains stubbornly liberal despite an increasingly outspoken conservative minority.

That strategy appears to be a boost to GOP fundraising but a bust at the polls; last year’s congressional contests saw an overwhelming Jewish tilt to the Democrats despite aggressive attack ads by the Republican Jewish Coalition.

The Democrats have less of an excuse, but they increasingly play the same game.

At their recent candidates forum, leaders of the National Jewish Democratic Council (NJDC) encouraged the presidential candidates to address a wide range of issues, but most of them began with and emphasized support for Israel, even though it was a friendly audience that didn’t doubt their pro-Israel credentials.

It was revealing that the Democratic contenders got their biggest ovations for statements on non-Israel issues such as health care reform, economic justice and the genocide in Darfur, not their formulaic comments on Israel.

That relentless Israel focus represents a kind of disenfranchisement for the Jewish majority whose political interests do not begin and end with Israel.

But changing things won’t be easy. Candidates play the Israel card because that’s what they’ve been taught by mainstream Jewish leaders — and because that’s what produces the big bucks in their campaign coffers.

Jewish multi-issue groups continue be active in the domestic realm, but there’s little question that organizations such as the Anti-Defamation League, the American Jewish Committee and the American Jewish Congress spend much more time and energy on the Israel issue than they used to.

One reason is the perceived threat to the Jewish state in an era when international support is waning and new threats like a nuclear Iran loom.

But part of it is also a cold calculation that Israel activism is what attracts big donors to Jewish groups and provides a cohesion and sense of urgency that is often lacking in domestic matters.

Jews remain deeply committed to a wide range of domestic concerns, but beneath that reality are wide differences in positions and priorities. But talk about Israel facing a new Holocaust, and Jews line up to get involved — and to give money.

When Jewish leaders come to Washington or visit with political candidates around the country, they raise other issues, but Israel is almost always at the top of the list, so it’s hardly surprising that candidates have come to believe Israel is the ticket to Jewish political support.

That message is reinforced by networks of pro-Israel campaign funders around the country. Candidates in both parties are heavily dependent on Jewish money, and much of it comes through the pro-Israel network, with the obvious implication that this is what Jewish voters care about the most.

Jews who are motivated mostly by domestic affairs give heavily, too, but their contributions are much less focused, scattered across dozens of issues from energy independence to abortion rights. And more often than not, those contributions are not seen as Jewish contributions, in the same way pro-Israel giving is.

With campaign spending soaring — the 2008 presidential contest will set new records — the pressure to treat affluent constituencies as little more than cash-generating engines will accelerate. In Jewish politics that means candidates will continue to emphasize Israel and give short shrift to the domestic concerns dear to the hearts of most Jewish voters.

The Jewish Funds for Justice domestic policy campaign raises important questions, but the skewed nature of Jewish politics won’t change until groups with a more domestic focus begin to organize contributors, focus their campaign giving and coordinate and concentrate their message.

Correcting the tilt in Jewish politics — it’s not just Israel, stupid Read More »

Survivors blast Holocaust Museum over archive access restrictions

Holocaust survivors are venting their anger at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington over its decision not to allow immediate electronic access to the long-secret records of the International Tracing Service at Bad Arolsen, Germany.

Many survivors and members of the second generation have complained in the past about the museum’s fundraising and other issues, but a dispute over prohibiting immediate remote access to the Bad Arolsen documentation — the way other government documents are accessed — brought many in the Holocaust community to express their anger publicly as never before.

The documents are expected to be transferred to the Holocaust museum under an international treaty. The archives include millions of images relating to concentration-camp prisoner documents.

“Where does the museum get the chutzpah?” asked David Schaecter, president of the Miami-based Holocaust Survivors Foundation. He singled out Paul Shapiro, director of the museum’s Center for Advanced Holocaust Studies and the point man for the Bad Arolsen transfer.

“I don’t know how in the name of God Shapiro can look at himself in the mirror,” especially after his March 28 testimony before a U.S. House of Representatives subcommittee, Schaecter said. Schaecter sat next to Shapiro as they testified to the House about the need to bring the Bad Arolsen documents to America.

Shapiro did not respond to calls seeking comment. Arthur Berger, a senior adviser to the museum on external affairs, defended him.

“Paul Shapiro has probably done more than any individual in the world to get this archive opened,” Berger said. “He has literally worked day and night to fulfill our moral responsibility to help survivors get information and not allow them to pass away without finding out more information about themselves and their families.”

Berger said the museum was waiting for the material to be released before it could provide specifics of how it would make the material available. But he said the museum was committed to making the archive widely accessible.

“The museum has been leading the effort for years to open the archives at Bad Arolsen, and we’ve really been working aggressively to help survivors nationwide gain access to the archives,” he said. “We have done whatever is possible and we will continue to have the highest commitment to ensure that when we have the material, we will do everything in our power to get access to that information to survivors. Whatever it takes.”

But that hasn’t mollified survivors and their advocates.

“After recent dealings with the museum, it is more and more evident that they are not committed to the survivors in whose name this museum was built,” said Klara Firestone, founding president of Second Generation Los Angeles and a member of the coordinating council of the Generations of the Shoah International.

In the era of instant access to documents offered by Google, Yahoo, Proquest and Lexis-Nexis, Holocaust survivors and advocates say they don’t understand why the documents can’t be made available to local libraries or home computers the way government documents ordinarily are accessed.

On May 9, a representative of several survivor groups sent a note to congressional staffers who work on committees that are considering the museum’s quest for sole control of the archive. Several congressional committees are involved with oversight of treaties and museum funding.

“The consensus — from survivors as well as community leaders — is that something is definitely amiss here,” said Samuel Dubbin, attorney for the Holocaust Survivors Foundation, a national coalition of elected survivor leaders. “The museum seems to be constructing an access protocol based on a continuing sensitivity to European privacy concerns and probably in a way that masks individual company involvement in slave labor system. By no means … will this be made Internet-accessible.”

Firestone agreed, saying, “After 60 years of concealing and hiding, when they open this archive, if it does not give immediate — I mean immediate — and instant remote access to everyone, it will be just another blow” to the Holocaust community.

The existing search mechanism in the Bad Arolsen archives works as fast as Google, but museum sources said they wanted to create a proprietary search engine that will be accessible only from on-site computers.

Abraham Foxman, national director of the Anti-Defamation League, who served on the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Council under three presidents, added, “I would hope that the Bad Arolsen archives could be as easily accessible as modern science makes possible. Those archives are for the survivors’ needs and use first, and scholars later.”

Some survivors assert that the archive transfer is just a pretext for the museum to engage in aggressive fundraising. Schaecter bristled as he recalled a recent experience.

“I come back from Washington after I testified before the House about these archives,” he recalled, “I’m not home for six hours, I get a call from the Boca office of the museum from their fundraiser, and he says, ‘I heard about your testimony and I heard about you caring’ — and all this nonsense! ‘Since you are deeply involved,’ he says, ‘maybe you should make a meaningful donation.'”

Berger, however, said the museum was the natural choice to house the archive.

“As America’s national memorial for victims of the Holocaust and one of the two largest repositories of Holocaust-related documentation in the world” — the other is the Yad Vashem Holocaust Memorial in Jerusalem, which also will receive the Bad Arolsen documents — “the museum is the appropriate site in the United States for this collection,” he said.

The first 10 million images of concentration-camp documents will soon transfer to the museum under embargo, pending full ratification of the treaty releasing the documents. The 11-nation commission that controls the International Tracing Service initialed a May 16, 2006 treaty authorizing release, but each of the 11 nations must ratify the treaty under its existing laws.

The last four countries — France, Greece, Italy and Luxemburg — are expected to ratify the release late this year or early next year. Once ratified, national delegates must sign the single, controlling copy of the treaty; only then will the treaty be approved and implemented.

Survivors blast Holocaust Museum over archive access restrictions Read More »

Briefs: Falwell gone; AIPAC to chip in defense costs; Russkis nab hate-kill suspect; B’nai B’rith ju

Jerry Falwell Dies at 73

The Rev. Jerry Falwell, the televangelist whose relationship with the U.S. Jewish community was at times close and at times contentious, died at age 73. Falwell was declared dead Tuesday within hours of being found unconscious in Lynchburg, Va., in his office at Liberty University, which he founded.

The founder of the Moral Majority, Falwell united the religious right into a powerful political force. Stridently pro-Israel, he was among the first to make clear that presidential candidates must show deference to the U.S.-Israel alliance if they wanted the support of evangelicals. His hard-line views on social issues, however, alienated many Jews, especially when he appeared to say that gay and pro-choice activists had incurred God’s wrath, bringing about the Sept. 11, 2001 terrorist attacks.

Falwell reached out to liberal Jews last year, inviting Rabbi Eric Yoffie, president of the Reform movement, to speak at Liberty University and noting that Reform Jews and conservative Christians shared concerns about the proliferation of violence and loose sexual mores in popular culture.

AIPAC to Pay Weissman’s Legal Fees

The American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) reached a deal with lawyers for its former Iran analyst, Keith Weissman, to pay for his defense against Espionage Act charges.

“AIPAC is fully paying for Keith Weissman’s defense through appeal if necessary,” a source close to AIPAC said on Saturday.

Sources close to the defense confirmed the deal.

Spokesmen for Arent Fox, the law firm representing Weissman, could not be reached for comment.

No such deal has yet been achieved with Abbe Lowell, the lawyer for Steve Rosen, AIPAC’s former foreign policy chief who faces trial along with Weissman on charges that they dealt in classified information.

Arent Fox accepted a deeply discounted package, sources close to the defense said — as little as half of what its lawyers said was owed them. Critically, however, Weissman retains his right to sue AIPAC if he is acquitted or if charges are dismissed. Parallel negotiations between Lowell and AIPAC have apparently been complicated by Lowell’s recent move from the law firm of Chadbourne Parke to McDermott Will and Emery.

The case, alleging that Rosen and Weissman dealt in classified information about Iran, first came to light in August 2004, when FBI agents raided AIPAC offices. AIPAC at first strongly supported Rosen and Weissman, but fired them in March 2005, cutting off fees for their defense a few months later; it subsequently made a number of offers to resume payment contingent upon the defendants’ giving up their right to sue AIPAC.

The federal judge in the case, T.S. Ellis III, last week rejected the defense’s dismissal motion that argued that government pressure on AIPAC to fire the two men was unconstitutional. Ellis ruled that the men’s constitutional right to a legal defense had been met because their lawyers continued to serve despite the non-payment of fees. However, Ellis accepted the defense’s claim that the government had pressured AIPAC, something the pro-Israel lobby has always denied; Ellis blasted the pressure as “obnoxious.”

He also affirmed that AIPAC had a contractual obligation to advance legal fees for the defendants. Rosen and Weissman were indicted in August 2005; a firm trial date has yet to be set.

Suspect Held in Russian Jew’s Murder

St. Petersburg police arrested a suspect in the murder of a Jewish schoolteacher that authorities said was motivated by jealousy. Dmitri Nikulinsky, 22, a teacher and biology student at a Chabad-run school, was stabbed to death Saturday in what some thought was an anti-Semitic attack. Berel Lazar, one of Russia’s two chief rabbis, told Interfax on Sunday that “the information available for now breeds serious suspicions that the crime was ethnically motivated.”

On Monday, St. Petersburg police detained Georgiy Kulik for the crime, citing jealousy, not anti-Semitism, as the motive. Nikulinsky’s mother found him outside his home Saturday morning; he had been stabbed repeatedly in the neck.

Police told community leaders that Kulik, 26, had seen Nikulinsky escorting home Kulik’s ex-girlfriend the preceding evening, and that he had returned to kill Nikulinsky in a jealous rage. But community leaders are unconvinced.

“I think it’s still early to say that it’s not an act of anti-Semitism or ethnically motivated violence,” St. Petersburg’s chief rabbi, Mendel Pevzner, said on Monday. Police are scheduled to meet with St. Petersburg community leaders later Monday to discuss the case.

B’nai B’rith: Halt Wartime Pope’s Sainthood

B’nai B’rith International urged Catholic authorities to halt the canonization process for Pope Pius XII until his response to the Holocaust is clarified. B’nai B’rith wrote letters to Cardinal Jose Saraiva Martins, the prefect of the Congregation for the Causes of Saints, and Cardinal Walter Kasper, president of the Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity and its Commission for Religious Relations with the Jews, the group said in a Monday release.

It urged that the process toward declaring the World War II-era pope a saint be suspended until the Holy See’s secret archives from the period are opened and scholars are able to settle the ongoing debate over whether he responded adequately to the Holocaust. We “would not, as representatives of the Jewish community, normally express opinions regarding religious and symbolic steps taken internally by the Church,” the group said.

But it added that “to proactively elevate Pius XII as a saint before scholars are allowed to carry out an appropriate accounting of actions during an era when 6 million European Jews were murdered” would “represent a real injustice.” Pius XII was placed on the path to sainthood last week when the Congregation for the Causes of Saints voted to approve his beatification. The current pope, Benedict XVI, must approve, and two miracles must be attributed to the wartime pope.

A Yad Vashem exhibit says that Pius “abstained from signing the Allied declaration condemning the extermination of the Jews” and “maintained his neutral position throughout the war.” The Vatican says it has evidence that Pius quietly intervened on behalf of Jews, but still blocks access to Vatican archives from that period.

Briefs: Falwell gone; AIPAC to chip in defense costs; Russkis nab hate-kill suspect; B’nai B’rith ju Read More »