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August 7, 2003

Front-Page Gray

For one brief, shining moment this week, the Los Angeles Times achieved the impossible: it united the Jews. All across the region, we went out to get our Sunday paper, saw an 8,000-word, front-page, above-the-fold story on a minor brouhaha at a small Orthodox high school, and said, as if in unison, "Huh?"

The feature story by Barry Siegel became Topic A of conversation all week. Whether people liked it or reviled it (see Rabbi Dov Fischer’s Op-Ed piece on page 8), they all wondered why they were reading so much of it. "They spent more ink on this than on why we went to Iraq," said Daniel Sokatch of the Progressive Jewish Alliance.

"Lessons in Division" looked at the controversy that arose when Alexander Maksik, a new, young English teacher at Shalhevet, a progressive Orthodox high school in the Fairfax district, sought to bring the Palestinian perspective on the Israeli-Arab conflict into his seventh-grade classroom.

Parents, fellow teachers and school administrators objected to Maksik presenting sympathetic — and, they believed, inaccurate — portraits of the Palestinians into the classroom. After several fierce exchanges, the school, which Jerry Friedman founded to encourage open debate and democracy, let Maksik go.

Siegel has carved a journalistic career out of examining the complex social and moral questions behind local conflicts. His 8,000-word piece, "A Father’s Pain, a Judge’s Duty and a Justice Beyond Their Reach," published Dec. 30, 2001, is a heart-wrenching and powerful account of a court case involving a father whose fleeting act of negligence led to the death of his 6-year-old son. Siegel won a Pulitzer Prize for it.

Shalhevet’s journey to the Times’ front page began on May 24, 2002, when The Jewish Journal published an Op-Ed piece by Maksik titled, "The Curse of Certainty."

Siegel happened to read the column and followed the angry letters to the editor we published in subsequent issues.

For such stories, the Times allocates Siegel several months, expenses, an editor, a photographer — an investment that one source told me easily approaches

$200,000.

"If you decide to invest that kind of time and energy into a story," said an editor, "it’s either going on Page A1 or it’s not going to run."

Critics of the piece felt that the payoff was a slam at Orthodox Judaism. After all, the teacher, Maksik, was an adult who knew that even a progressive Orthodox school has certain norms and parameters. Would the Times have devoted such space to a newcomer at a Catholic school who tries to teach seventh graders the positive aspects of abortion?

"The story shows the Times is both hostile and prejudiced toward Orthodox Jews who do not conform to the Times’ notions of what is right and what is wrong," attorney Nathan Wirtschafter said.

But non-Orthodox critics found plenty to fault as well.

"What I found disappointing in the piece," Jeffrey Brody, professor of journalism at Cal State Fullerton, said, "is that it’s about a school that promotes freethinking and debate, but I found the characters were one-dimensional. There was the idealistic teacher; the rich, liberal school founder; the macho tank commander rabbi. The characters are wooden."

Brody found it hard to believe that Siegel couldn’t find more nuance in his subjects.

Siegel’s depiction of Shalhevet does tend to emphasize the extremes. To many familiar with the school, Maksik is not such a crusader, his opposing rabbis are not so hardline, and Friedman too is much more complex and savvy than the article suggests.

In fact, the article may give the impression that the Jewish community is more polarized than it is, even along religious lines. There are Orthodox Jews like Yitzhak Frankenthal who regularly seek out Palestinian perspectives. There are Jews of all denominations on all sides of the issues. There are Jews conflicted within themselves. The strength of Jews under attack to entertain nuance and delve into moral ambiguity is also part of this conflict, and one of the most encouraging.

But at least one of Siegel’s subjects isn’t complaining.

"On balance you have to give the guy credit," Friedman told me. "This is not a trivial piece. I don’t think he had an ax to grind. Sure you could object to some parts, but the guy wrote an objective article, and, kol hakavod [congratulations], I’m proud that a Jewish institution got that much space."

In the end, he said, the strength of Shalhevet’s vision came through: "We’re not going to go to the right, we’re not going to go to the left; we’re centrist. Too many of us deal with the world in black and white, but there’s a hell of a lot of gray kicking around."

Front-Page Gray Read More »

Kosher Feng Shui

Jayme Barrett wants you to close your bathroom door and keep the toilet seat down.

That is the feng shui (pronounced fung shway) way of assuring that the positive energy that comes from clearing out your clutter and creating love, wealth and fame will stay in the appropriate places in your house and not drain out every time you flush the toilet or pull a plug.

Tips like these made 35-year-old Barrett, the author of “Feng Shui Your Life” (Sterling Publishing), one of Los Angeles’ leading experts in this ancient Chinese art of object placement. Barrett has feng shuied the homes of Hollywood celebrities, and she has guided many others in creating calm and prosperous home and office environments.

But now Barrett would like the Jewish community to understand that even though feng shui is an Eastern discipline, it is one that is wholly symbiotic with Judaism. As she explains it, objects like mezuzot fill the house with divine energy, and clearing out clutter is akin to cleaning your house for chametz (leavened foods).

“From a kabbalistic perspective, it means you are clearing away the objects that keep you enslaved,” Barrett said. “When you clear up clutter, you are also taking away the things that are depleting you, and then you can purposefully place items in your house in a way that helps you move forward in your life.”

Barrett says that Jews actually need feng shui to keep their Judaism going.

“The home is the center of Jewish life in a lot of ways — it’s where you have Shabbat dinners — and it needs to be a place that emanates peace and order for you to feel happy and comfortable,” she said. “If your home is a wreck, you are less likely to invite people to your house for Shabbat.”

Barrett advises her Jewish clients to put tzedakah boxes in their “wealth center” (one of nine energy centers Barrett says comprise the home) to keep the money flowing in their lives, and she tells married couples to hang their ketubbot opposite their beds.

“You need to create positive energy every day, and you have the power to do it,” she said.

Jayme Barrett will sign copies of “Feng Shui Your Life”
on Aug. 14 at 7:30 p.m. at –Village Books, 1049 Swarthmore, Pacific Palisades.
For more information, visit www.jaymebarrett.com .

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Making Dyslexia Funny

T he Fonz was the ultimate of cool on "Happy Days," but in real life Henry Winkler struggled through school. Winkler and his parents — who called him stupid and lazy — didn’t know that he was dyslexic until he was diagnosed at age 30.

Winkler, 57, is now taking those frustrating childhood experiences and giving them a humorous twist in his new Hank Zipzer book series, which he hopes will raise the self-esteem of kids diagnosed with the misunderstood disorder.

Aimed at third- to sixth-grade readers, Hank Zipzer’s misadventures are part of a growing movement to reshape how people view dyslexia. Nonfiction works like Sally Shaywitz’s "Overcoming Dyslexia" and Time’s July 28 cover story tout groundbreaking research that shows the reading disability can be overcome.

"[My parents] were sure that if I stayed and concentrated long enough, I was going to win," Winkler said.

In the first two books, "Niagra Falls, or Does It?" and "I Got a ‘D’ in Salami," Zipzer knows something’s wrong, but doesn’t know he’s dyslexic. In the third book, "The Day of the Iguana" (due out Sept. 15), the world’s best underachiever is finally diagnosed.

Is Zipzer Jewish?

Winkler said that the character’s mother runs a New York deli that her father started, but he hasn’t given his main character a religion yet.

Winkler’s own Conservative parents expected him to become a bar mitzvah. However, his learning disability made it difficult for him to read English, let alone Hebrew.

"I had to learn my Torah portion phonetically," said Winkler, who also took to memorizing the prayers.

While the disorder makes it challenging for Winkler to read, he said he wouldn’t change his dyslexic past.

"It makes you a fighter," he said. "I don’t know that I would have gotten to where I am today [without it]."

Henry Winkler will read and sign his "Hank Zipzer" books at Barnes & Noble at The Grove on Aug. 9, 2 p.m.

Making Dyslexia Funny Read More »

Movsha Hoffman

For the past two and a half years, I have been the facilitator of a Yiddish reading class at Santa Monica Emeritus College. We are currently completing the reading in the Sholom Aleichem’s classic, "Motl, Peyse dem Khazn’s" ("Motl, Peyse the Cantor’s Son").

The class resembles, at times, a cheder (classroom) of days gone by, as students follow, make penciled notations and take their turn reading, some more skilled than others, but all very patient and accepting. The atmosphere and camaraderie is simply a joy to experience — mishpacha (family).

We lost our very best reader in the terrible tragedy at the Santa Monica Market on Wednesday afternoon, July 16. Movsha Hoffman is gone.

On Friday morning, when all the victims’ names and accompanying photos were made public, our class, on summer hiatus, was reunited in grief. The phone rang incessantly and tears along with reminiscences followed.

Here was a man who fled Stalin, lived simply through difficult times and never lost an ounce of his effervescence and optimism. His perpetual smile and good nature led everyone to "love the guy" and his bubbly, effusive greetings were something very special. To help someone was pretty much his mantra.

He was my resident expert for Russian terminology that often crept into Aleichem’s narrative. These words were not to be found in any Yiddish dictionary, old or new.

A warm and wonderful person has left us, a true example of menschlichkayt (decency). He will long be remembered — and may that memory be a blessing.

Movsha Hoffman Read More »

For the Kids

Listen With Your Heart

The word shema (listen) appears in its various forms in Parshat Va’etchanan 23 times. And to top it all off, the “Shema” prayer is also included. Moses tells his beloved nation: I will not enter Israel with you, so you are on your own. In order to do what’s right without me, you need to learn how to listen. It is only through listening that you will learn how to love (“And you shall love the Lord your God with all your heart”). Loving will open your heart to the oneness of the universe (“The Eternal God is one”), and that will bring you understanding.

So, practice listening — listen to the trees in the breeze; listen to your cat purring; listen to your parents’ words of love. Every so often, stop what you’re doing and listen.

Lessons From Tisha B’Av

The fast of Tisha B’Av lasted from sunset on Aug. 6 through sunset on Aug. 7. Hope you had an easy fast.

Alex and Talya were driving in the car with their parents. They were reading license plates when Talya called out to her parents: “Did you know that this month is Tisha B’Av?” Here are the license plates she read that reminded her. What do they say?

A Shabbat Poem

by Reut Rotem, Age 7, Beverly Hills

Weekdays are very fun,

But when Friday comes,

It’s time to rest.

So we say the brachot

And we go to sleep.

And on Saturday,

It’s time to eat!

Mail your cartoons, drawings, puzzles, etc. to The
Jewish Journal, 3580 Wilshire Blvd., Suite 1510, Los Angeles, CA 90010. E-mail
your written answers to our contests, or your jokes, riddles, poems, etc., to kids@jewishjournal.com . Make sure you write your name and address in your e-mail. See you next week!

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Bush, DeLay Views on Israel at Odds

Are the two most powerful Republicans in Washington playing a version of the old good-cop, bad-cop game with Israel and its friends in this country?

President Bush and House Majority Leader Tom DeLay (R-Texas) appear to be on different sides of the Middle East policy game. Both profess to be great friends of Israel, interested in the security and survival of the Jewish state, but that’s about all they agree on.

The differences were on display in recent days as Bush hosted the Israeli and Palestinian prime ministers at the White House in back-to-back summits, while DeLay was traveling in the Mideast, declaring himself "an Israeli at heart."

While fulsome in his praise for Bush as a great friend of Israel, DeLay was essentially lobbying against Bush’s Mideast policy while overseas, a long-standing political taboo here.

Bush is the first Republican president to endorse Palestinian statehood, and he frequently repeats his commitment to making that happen by 2005. DeLay said the Palestinian state would be "a sovereign state of terrorists," and "I can’t imagine this president supporting a state of terrorists."

Bush has embraced the international "road map" for peace, called for dismantling Jewish settlements and wants Israel to stop work on the security fence it is building in the West Bank. DeLay has called the road map a blueprint for Israel’s "destruction." He warned that a "consortium" of "inadvertent servants of tyranny … neoappeasers … [and] fancy thinkers is attempting to coerce the president into accepting what they innocuously call a ‘road map.’"

Bush wants Israel to withdraw for the most part to its 1967 borders and remove the settlements, but this year, DeLay told the pro-Israel lobby, "I’ve toured Judea and Samaria and stood on the Golan Heights. I didn’t see occupied territory. I saw Israel."

Are these two devout Christian evangelicals from Texas singing from different hymnals?

DeLay, a Baptist from Sugar Land, is a leader of the Christian Zionist movement, which has become the most hawkish element of the pro-Israel coalition, often going far beyond right-wing Prime Minister Ariel Sharon. DeLay’s speech to the Knesset last week in Jerusalem led one Israeli lawmaker to comment, "Until I heard him speak, I thought I was to the farthest right in the Knesset."

A delegation of 29 House Democrats is in Israel this week to show their support for Israel as well. Their views are closer to Bush’s than are those of the House GOP leader. Rep. Steny Hoyer (D-Md.), like Bush and unlike DeLay, supports the road map, territorial compromise and is optimistic about the chances for peace.

This dichotomy raises some interesting questions:

Is DeLay undermining Sharon’s — and Bush’s — policy of negotiations by encouraging the Israeli far right to resist all compromise, because it has a powerful friend on Capitol Hill? Is he leading on the far right, convincing them that he wouldn’t be saying those things if he didn’t have the backing of his president?

DeLay insists that his positions are not political but a natural extension of "my faith." Many evangelicals believe that the Jews must return to all of Israel and that the Jewish State must be engulfed in unending conflict until the "second coming," when all the Jews will either perish or convert to Christianity.

How will DeLay and his evangelical brethren react when — not if — an Israeli government agrees to withdraw from most of the territories in return for peace, fulfilling their prophecy of a satanic "false peace?"

What happens if there is a clash between Sharon and Bush over territorial compromise and removing settlements? Does anyone believe DeLay would not stand with his fellow Texan, his party leader and his president?

Would DeLay be as enthusiastic about supporting Israel with a left-leaning government led by someone like Ehud Barak or Shimon Peres, who were willing to trade territory for peace?

DeLay, whose views can make Sharon look like a naïve dove, insists his positions have nothing to do with politics. That may be hard to swallow, but it is realistic.

While some of the big pro-Israel groups are enthusiastically backing the right-wing government, polls show that most Jews are much more inclined to the dovish position. For them, DeLay’s fire-breathing speeches hold little appeal.

In addition, there’s the matter of Bush’s and DeLay’s domestic record, which is in conflict with the views of most Jewish voters on a broad range of topics like civil liberties, gender, education, environment, abortion and, most of all, church-state relations.

Most Israelis on the right love the raw meat rhetoric of the Texan known as the "Hammer"; they love that he shares their views on Yasser Arafat, Palestinian statehood, terrorism, compromise and strong beliefs.

They laugh off the evangelicals’ scriptural beliefs in Armageddon and can’t understand why U.S. Jews do not. The American cousins see the evangelicals as stalwarts in a campaign to breech the wall of separation between church and state.

So the DeLay strategy may generate headlines here and in Israel and win enthusiastic support from the Jewish right, but it may backfire on GOP efforts to win over the Jewish mainstream.

Bush, DeLay Views on Israel at Odds Read More »

Pressure on Israel Grows After Summit

If you’re confused about this week’s developments in U.S.-Israel diplomacy, don’t worry; you’re not alone.

Only days after Prime Minister Ariel Sharon seemed to score a decisive victory in the Battle of the Mideast Summits, reports emerged that the administration is cranking up the pressure against Israel’s controversial security fence, an issue that seemed defused at the summit.

And although the administration was clearly disappointed with the summit performance of Palestinian Prime Minister Mahmoud Abbas, it seems increasingly sympathetic to Abbas’ claim that he is too weak to dismantle terror groups like Hamas — a key requirement of the administration’s Mideast "road map."

But there’s no paradox here.

In fact, Sharon won a decisive victory in the twin summits, in part because of a Palestinian leader who has not learned the ABCs of managing relations with Washington, while the Israeli veteran has earned a doctorate.

But more recent developments also point to President George W. Bush’s increasingly deft treatment of Israel — a subtle blend of friendship and measured pressure that avoids open clashes and keeps disputes civil and behind closed doors, but which may push the balky government in Jerusalem along the route laid out by the road map.

In the dueling summits, Sharon started with some huge advantages — including a U.S. president who clearly puts Israel on the side of the angels in the all-consuming anti-terror war, a Congress whose leaders are often more hawkish than Sharon himself and rising support among the religious right, a key element in President Bush’s political base.

Sharon also came bearing gifts, including the release of more Palestinian prisoners, eased checkpoints and additional money transfers to the Palestinian Authority — a modest, carefully constructed package that didn’t generate any real trouble within his right-wing government, but offered just enough to keep Washington relatively happy.

Abbas, on the other hand, arrived with a litany of complaints about Israel and almost no concessions of his own.

On the contrary, he infuriated the administration by plainly stating that he will not dismantle the terror groups, a key demand of the road map he claimed to accept. Amazingly, he said he expects these groups will transform themselves into democratic factions within a new Palestinian state, leading many to question his grip on reality.

Nor was that kind of message well-received in Congress where, despite overwhelming pro-Israel sentiment, many lawmakers were willing to give the new Palestinian leader a chance to prove that he isn’t Yasser Arafat.

Abbas came to town with a golden opportunity to bolster U.S.-Palestinian relations and to call Sharon’s bluff on issues such as settlements. But he squandered it through a mixture of weakness, bad advice and diplomatic ineptness, doing little to reinforce Bush’s claim that he is a "man of peace."

Still, by the time Sharon was back home, there were signs the administration was upping the ante on several issues, including the security fence — pressure that may already be forcing Israel to change the route of the controversial barrier and possibly even temporarily halt construction.

There were also indications the State Department will cut new U.S. loan guarantees by the amount spent extending the fence into Palestinian territory.

A number of other lawmakers, including Rep. Jerrold Nadler (D-N.Y.), Rep. Nita Lowey (D-N.Y.) and Sen. Joe Lieberman (D-Conn.), a leading Democratic presidential contender, quickly joined the angry chorus, and by Wednesday there were signs the State Department was wavering.

Neither side is confirming the pressure; both are anxious to keep any disagreements out of the public eye — a rare occurrence in U.S.-Israel disputes.

Thus the seeming contradiction: a successful summit for Sharon, but also a steady and subtle rise in pressure from Washington.

The administration remains committed to its road map and to the creation of a Palestinian state by 2005; it also remains predisposed to accept Sharon as a partner in the war on terror, while distrusting the old Palestinian leadership and doubting the new can take control.

Still, the White House has concluded that without U.S. pressure, the Sharon government will stall until the road map collapses under its own weight. At the same time, it knows that too strong pressure will prompt a sharp reaction from Israel and an explosive response from Israel’s new best friends here — the religious right and the conservative Republican leadership in Congress.

It’s a friendly, measured kind of pressure — and it’s being matched by a smart, low-key and disciplined response from Israel.

Both sides understand that there is nothing to be gained by conflict; both have reason to question some of the policies of the other, but no reason to doubt its friendship.

And Israel understands that while the administration may be pressing both sides to move forward, there is nothing "even-handed" — a dirty word in the pro-Israel lexicon — about its emerging approach to Israel and the Palestinians.

Pressure on Israel Grows After Summit Read More »

Jewish Values Guide Marine’s Life in Iraq

We lost e-mail contact with our son, Kayitz, when he and his Marine unit disembarked from their ship on Feb. 24. From just about the beginning of the Iraq War, though, we knew what he was going through.

Though incessant Internet searches, I found two reporters embedded in his unit, the 1st Battalion, 4th Marines, 1st Marine Division. I discovered that my son, a 21-year-old corporal, was in the midst of a series of nasty battles — notably, Nasiriyah, Al Kut and Baghdad. I discovered later that he had been in battles every day — small, violent actions routing Saddam Hussein loyalists and Fedayeen militia from one city or village after another.

About two weeks after the war began, we suddenly received a message from him, when an embedded photographer let him use his e-mail. We heard firsthand of the violence, the destruction — battles to the death with a fanatical enemy. And we heard tender stories, too — combing through the bodies and wreckage, helping Iraqis find relatives, helping the wounded. Once the fighting had ended, he and other Marines immediately tended to the civilian and enemy injured, before getting into their vehicles on their way to the next battle.

He spoke of being welcomed exuberantly and tearfully by Shiite populations. He heard stories of massacres and executions. His battalion later uncovered one of Saddam’s killing fields near Al Hilla.

My son shared with me that he had hoped the Iraqi people would receive him as a liberator. It was that thought that kept him going, ever since he realized that he might be deployed. It was not that American security was not a concern; it was, but his sense of American and Jewish values made the idea of acting as a liberator primary in his mind.

A word about those values: I taught him in his confirmation class some years ago that a value is something that, once said, demands that it be lived, acted on, served, protected. We discussed a few of those core values at length before he left for the Afghanistan theater in December 2001, and while he was on his ship, we corresponded at length.

We began that conversation again, once he found out that he was being deployed to Iraq. In retrospect, I am sure it was a way that he and I both were dealing with the possibility of his, God forbid, not returning. If he were going to die there, he and I wanted to be clear about why.

The core American value about which we spoke is contained in John Kennedy’s inaugural address. "Let every nation know," Kennedy said, "whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty."

My son realized that the price Kennedy spoke of was, at least in part, the lives of military personnel. The American commitment to liberty throughout the world could only be realized if men and women were willing to die for it. His last e-mail from the ship before they flew off to take positions prior to the liberation told me he was willing.

On the Jewish side, he was taught over and over again the meaning of the "Mi Chamocha" prayer in the siddur, where we celebrate God delivering us from Egypt. He asked me as a child, as all children whom I teach ask me, why God does not directly liberate the oppressed any more. I gave him the same answer I give other children: God did it once to show us what God wanted. Now it is up to us.

While on the ship en route to Iraq, my son wrote movingly of that thought: a Jew, an American, willing to risk his life to bring liberation to Arabs. Whether they were grateful or not, he wrote, he knew it was his duty, as an American, as a Jew. God redeemed us so that we could redeem others.

While he was still home, we discussed at length the brutality of Saddam’s regime and what it meant that he might be in a war to destroy that regime. For him, it was worth fighting for, worth risking his life.

Just as the war was concluding, he celebrated Passover — at the former Secret Service headquarters of the Special Republican Guard. He, the chaplain and the other Jewish Marines present marveled at the moment and the location.

Once the war ended, his unit was assigned to the province of Babil, about 40 miles south of Baghdad, with a population of about 1 million. His unit, Headquarters Company, was stationed in the regional capital, Al Hilla. The 200 or so Marines had the responsibility, in addition to coordination with the rest of the battalion spread out over the area, for security and reconstruction in that city of about half a million.

Kayitz has been assigned to training new Iraqi police officers at the regional police academy, infrastructure work at the fire department and a local elementary school, security at city hall and, in general, anything he and the others could do to improve and make more secure the life of the population.

He writes in an e-mail that over the approximately three months in Al Hilla, he’s been involved in every aspect of rebuilding the country at one time or another.

He gives charity daily. Kayitz receives many packages from his family and well-wishers in our synagogue community. He gives away much of what he receives. He knows he’ll get more, and, God willing, will be home in a few months. The food, clothing and odds and ends that he gives away mean so much to the children and their parents.

Kayitz works long, hard hours every day of the week, as do the other Marines. He is among highly motivated, highly disciplined, highly dedicated warriors who have become builders. He writes of being utterly exhausted but his morale being very high.

He also writes that every single day he knows he is doing good deeds, helping rebuild a country. His expertise in the police academy, because of his special operations training, is searching and securing personnel, vehicles and buildings.

Kayitz finds that he has to teach the Iraqi cadets not only police and weapons skills, but basic human interaction, basic human regard. He thinks of it as teaching core American and Jewish values of respect for the individual and only using as much force as necessary to accomplish the task safely.

He wrote home the following story: "Some Baath activists had evicted a family from their home before the war and then fled before the Marines arrived. Now that the city is secure, the Baath members are slowly trying to reinsinuate themselves into the life of the city."

They again forcibly threw this family out of their house. My son found out and took a few Marines and some new Iraqi police officers to the house. They arrested the Baathists, reinstalled the family — father, mother, 13 children — and he visits the family daily on his rounds.

He lets the neighborhood know that the family is under the special protection of the U.S. Marines. As the Army has slowly taken over the police academy, he spends more time with the new police force, especially addressing the constant problem of Baathists trying to disrupt the peace in the city.

Another problem he faces daily is homelessness, both as a result of the war and Baathist cruelty to the local Shiite population before the war. His main resources, he writes, are common-sense problem-solving skills mixed with compassion for the suffering and passion for justice. He daily feeds the hungry, shelters the homeless, solves conflicts and tries to do his part in teaching an American and, from his perspective, Jewish approach to setting up a civil society.

On the Jewish issue, my son has a dark complexion. His mother, Ruty, is an Israeli Yemenite. Iraqis know that Americans have a diverse ethnic heritage, and he does look Middle Eastern.

They regularly ask him what kind of American he is. He used to answer forthrightly: Jewish (Yahud). Iraqis looked at him uncomprehendingly, and then tensed up. Some ran away.

When he first encountered this, he was hurt. He had risked his life for them and he wanted them to know he was a Jew; part of what motivated him to help them was his Jewishness. He wrote me that he had to learn to distinguish between those who hate and those who are simply taught to hate.

Kayitz also knew that his good deeds were not based on whether he was appreciated. Appreciation would be nice, but that was not what was motivating him.

Now, he does not talk much about his being Jewish to the Iraqis. It just complicates things. In his inner life, it is a different story. Those prayers we used to study together are still with him. The liturgy is filled with images of God supporting the fallen, releasing the prisoners, helping the bowed down stand upright, clothing the naked, feeding the hungry. And, he was taught, we serve God by imitating God.

Though he very likely would be doing these things without grounding in Jewish liturgy, he tells me that the Jewish sources come to mind constantly. He is deeply moved by the idea that he daily lives out the ethical demands of the religion in the clearest way imaginable. He is aware that he probably is doing more tangible and direct good for other people than he would do in years anywhere else.

A Marine motto is, "No worse enemy, no better friend." The U.S. Marines fought courageously and brilliantly. Their efforts at peace and rebuilding have been no less impressive, perhaps just less spectacular. Kayitz is just another one of the Americans — one of those Marines — who has fought for liberation and now is helping rebuild.

He feels he is living out American and Jewish history, destiny and values in his work of liberation and getting a nation back to its work of creating a just, secure and prosperous life for its citizens.

When Kayitz was in grade school, I would drive to school to help him and his brother, Lev, memorize liturgy.

Several times a day, I think of that little 8-year-old boy, sitting behind me in my car, reciting prayers. Then I think of the Marine in Iraq living them out, making prayers come true.


Mordecai Finley is rabbi at Ohr HaTorah in West Los Angeles and Provost of the Academy for Jewish Religion, California Campus.

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Habush Wrapped Life in L.A. History

Jerry Freedman Habush led excursions through historic Jewish Los Angeles as vice president of tours at the Jewish Historical Society of Southern California (JHS) for more than 20 years. In recent months, Habush’s commitment slowed, but not from a waning passion. He was receiving chemotherapy for cancer that spread through his pancreas, liver and lungs. Habush died on July 29 at age 60.

In June, Habush told The Journal, "People are astonished to learn that there were once eight synagogues south of the 10 freeway and east of Vermont [Avenue]."

It was Habush’s passion to know such facts — but not his job. Habush, a veteran educator and community and media relations executive, served with the local Jewish culture conservator on a volunteer basis.

Before his illness, Habush never tired of taking tourists to Wilshire Boulevard Temple’s third site in Koreatown and "watching people’s jaws drop because it’s so overwhelmingly huge and beautiful."

His tours included such landmarks as the original downtown site of Wilshire Boulevard Temple (originally Congregation B’nai Brith), "the oldest shul, built in 1862," Breed Street Shul and the Presbyterian church occupying the old Sinai Temple site.

Boyle Heights, location of the latter two destinations, was once home to "the panoply of different kinds of Jews" that included immigrants, gangsters, Zionists and communists, and gave birth to institutions such as Union Bank, City of Hope, Cedars-Sinai Medical Center, Jewish Home for the Aging and the original Canter’s deli.

"Boyle Heights is an attraction out of nostalgia," Habush said, "even if they didn’t come from there, their parents came from there."

Originally from Chicago, Habush moved to Los Angeles as a youth, where he grew up in North Hollywood and went to Grant High School. A 1966 graduate of UC Berkeley, Habush received his master’s degree in U.S. history from UCLA in 1968.

"That’s all I ever intended to do was to teach U.S. history," said Habush, who in addition to teaching history at UCLA, taught part-time at Los Angeles Valley College

He also worked for two years as a Hillel director at L.A. City College — the last non-rabbi to do so — and served as a youth worker while living in Los Feliz.

Habush, who once spent four months living on a kibbutz with his Valley-bred wife, Audrey, divided his career between working in education and public relations. He worked as associate executive director for the National Conference of Christians and Jews and as a public affairs consultant, specializing in community and media relations, for clients such as the Jewish Community Relations Committee of The Jewish Federation, the University of Judaism, and Stephen S. Wise Temple for more than a decade.

"I always put a lot on intergroup relations," Habush said. "My main professional goal was intercommunity, interethnic, interreligious."

Habush began his association with the JHS 14 years ago — about the same time Stephen Sass, now JHS president, came aboard.

"We were the only ones under 60 on the board," he recalled. "Little by little, we’ve brought in younger people."

Habush gave Sass the lion’s share of the credit for not only keeping the JHS relevant, but keeping it going.

"It would’ve collapsed without him," Habush said.

Habush honed some unwritten philosophies while training JHS docents.

"It’s got to be something that you love or you’ll never do a good job," Habush said. "If you get to feel that you’re going to work on a Sunday, you shouldn’t be doing it."

A big prerequisite: one must really revel in imparting Jewish history.

Habush really enjoyed "helping people understand and appreciate their history; to appreciate that Jews lived in South Central, East L.A."

"L.A. is the most colorful place in the world," Habush continued. "And the diversity within the L.A. Jewish community mirrors the diversity of L.A."

"Besides Jerry’s concern for his family’s welfare, his greatest wish was that the JHS tour program, which he nurtured for so long, continue to flourish," Sass wrote in a July 29 letter informing the community of Habush’s passing. "In accordance with Jerry’s wishes, the Freedman Habush Fund [established in 2003 by JHS] will support the ongoing recruitment and training of future generations of tour leaders, the development of educational materials and outreach to children, teens and young adults."

"May Jerry’s memory be for a blessing," ended Sass’s statement.

Funeral services were held on July 31 at Hillside Memorial Park and Mortuary. Habush is survived by wife, Audrey; daughters, Gabriela and Rachel; and sister, Ferne.

For information on the Jewish Historical Society of Southern California, call (323) 761-8950.

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Community Briefs

Liberal Pundit Predicts Davis
Recall

If the California slugfest between the two major political parties were a concert, the Republicans, who yearn for the days when buffaloes roamed the plains, would be playing the “Ghost Dance,” while the Democratic tune would be the “Hesitation Waltz.”

Those, at least, are the musical choices of liberal political analyst Harold Meyerson, former editor of the L.A. Weekly and now editor-at-large of the American Prospect and a regular Washington Post columnist.

Meyerson addressed an overflow meeting of the Progressive Jewish Alliance last week and provided only modest cheer for the partisan audience.

In the upcoming recall election, he predicted, no more than 45 percent of the voters will back Gov. Gray Davis’ retention in office. “Don’t bet large money that Davis won’t be recalled,” he advised.

The situation is slightly better in Los Angeles County, from Meyerson’s perspective, which since the 1980s has been transformed from a largely centrist county to one of the most liberal in the United States. He said the political transformation is being propelled by a Latino-labor alliance, which now controls seven of the 15 Los Angeles City Council districts.

Other Meyerson observations:

Recall Election: Prudence dictates that there be a strong Democratic candidate among those vying to become governor, should Davis be recalled. But the various Democratic power players will only back a candidate promising not to run for reelection in 2006, a condition that Sen. Dianne Feinstein has apparently refused to accept.

California Progress: “The California political system has a bias for chaos.” The initiative and recall provisions were adopted to prevent control of the Legislature by big money. Today, both processes are dominated by big money.

Crossing the Bridge: The Republicans are going one bridge too far. The Democrats are afraid to go on any bridge.

National Picture: Sept. 11 put us back on a Cold War footing. The Democrats will have to field a candidate with strong national security credentials.

Although Meyerson expressed little enthusiasm for any of the current Democratic presidential contenders, least of all for Sen. Joseph Lieberman of Connecticut, he pointed to retired Gen. Wesley Clark, former NATO supreme commander and Rhodes scholar, and Sen. John Kerry of Massachusetts as likely strong candidates. Besides, both claim Jewish grandfathers. — Tom Tugend, Contributing Editor

Rites Mark Bombing Deaths at Hebrew U.

On July 31, American Friends of Hebrew University held a memorial service at UCLA Hillel House in yartzheit of the 2002 victims of the terrorist attack in Hebrew University’s cafeteria, which claimed nine lives — including five Americans — and injured more than 80.

About 100 people, mostly a young crowd of Hebrew University-Rothberg International School alumni, attended the intimate, hourlong service held at the Hillel House’s Ziman Hall.

“It gave people a chance to publicly mourn,” said Ian Murray, program development director of American Friends.

The service began with opening remarks by Jeff Rouss, American Friends associate vice president, and Zvi Vapni, deputy consul general of the Israeli consulate in Los Angeles, and featured Temple Shalom for the Arts Cantor Aylsia Pierce, who sang “The Star Spangled Banner” and “Hatikva.”

Among the victims remembered were American students Marla Bennett, 24, Benjamin Blutstein, 25, Dina Carter, 37, and David Gritz, 24; David Diego Landowski, 29, of Argentina; Janis Coulter, 36, who ran Hebrew University’s foreign students department in New York; and Levina Shapira, 53, head of the student services department at Hebrew University.

San Diego victim Bennett was the focus of much attention at the event. Among those in attendance at the vigil were some of the dozen students Bennet convinced to spend a semester in Israel and friends she made while attending UC Berkeley.

Ari Moss, a friend of Bennett, who met her 15 years ago at Camp Shalom, shared some memories, as did Emma Lefkowitz, a Rothberg International School alumnus.

Children’s entertainer Rob “Robbo” Zelonky sang a moving rendition of Kenny Loggins’ “House at Pooh Corner,” Bennett’s favorite song.

“She was the best Jewish role model; everything she did was centered around a positive Jewish experience for kids,” Murray said of his friend, Bennett. “She looked at you, and you knew she was your friend. You knew she loved you.” — Michael Aushenker, Staff Writer

Persians Protest Iranian Regime

An annual protest rally that marks the deaths of five demonstrators in Tehran in 1999 and seeks the overthrow of the Iranian regime was staged early last month at the West Los Angeles Federal Building by Los Angeles-area Persians, among whom were many Jews.

Groups opposed to the Iranian government organize demonstrations worldwide on July 8, a date that honors a student protest outside Tehran University over the closure of a daily newspaper, during which five people were killed and dozens injured.

Persian Jews United, an online event announcement service, was one of the organizations in Los Angeles that asked Persian Jews to participate in the protest against Iran’s policies.

Crowd estimates ranged widely, from 700 to 4,000. Observers said that while most of the protesters showed no backing for specific individuals or organizations, some at the noisy demonstration did voice support for the Shah of Iran’s son. — Mojdeh Sionit, Contributing Writer

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