fbpx

December 16, 1999

Rich Israeli, Poor Israeli

For all the recent hubbub over the worsening lot of Israel’s poor, and the growing criticism of Prime Minister Ehud Barak’s born-again Reaganite economic policies, it should be understood that in many key misery indices, Israel isn’t doing too badly.

Compared to the world’s other 25 or so industrialized countries, Israel almost certainly has proportionately less hunger than all or most of them. Its unemployment rate of 9.1 percent is roughly double that of the U.S., but that’s still not as bad as in Germany and a number of other Western European countries. Israel has poverty, but then so do the world’s richest countries.

There is one category, however, in which Israel stands out: the income gap between rich and poor. For the last decade, it has been widely reported that Israel has the second widest division between rich and poor in the industrialized world, after America’s.

But the country’s leading expert on economic inequality, Hebrew University Prof. Shlomo Yitzhaki, said Israel might not be the number two, but rather the number one country whose citizens are more economically unequal even than America’s.

“The statistics on income distribution in Israel only look at salaries; they do not include income from capital, and they do not include the income of the self-employed, who tend towards the extremes of the economic spectrum. If these two factors, income from capital and the income of the self-employed, were included in Israel’s statistics, the gap between rich and poor would reveal itself to be even greater than the statistics show,” said Yitzhaki.

Considering that Israel always had a reputation of being a “socialist” country, the finding that its income disparity is even greater than America’s is quite a jolt. “Israel always spoke the rhetoric of socialism, but didn’t necessarily practice it,” Yitzhaki explained.

He said income gaps wider than those found in Israel exist only in Third World locales like Asia, South America and South Africa. Asked if he knew of any industrialized country with a wider income gap than Israel’s, Yitzhaki couldn’t name one.

Personal income, however, is not the only measure of one’s standard of living. While the income gap in Israel may be wider than in the U.S., Yitzhaki noted, “There is much more equality here in education and health care. Israel spends a lot of money on schools in poor areas, and health insurance [whose cost varies with one’s income] is available to all, which certainly isn’t the case in the U.S.”

On the other hand, prices in Israel are so high compared to people’s income — much higher than in the U.S. or Europe — that Israelis’ buying power is much weaker than their incomes would indicate, which also weighs especially heavy on the poor, he said.

Even the dubious numbers provided by Israel’s Central Bureau of Statistics show that income gaps have been growing fairly steadily since 1985, when Israel began its changeover from a state-dominated to private-sector-dominated economy. And in 1997 — the last year for which the CBS has income distribution statistics — the richest tenth of the salaried population was earning a little over 10 times as much as the poorest tenth.

What the figures show is that since the mid-80s in Israel, the rich have gotten richer while the poor have gotten poorer. But this is an oversimplification; more precisely, what’s happened is that the poor have gotten slightly poorer, while the rich have gotten a whole lot richer.

There are a variety of reasons for this. “The massive influx of foreign workers into Israel this decade, both Palestinians from the territories and guest workers from Romania, China, Africa and other countries, have driven down wages for menial labor. Foreign workers are always cheap and easily exploitable, so unskilled Israelis can command only very low salaries,” said Dr. Rafi Melnick, an economist with Jerusalem’s Center for Social Policy Studies in Israel, a liberal think tank.

The closure of textile and other labor-intensive industries, and the explosion in knowledge-intensive high-tech industries, has created tens of thousands of well-paid jobs, while at the same time making tens of thousands of minimum-wage jobs extinct. Israel’s regressive tax policy has also contributed to the income gap. “Israel is one of the very few industrialized countries where there is no tax on capital — neither on stocks, inheritance, nor savings,” said Yitzhaki. Israel has no tax on rental income, either. Asked if he could name another developed country with such an enormously capital-friendly tax policy, Yitzhaki again couldn’t come up with one.

The aversion to taxing capital grew out of the conditions of Israel’s infancy in the 1950s, Yitzhaki continued. “There weren’t too many people with money to invest in new businesses, so the government didn’t want to take it away from them.” With time, tax-free capital was seen as a right, not a privilege. In recent years, it even gained “ideological” justification among Israel’s conservative economic establishment.

No change seems to be on the horizon under Barak. His budget priorities are hardly any different from those of his predecessor, Binyamin Netanyahu, who was the most economically conservative prime minister Israel ever had.

As for renewed economic growth — Barak’s hoped-for panacea — Yitzhaki said, “Economic growth affects the haves — the wealthy and, to a lesser extent, the middle-class. The have-nots remain the have-nots.”

Rich Israeli, Poor Israeli Read More »

Religious Studies Resources

Aish HaTorah: 9:30-11:10 a.m. “The Understanding Minyan,” focusing on the meaning of prayers, Hebrew-reading skills and the “how- to” of the synagogue service. Saturdays. Kiddush included. 9102 W. Pico Blvd., Los Angeles. (310) 278-8672.

B’nai Horin: Torah classes begin. “Prayer for Everyday Moments.” (310) 470-9390 ext. 105.

B’nai Tikvah: 10:30-11:30 a.m., “Schmooze and Views,” a discussion of current events. Wednesdays. Free; 6:30 p.m., UJ’s Intro to Judaism program for 18 sessions. 5820 W. Manchester Ave., Westchester. (310) 645- 6262.

Chabad of Simi Valley: 2391 Cochran St. (805) 577-0573:

“The Light of Kabbalah,” Tuesdays, 8 p.m.

Shabbat services, Fridays, sunset; Saturdays, 10 a.m.

Chabad of the Marina: 2929 Washington Blvd., Marina del Rey. (310) 578-6000:

Talmud study, Mondays, 8 p.m.

Tanya: Mystical and Chasidic Philosophy, Wednesdays, 8 p.m.

Women’s discussion group, Wednesdays, 8:30 p.m.

Genesis, every second Friday, noon.

Parsha overview, Saturdays, 9:40 a.m.

Mishnah, Weekdays, 6:30 a.m.

Congregation Beth Meier: 8 p.m. Sabbath services Fridays. Saturdays at 10 a.m. 11725 Moorpark St., Studio City. (818) 769-0515.

Congregation Beth Shalom: 8 p.m., Shabbat services, Fridays; Saturdays, 9:30 a.m.; Family night services first Friday of month, 7:30 p.m. 21430 Redview Drive, Santa Clarita. (661) 254-2411.

Etz Jacob Congregation: 6 p.m. Beginner’s minyan followed by Shabbat dinner. Fridays. 7659 Beverly Blvd., Los Angeles. (323) 936-4350.

Happy Minyan Shabbos: 9:30 a.m.-1 p.m. Traditional service every Saturday. Beth Jacob Synagogue, 9030 W. Olympic Blvd., Beverly Hills. Free. (310) 285-7777.

The Movable Minyan: 10 a.m. Shabbat services. First and third Saturday of month; 7 p.m., fourth Friday of month: dairy potluck Shabbat dinner. Westside JCC, 5870 W. Olympic Blvd., Los Angeles. (310) 285-3317.

Or Emet: 8 p.m. Shabbat services. Fridays. 26111 Bouquet Canyon Rd., H-6, Santa Clarita. (661) 291-5106.

Pasadena Jewish Temple: “Get acquainted days.” (626) 798-1161.

Pacific Jewish Center: 10:30 a.m. Shabbat “learner’s services.” Saturdays. 505 Ocean Front Walk, Venice, except the first Shabbat of the month when it is held at the PJC Learning Annex. (310) 392-8749.

Sha’arei Am: The Santa Monica Synagogue: 7:30 p.m. Shabbat services. Fridays. 7:30 p.m., 1448 18th St., Santa Monica. (310) 453-4276.

Sinai Temple: 10400 Wilshire Blvd., Los Angeles. (310) 474-1518 ext. 3234:

Early Friday Night Live: 5:45 p.m. Shabbat service for all ages. Second Friday of month.

Family Minyan: (310) 474-1518 ext. 3212.

Torah on the Road: 10 a.m. Shabbat service led my Rabbi Sherre Zwelling. Third Saturday of month. Kiddish to follow service.

Temple Beth Ohr: 7:30-9 p.m. Weekly Torah Study. Thursdays. Free. 15721 Rosecrans Ave., La Mirada. (714) 521-6765.

Temple Knesset Israel: 9:30 a.m. Shabbat services.Saturdays. 1260 N. Vermont Ave., Los Angeles. (323) 665-5171.

Temple Ner Tamid of Downey: 8 p.m. Services every Friday. 10629 Lakewood Blvd., Downey. (562) 861-9276.

Valley Beth Shalom Counseling Center: 15739 Ventura Blvd., Encino. (818) 784-1414:

Caregivers support group: For those caring for Alzheimer or other dementia related diseases, first and third Mondays of month.

Weekly widow/widowers support groups: Led by licensed therapist. Suggested donation: $15. Thursdays, 7-9 p.m.

Support group: Newly separated or divorcing. Wednesday.

“Simply Singles”: Building communication and relationship skills.

“Marriage Enhancement Course”: Five-week course for couples contemplating marriage.

Wilshire Boulevard Temple: Adult volleyball, Tuesdays, 7:30-9 p.m.; adult basketball, Thursdays, 7:30-9 p.m.; yoga, Tuesdays, 10:45-11:45 a.m. and Wednesdays, 8-9 p.m., 11661 W. Olympic Blvd., West Los Angeles. (310) 445-1280.


Religious Studies Resources Read More »

A Not-So-Secret Plan

Ehud Barak, Israel’s prime minister, has been smiling a lot lately, and it’s driving many people crazy.

Barak insists he’s going to reach a “framework” agreement with the Palestinians within a month or two, outlining the basic shape of Israeli-Palestinian peace. A full peace treaty will follow within a year or so. Pundits and wise men from Potomac to Petach Tikvah are doing headstands trying to figure out what he has in mind.

By many folks’ calculations, it doesn’t add up. Talks between the two sides break down more often than a ’59 Dodge. Six years after the White House handshake, they seem as far apart as ever. Israel says it will never share Jerusalem, while the Palestinians say they’ll never settle for less. The Palestinians insist the settlements have to go, yet Barak keeps building (he recently announced a halt to new starts, not a construction freeze). On top of that, Israel’s “peace partner,” Yasser Arafat, seems to break more promises than the weatherman. And yet, there’s Barak, predicting peace within a year and grinning like the Mona Lisa.

It makes observers around the world scratch their heads and wonder: Why is this man smiling? Is it for show, to maintain appearances while preparing for the worst, as many Israeli analysts suspect? Or does Barak have some secret plan up his sleeve?

It turns out Barak does have a plan, but it’s not so secret. He dropped some pretty clear hints this fall, after critics claimed he had set himself too tight a deadline. “We don’t need time,” he said more than once. “What we need is courage.”

What he meant, in effect, is that he and Arafat already know where things will end up, more or less. One day soon they’re going to stand before the cameras and announce that they’ve decided to split the difference. Each side will have its most essential needs met. But each will get much less than it wants. There will be furious opposition on both sides. That’s why they’re stalling.

Both men have a pretty good idea what the deal will look like. They used to hope time and partial agreements would help their respective publics accept the tough compromises. That hasn’t happened. Now, say close aides to both men, they’re ready to cut to the chase.

“Barak definitely intends to have an agreement by the deadline,” says Israeli Immigration Absorption Minister Yuli Tamir, a longtime Barak confidant.

“It may not be February, but it will be the end of March or early April,” says Science Minister Matan Vilna’i, a close Barak ally who recently stepped down as deputy chief of Israel’s military staff. “Absolutely,” agrees Palestinian Chief Delegate to the United Nations, Nasser Al-Kidwa, who happens to be Arafat’s nephew. “There will be an agreement, if both sides find the will.”

“The details of the positions on both sides are known to each,” says Al-Kidwa. “What’s left, really, is taking decisions.”

What will the deal look like? It will probably resemble a proposal hammered out in the mid-1990s by Israel’s Yossi Beilin and Arafat deputy Abu Mazen. It called for Israeli withdrawal from most of the West Bank, leaving only a few crucial security zones plus the three largest settlement blocs in Israeli hands. The Palestinian areas would become an independent but strictly demilitarized state, barred by treaty from alliances with hostile Arab states.

The plan called for Jerusalem to remain united under Israeli sovereignty. An Arab village just east of Jerusalem, Abu Dis, was to be briefly annexed to the city and then given to the Palestinians as their capital. They would swear off any further claims against Israel.

It’s not a done deal. Sources on both sides deny they’re willing to give away as much as the Beilin-Abu Mazen plan called for. Israelis say they want security guarantees — control of Jordan River crossings, electronic listening posts on the high ground, the right to pursue terrorists into Palestinian territory — that Palestinians say they reject. Palestinian officials, meanwhile, say they want land from Israel in exchange for any parts of the West Bank that Israel keeps. They also insist they want part of Jerusalem proper for their capital. “This is a city which does not accept exclusive ownership,” says Al-Kidwa.

Haggling over those details is what will take another year after the “framework” is announced. What’s significant is that each side knows the other side’s position, yet both still say a deal is imminent. That means both sides are ready to meet the other side halfway, though they won’t say it out loud.

One of the dangers facing Israel, in fact, is that it might negotiate too well. A secret Israeli intelligence report sent to Barak last summer, and leaked to a London publication, warned Barak against pressing for every possible advantage. Arafat, being weak, might concede more than he can afford politically. That could cripple Arafat and strengthen his extremist opponents. “To come with demands that will weaken Arafat from within doesn’t make sense,” says Vilna’i.

The troubling question, of course, is whether all this will add up to peace. What’s to prevent the Palestinians from taking their state and using it as a staging ground for further attacks? What if the peace with the Palestinians turns into another “cold peace” like the 20-year chill between Israel and Egypt? What’s the point of peace if it’s laced with hatred? Surprisingly, questions like these don’t much trouble Israel’s military strategists. They never considered the Palestinians a military threat.

Terrorism threatens Israeli lives, but it doesn’t threaten Israel’s existence. Only the armies of Arab states can do that. And progress with the Palestinians brings peace with the neighbors. Already Israel has full or partial diplomatic relations with seven Arab states, fully one-third of the Arab League.

Nor does cold peace trouble Israel’s brass. From Israel’s viewpoint, the Egyptian peace is a major Israeli asset, cold or no. “Before the peace we had two full armored divisions on the Egyptian border, two-thirds of the Israeli army,” says Vilna’i. “Today the border is defended by 30 reservists on camels, looking for smugglers.”

“Remember, in 1982 we entered with tanks into Beirut, the capital of a neighboring Arab state, and the Egyptians didn’t say a word,” Vilna’i says.

“The peace stood. The president of Egypt was assassinated by fundamentalists and the peace was unaffected. It’s a wonderful peace.” And, he said, “the minute you’re at peace, everything looks different.” Reason enough for anyone to smile.


J.J. Goldberg writes a weekly column for the Jewish Journal.

A Not-So-Secret Plan Read More »

ADL: December Dilemma

‘Tis the season when children in public schools face the December Dilemma. As part of a classroom lesson, Jewish youngsters may be given Christmas trees to color. During holiday music programs, they may find themselves acting in a nativity scene or singing “Silent Night.” Santa Claus may show up on campus, passing out candy canes and asking them what they want for Christmas.

Nor is the dilemma confined to Jews. Muslims and others must contend with the fact that from Halloween onward, many classrooms are focused almost entirely on the upcoming Christmas season. Even when teachers try to be ecumenical, they sometimes stumble. Instead of Christmas trees, they may pass out dreidel shapes to Jehovah’s Witnesses whose religion forbids them to celebrate any holidays at all.

At this tricky time of year, when everyone’s sensitivities are on high alert, the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) looks out for flagrant abuses in public school classrooms. The ADL circulates a clearly-worded set of guidelines entitled “Religion in the Public Schools,” which spell out legal decisions pertaining to the separation of church and state. Organizational representatives are also ready to meet with teachers and principals to discuss specifics. ADL makes clear that the practice of religion during the school day violates the Constitution. It is, however, permissible to teach about holiday observances in a way that is neutral, historical, educational, and age-appropriate. Although some supposedly non-religious symbols of Christmas — like Christmas trees and Santa Claus — are legally acceptable as classroom décor, the ADL encourages a balanced approach that helps all children feel included.

ADL’s Western States Associate Counsel Tamar Galatzan fields phone calls from anxious parents of many backgrounds. Galatzan is well aware that the issues raised are thorny ones. Many Jewish parents, for instance, are satisfied if they can go into their child’s classroom and explain the rituals of Chanukah. Clearly, talk about latkes and gelt poses no problem. But what about displaying a menorah and describing the miracle of the oil? Last year, after a Jewish parent’s Chanukah presentation, a Christian mother demanded equal time to explain to the children the religious significance of Christmas.

On the job, Galatzan deals with several types of educators. Young teachers, fearful of giving offense, sometimes try to avoid holiday references altogether. Veterans may resist any changes to time-honored lesson plans, saying, “I’ve been teaching this lesson for 30 years and no one’s had a complaint.”

Galatzan emphasizes that most school personnel mean well. She recalls visiting a school in San Bernardino County where a prominent display illustrated how Christmas is celebrated around the world. One label read, “In Israel, it is called Chanukah.” When Galatzan pointed out that Chanukah is hardly the Israeli name for Christmas, the school principal was genuinely surprised. It’s important, feels Galatzan, to recognize that such errors are sometimes made “out of ignorance, not mean-spiritedness.”

Galatzan urges parents to be vigilant, and to contact the ADL when they have serious grievances. She also hints that it’s wise not to be too thin-skinned about such things as a Christmas tree in a classroom. She suggests that parents choose their battles carefully, perhaps saving their ammunition for more blatant forms of religious coercion.

The Anti-Defamation League can be reached at 310-446-8000.

ADL: December Dilemma Read More »

Barak: Don’t Write Off American Jews

The revived Syrian-Israeli talks, which began this week in Washington, could be yet another false start on the twisting road to peace. Or the two countries could move with blinding speed to conclude an agreement that will transfer the Golan Heights back to Syrian control.

Israeli officials say the fundamentals of an agreement are known by both sides; all it will take is the will, primarily by Syrian strongman Hafez Assad, to take the plunge.

What this also signals is the opening of a new and tumultuous chapter for American Jewish leaders.

Israeli officials tend to dismiss the Jewish community here as largely irrelevant, but it isn’t; Jewish backing for the accelerating talks will be critical in providing political support for the things Washington will have to do to make the Syrian-Israeli deal work.

That includes support for extensive new U.S. aid. Over the weekend, Israeli officials said up to $20 billion will be needed to pay for a Golan redeployment, and despite denials, it’s widely expected Washington will offer some economic help to the Syrians.

It also includes American troops in any peace monitoring force.

Already, opponents of a Golan pullback are lobbying Congress, trying to create roadblocks. How well Barak lines up the mainstream Jewish community to counter their efforts will have a direct impact on the success of the talks that began this week.

If he wants that support, Prime Minister Ehud Barak will have to directly address a number of questions posed by a nervous Jewish community here:

*How can the Golan Heights be given back to Syria without jeopardizing the security of northern Israel?

For three decades, visitors were taken there and shown why this piece of land was so important to Israel’s security; now, as Israel gets ready to give it back to Syria, Barak and his government will have to address the anxiety Jews here will feel. It won’t be enough to say “Trust us, we know what we’re doing.”

Ironically, American Jews may be more resistant to change on the issue than Israelis, who live in the Golan’s shadow, but also have sons and daughters who are at risk because of the ongoing conflict with Syria.

*Why does Barak believe Syria is stable enough to risk giving back land in return for a mere treaty?

Assad is ill, and the battle to succeed him is already underway. With his family at each other’s throats, a smooth transition is unlikely.

Barak needs to provide American Jews some assurance he has thought about this instability and about what it will mean if he signs a deal with Assad, who could be out of the picture before the ink is dry.

Barak obviously can’t disclose all his strategies, but vague, feel-good answers will just boost hard-core opponents who reject giving back a single inch.

*How does Barak see a deal with Syria affecting the broader security picture in a region that still includes such implacable enemies as Iran and Iraq, and growing arsenals of nonconventional weapons?

Israeli officials see a Golan deal as the first step in a process of region-wide normalization. Eventually, they hope the expanding web of relations will reach even into Iran and Iraq, or at least, isolate them.

Barak needs to make the case to American Jews that a deal involving the Golan Heights is just one piece of a much broader jigsaw puzzle.

*How can Israel create a warmer peace with Syria than it has with Egypt?

Sure, signed treaties are better than endless confrontation, but Jews here have been discouraged by the hostile rhetoric and outright anti-Semitism that still emanates from Egypt.

Does Barak expect something more from his dealing with Syria? If so, he should make that case to worried Jews here.

*Why is U.S. support — financial and military — essential?

Israel will need big infusions of aid to help them deal with the new security landscape and relocate Golan settlers — that is the place where the expected Syrian deal is most vulnerable to attack by peace process opponents, who will find a receptive audience in Congress.

Barak and his team need to start making the case now why a comprehensive peace in the region is in the U.S. national interest — and why extra aid represents a smart investment, not just another giveaway.

They need to preemptively deal with the argument that a treaty that requires outside support for its success isn’t worth the paper it’s written on.

Barak exudes confidence and optimism; that infuriates his critics, but to a clear majority of Jews here, it’s reassuring.

But in the days ahead he’ll need more: strong, concerted support in Washington by American Jews who are convinced he’s doing the right thing.

The political fight here will be a bitter one, and it will become entangled in partisan politics and in the anti-foreign aid, neo-isolationist mood seeping across Capitol Hill.

Barak needs American Jews as partners in this process — not as distant cousins whose support can be taken for granted or whose concerns can be dismissed as irrelevant — as Israel heads for a very new kind of future.

Barak: Don’t Write Off American Jews Read More »

Can Bush Win the Jewish Vote?

After being vanquished from the White House nearly eight years ago, much of the Republican establishment is putting its faith — and cash — behind George W. Bush to lead the party back to 1600 Pennsylvania Ave.

Many Jewish Republicans appear to be no different.

After politely listening to the five other Republican presidential candidates trailing the Texas governor in the polls, a standing-room-only crowd of an estimated 700 hundred Jewish activists at a Republican Jewish Coalition (RJC) event recently gave the GOP front-runner a rousing reception.

Max Fisher of Detroit, the scion of Jewish Republicans who has advised every Republican president since Dwight Eisenhower, introduced Bush at the Dec. 1 event as the next president of the United States.

Many in the crowd gathered at the RJC’s presidential candidate’s forum described Bush as the “Republican Clinton” for his folksy speaking style, confidence and charisma.

Jewish Republican activists are saying — as they have for years, Jewish Democrats note — that this election will see a significant shift of the Jewish vote from the Democratic Party to the GOP.

Sheldon Kamins, a Maryland real estate developer who heads GOPAC, a Republican political action committee, predicted that if Jews — who have traditionally voted overwhelmingly Democratic — take a new look at the Republican Party, they will like what they see.

It is “imperative that every American at this historic moment take a fresh look at the parties and take a fresh look a these issues, to place principle over old habits, to place principle above partisanship,” said Kamins, a key Bush fund raiser in the Washington area.

“And we believe that fresh look will result in vastly increased numbers from the Jewish community, and indeed all Americans, selecting conservative leaders, for one very simple reason: Conservative principles deliver better results for all Americans while maintaining more freedom for more Americans.”

Frank Luntz, a top Republican pollster, believes that Bush is the Republicans’ best presidential candidate to attract Jewish votes since Ronald Reagan.

Luntz, detailing at a session last week how Republicans can win more Jewish votes, said Bush could win as much as 30 percent.

Jewish supporters describe Bush as someone who is personable, practical rather than an ideologue, inclusive and genuinely concerned about helping the disadvantaged, an attribute his backers and political operatives say should appeal to Jews.

However, Luntz said Bush’s failure to criticize Pat Buchanan’s views on World War II until the conservative columnist left the Republican Party could hurt his chances among Jews. Buchanan, who has become a Reform Party candidate, questioned in a recent book whether it was necessary for the United States to enter the war.

The Republicans received the highest percentage of Jewish votes in recent memory in 1956, when 40 percent voted for Eisenhower. Ronald Reagan came close in 1980, when he won 39 percent. In that election, President Carter earned 45 percent and independent John Anderson won 15 percent.

Although Bush’s father won more than 30 percent of Jewish voters in his 1988 victory over Michael Dukakis, he only received 12 percent in his 1992 re-election bid against Bill Clinton and Ross Perot. The decrease signaled a cooling of relations between the Jewish community and the Bush administration, particularly over its policy toward Israel.

Luntz believes that Jews agree with Republicans on a host of policy issues, but are primarily turned off by their style.

“Republicans show too much anger and not enough heart for the typical Jewish voter,” Luntz writes in his introduction to a report detailing how GOP candidates should try to win the support of Jewish voters.

“Jews are drawn to intellectual, charitable personalities, yet too many Republicans appear dogmatic rather than compassionate.”

While many Jewish voters are turned off by the influence of the Christian Coalition in the Republican Party and the anti-abortion rights plank of the party’s platform, Luntz said, Republicans can win Jewish support by focusing on education, crime and taxes.

Luntz also concludes from his survey with thousands of Jewish voters that if pro-life Republicans use “less divisive language” on social issues such as abortion, they can win Jewish support if they are “vocally and unconditionally pro-Israel.”

“Jews feel even more strongly about being pro-Israel than being pro-choice; it is a lifetime conviction that simply runs deeper,” Luntz wrote in his report for the RJC.

Yet two of the Republicans he cited as doing well with Jews, particularly New York Mayor Rudolph Giuliani and New Jersey Gov. Christine Todd Whitman, both support abortion rights. Another Republican mentioned by Luntz, Sen. George Voinovich of Ohio, is pro-life.

Matthew Brooks, the RJC’s executive director, said Luntz’s message to Republican candidates is that “even if you are pro-life it doesn’t automatically disqualify you” if the candidate can articulate effective positions on other issues, including Israel.

Although Brooks said Luntz’s research has yet to be shared with any Republican candidates, Bush appeared to follow Luntz’s thinking during his speech last week to Republican Jewish activists.

On Israel, Bush said “a safe and secure Israel is in our national strategic interests” and added that a final peace deal has to be negotiated between Israel and the Palestinians.

“A lasting peace will not happen if our government tries to make Israel conform to our vision of national security,” Bush said, adding that a peace deal should not be pushed “just for standing in the polls.”

He also spoke of his brand of “compassionate conservatism” — not wanting people to feel left behind and rallying people of faith into “armies of compassion” to help those less fortunate — and detailed his tax cut proposal.

Bush’s proposal to give scholarships, or vouchers, to students in failing schools received a positive response from the crowd.

The issue in general is divisive in the Jewish community, with strong passions being voiced by both advocates and opponents.

However, Bush steered clear of the hot-button issues of abortion and school prayer. Bush opposes abortion except in the case of rape, incest and when the life of the mother is in danger.

However, he has said he would not make an anti-abortion constitutional amendment a priority and that he would not pick a judge to sit on the Supreme Court solely on the person’s position on abortion.

On school prayer, he backs the rights of students to lead prayers before Texas high school football games.

Jewish Democrats argue that those are two important issues that will prevent Bush from doing well among Jews.

“American Jews have been rapidly learning that George W. Bush is clearly at odds with their strong support for reproductive rights and the separation between church and state,” Ira Forman, the executive director of the National Jewish Democratic Council said in a statement released before Bush’s speech.

“Every time Mr. Bush opens his mouth, American Jews find one more reason to disagree with him and his priorities.”

Forman, in an interview, added that predictions by Jewish Republicans that Jews will leave the Democratic Party and find a home among Republicans has yet to happen and is unlikely to occur this year.

“People do vote rationally,” he said. “You’re not going to fool them with just changing your rhetoric if your positions don’t change.”

However, Brooks said the research shows that Republicans don’t have to change their positions but rather have to do a better job of “selling their ideas” to Jews “in a way that has the maximum kind of resonance.”

Can Bush Win the Jewish Vote? Read More »

Approaching The Millennium

Melodic harmonies echo through Dominus Flevit, a small-but-quaint church on the slopes of the Mount of Olives, as a group of 30 Christian Bible scholars and pastors sing “Hallelujah to the Lord,” first in English, then Hebrew.

Built in 1955 on the ruins of an ancient church, the teardrop-shaped structure commands a breathtaking view of the eastern walls of Jerusalem’s Old City. According to Christian tradition, Jesus, knowing his prophetic message would be rejected, wept here as he viewed the illusion of a tranquil city that, in fact, was bitterly divided, its Jewish population suffering under a brutal Roman occupation.

Outside the church, tourists lower their heads in quiet prayer for peace in Jerusalem.

The scene contrasts sharply with images in the Israeli and international media that have regularly reported millennium celebrations with sensational stories about deranged Christian tourists or fringe groups who may carry out violent acts to hasten Jesus’ “second coming.”

Yet this group of Christians, who has come to Israel on a combined pilgrimage and study tour organized by the California-based Centre for the Study of Biblical Research, was surprisingly undeterred by Israel’s recent crackdown and deportation of some fringe Christian groups. Some even defended the government’s actions, but warned that Israel must be careful not to stereotype all 2.5 million Christian pilgrims expected next year as dangerous.

“This is a Jewish state, and we are guests in the Jewish state,” said Bill Bean, an ordained minister and director of the center. “Christians are invited to this land if they don’t break the law. If Christians are going to come here and break the law, then they shouldn’t be here.”

For many, the main concern about the way Israel is handling millennialist threats is that Israelis do not really understand the differences between Christian denominations.

“As you have Reform, Conservative and Orthodox Jewry, we have many, many denominations,” Bean said. “It would be nice if someone in the government or the Ministry of Religious Affairs would take time to talk to people who really are legitimate in this field to learn from them about the different groups.”

Although millennium observers and experts acknowledge that Israel must take threats of fanaticism seriously, some are concerned about the way Israel has handled the situation so far.

Earlier this month, Israel deported a group of 20 fundamentalist Christians led by Brother David, a colorful character who lived in Jerusalem for many years and whose followers were anticipating what they believed would be Jesus’ imminent second coming.

Brother David was in Israel illegally, having destroyed his passport several years ago. But despite his offbeat religious beliefs, he spent most of his time doing charitable work — and his peaceful followers showed no signs of violence.

Rabbi David Rosen, director of the Israel office of the Anti-Defamation League and an interfaith activist, said accusations by Israeli police that Brother David’s followers had planned a mass suicide demonstrated an “abysmal ignorance” of the differences between mainstream Christian believers, fringe nonviolent groups and radical cults.

“There may be a failure to distinguish violent from peaceful Christian millennial groups,” Rosen said. “Such confusion will prove to be a serious boomerang for Israel. Aside from the damage to Israel’s international image, such actions may have wider-range deleterious effects on potential pilgrimage to Israel, depriving the Jewish state not only of the benefits of tourism, but also of the enormous amount of goodwill that is offered by the pilgrimage of millions for the new millennium.”

Rosen says that since the expulsions, he has seen encouraging signs that the police may try harder not to generalize about Christian tourists. Indeed, Shlomo Ben-Ami, Israel’s public security minister said, through a spokesman, that Israel “wants to carry out a policy of keeping its gates open and encouraging tourists to come to Israel.”

Israel’s Ministry of Tourism insists the recent expulsions will not hurt tourism. Nitsan Ilan, a spokeswoman for the ministry, said it recognizes that policemen dealing with millennial threats need a better understanding of Christianity.

“The Tourism Ministry is working with the police to give seminars to policemen,” she said. “This month 700 Jerusalem-based policemen will be participating in lectures given by experts on Christianity.”

For his part, Steven Notley, a Christian scholar and licensed tour guide who has been in Israel for 14 years, is not worried about the crackdown.

“I do not think it will affect tourism one way or another,” he said. “But I would like the government to make sure that whoever they get rid of is clearly breaking the law. It should not be some sort of hysteria that you are getting rid of anybody who dares to suggest that they believe in the second coming.”

As Notley led the California group though the Old City, hordes of tourists in dozens of groups at the most famous Christian sites appeared to signal that little damage has been done so far.

One group carries a large wooden cross, walking in the footsteps of Jesus as they chant hymns in unison.

Jeanne Miterko, director of the New England branch of the center, said she has been to Israel four times and has never seen so many tourists.

“I don’t blame the Israelis for being concerned,” she said. “The big question is how they act on that. The best prophylactic measure is to know where these people are coming from before they board the plane.”

To do so, Israeli security services are cooperating with foreign secret services such as the FBI. However, the problem is how to finger potential threats without undermining the “open gates” policy and frightening away tourists.

“In America you just cannot tell people they cannot come in because they are associated with this or that group,” Miterko said. “That could really create a problem of public perception of Israel.”

Some say the media fuss over potential millennium madness is counterproductive. “If they talk about it in the news media it becomes a magnet for meshugenehs,” says Larry Hirsch, a “messianic Jew” from California. “The fact that some Americans were kicked out doesn’t bother me, but keep it low key.”

Hirsch — and veteran Christian tour guides — say the real threat to millennial tourism will be the fear that Israel will simply be too crowded. “People will be deterred from coming because there is no room at the inn,” Hirsch said.

Approaching The Millennium Read More »

Is Y2K a Jewish issue?

Is the change of the secular calendar from 1999 to 2000 a Jewish issue?

Some insist that the change of the millennium doesn’t take place until the calendar rolls over to 2001. But no matter when they think the current era comes to a close, people on both sides of the overall philosophical divide are taking firm stands.

“Jews should butt out of the turn of the millennium,” said Rabbi Arthur Hertzberg, a historian and visiting professor of the humanities at New York University. “It’s not our calendar. We are not at the turn of our millennium.”

Many in the Jewish community share Hertzberg’s perspective.

Two prominent kosher restaurants in the New York area canceled planned Shabbat-oriented New Year’s Eve parties. The prominent kosher supervision agencies that supervise them prohibited Mendy’s in Manhattan, and strongly discouraged Noah’s Ark, in Teaneck, N.J., from holding such celebrations.

Others, however, say that although the millennium isn’t an intrinsically Jewish occasion, it still provides an opportunity — much like Rosh Hashanah — for Jews to reflect on our experiences and goals.

“This next millennium, replete with all its hype, gives us an opportunity to look out at the world and to try and make sense of what we see, to attempt to clarify what we want the future to hold,” Rabbi Rachel Sabath, an associate at CLAL: The National Jewish Center for Learning and Leadership, wrote in a recent essay.

“Particularly in a time when the world seems upside down, it becomes even more essential to have an orientation, a sense of time, core values that transcend all interpretations, all religions, and all political parties,” she wrote.

Still others say that no matter what our personal feelings about the change in the Christian-created calendar, it would be naive for Jews to ignore the turn of the millennium.

Jews should be prepared for possible technological problems, they say, and should be concerned about a potential backlash by right-wing Christians whose messianic aspirations remain unfulfilled when the calendar rolls over and Jesus has not returned to earth.

“Though apocalyptic expectations have always been proven wrong, wrong doesn’t mean inconsequential,” Richard Landes, director of the Center for Millennial Studies at Boston University, warned at a recent symposium on the millennium, which was sponsored by the Anti-Defamation League.

“The more wrong people are, the more passionate they are,” he said.

Rabbi A. James Rudin, director of interfaith affairs for the American Jewish Committee, is also concerned.

“A lot of my fellow Jews take the turning of the millennium as a joke, but I don’t,” he said. “For some Christians, Dec. 31 is just a night for a great party. But a lot of other Christians take it very seriously.”

“There’s the wise, prudential jubilee approach of introspection and atonement for what we’ve done wrong, which is the Catholic approach,” he said. “Then there’s the prophecy crowd from among extreme evangelical Protestants who make apocalyptic claims for the second coming of Jesus.”

Until recently, prominent conservative evangelical leaders — including the Revs. James Dobson, Jerry Falwell and James Kennedy — were predicting mass upheaval and warning their followers to prepare by stockpiling dried food, water and weapons in advance of an apocalyptic scenario recounted in the Christian Bible’s Book of Revelation.

Christian broadcaster Dobson even gave each of his 1,300 employees an extra $500 to prepare for Y2K, according to a report in the Religion News Service.

Several who had predicted widespread social crisis have in recent weeks largely backed off such doomsday scenarios, wrote the news service, but other Christian fundamentalists and extreme-right hatemongers remain a threat, according to “Y2K Paranoia: Extremists Confront the Millennium,” a report published recently by the Anti-Defamation League.

Inherent in Christian theology is the belief that Jesus will return to earth, ushering in the messianic era.

There are some, primarily right-wing evangelical Christians, who believe that the historical stage has now been set for that chapter to begin, since conditions prophesied in their Bible have been fulfilled: The State of Israel’s creation in 1948; Jerusalem’s reunification under Jewish control in 1967; and the ingathering to Israel of oppressed Jews, particularly from the former Soviet Union, since the 1980s.

When there are high expectations “and then nothing happens, there could be a backlash,” Rudin said.

“If Jesus doesn’t come back, who can they blame?” Rudin asked. “Historically, Jews have often been blamed for not cooperating in this Christian end of the world plan.”

Others are more concerned about technology than theology.

They say that a failure of computer systems worldwide to recognize the change of the millennium could have disastrous consequences for individuals, communities and the environment.

Rabbi Arthur Waskow, director of the Shalom Center, which is a division of ALEPH: Alliance for Jewish Renewal, says that the whole problem stems from an over-reliance on computers, which he has dubbed “techno-idolatry.”

His concerns range from the potential interruption of crucial supplies of oil, food and medicines to what he believes is the worst case scenario: “a chemical plant or nuclear plant going haywire, releasing massive amounts of poisonous chemicals. Most nuclear plants require electricity to shut down, so not being able to do so could make serious trouble,” he said.

To prepare, he and his wife have stockpiled two weeks’ worth of supplies for five people: bottled water, cans of tuna, vegetables and fruit, as well as flashlights and batteries, and a radio powered by turning a crank. They are keeping lots of books, especially a Bible, close by.

Waskow may be one of a small number of Jewish voices calling for other Jews to take such precautionary measures, but he’s not alone.

“How scared do you want to get?” Rabbi Jeff Glickman, spiritual leader of Reform Temple Beth Hillel in South Windsor, Conn., asked referring to the several examples of potential disaster that he could cite.

Glickman, too, is preparing for Y2K by stocking up on non-perishable food and filling a lined trash can with fresh water for each member of his six-person family. He is also taking “a considerable amount of money” out of the bank to hold in cash, he said.

“Banks interact with thousands of other institutions every day. If any garbage comes in from any of them they may have to stop and verify every transaction. How long would that take?” he wondered.

What’s more, “there could be a horrible run on things at the end of December, like food and stocks, whether or not the computer glitch happens.”

Glickman and Waskow have both tried to use their pulpits — Glickman at his synagogue and Waskow through seminars at the Jewish Renewal retreat center Elat Chayyim in New York — to convince Jews that the real solution to millennial concerns is to work toward a greater sense of community by increasing personal contact between people rather than continuing to rely so heavily on technology.

Glickman tried to organize his congregants into “family groups” of several people who live in the same area, with the idea that they would look out for each other and develop closer relationships.

Both the rabbis, however, have gotten a weaker response than they had hoped.

When speaking about it from the pulpit, Glickman said, “I feel like I’m in a Dunkin’ Donuts, with the amount of glaze on people’s eyes.”

Still, the two rabbis aren’t the only ones hedging their millennial bets.

“I for one am not ready to give up the batteries and bottled water in my kitchen cabinet,” said Pam Schafler, an ADL lay leader who introduced the millennium symposium there last month.

For his part, Landes said that even if the calendar changes over from 1999 to 2000 without incident, debate and fear will not end.

“I don’t think it’s intelligent to assume that this will all decrease next year,” he said.

Is Y2K a Jewish issue? Read More »

Where Korbel Meets Manischewitz

Okay, let’s just get this out in the open. The marking of the second millennium since the birth of Jesus is, well, not a Jewish event. In fact, it doesn’t take a theologian to figure out that it’s pretty much a Christian way of chalking up the years.

Nevertheless, Jews will most likely be celebrating Y2K along with rest of the world, not as a Christian holiday, but as milestone that is part of the society in which we live.

“Jews don’t write 5760 on checks,” says Rabbi Steven Leder of Wilshire Boulevard Temple. “You can’t stick your head in the sand and pretend it isn’t one meaningful way of marking time. It’s not a meaningful way of marking time as Jews, but is a meaningful way of marking time, and that has an impact on people.”

Of course, there are ways of celebrating the New Year that are in keeping with Jewish values.

“If a Jewish value is being expressed in the millennium it’s the awareness of time, the sanctity of time and optimism in the future,” Leder says. He contrasts January 1 with Tishri 1, the Jewish New Year.

“Jews don’t celebrate time in a frivolous or careless way, they celebrate the passage time with introspection,” Leder says. With New Years Eve coinciding with Shabbat this year, some shuls grabbed the chance to infuse some Jewish flavor into a secular celebration.

“I did not want Shabbat to be forgotten nor relegated to a position of secondary importance,” says Rabbi Mordecai Kieffer of Temple Beth Emet in Anaheim. “There are plenty of rabbis who decry the incursion of the secular world into the sacred, so I say it is about time that the sacred begin to influence the secular.”

Kieffer decided to combine Korbel toasts with the Maneschewitz kiddush, putting together a “Shabbat in Two Centuries” program for his Conservative congregation. It will begin Friday evening at 8:45 p.m. with a late Shabbat service and Torah study, followed by dinner, games and a midnight toasting of the New Year. The next morning, services will begin at 8:45, there will be a champagne brunch at 10 a.m., followed by Musaf and then a luncheon. For more information call (714) 772-4720.

The Happy Minyan, a Shlomo Carlebach-style group out of Beth Jacob in Beverly Hills, thought it would be a great week to team up with Rabbi Shlomo “Schwartzie” Schwartz of the Chai Center for special Shabbat services and dinner.

Schwartzie, a legend for attracting the unaffiliated, is always looking for a good hook, so he’s letting the Y2K event replace his usual “Not-A-Christmas Party” for this time of year.

“I think it’s just the right mix of ‘aha!’ when you’re looking for what to do,” he says, giving a good alternative to those who don’t want to be in on the club or party scene.

Plus, he adds, “everybody has in the back of their mind, ‘I’m going to go to a Jewish thing, mother will be happy.'”

Services will be at 4:30ish p.m. at the Holiday Inn Select at 1150 South Beverly Drive, north of Pico. Schwartzie will conduct Shabbat services in English, with members of the Happy Minyan leading songs. Dinner and a game of “Stump the Rabbi” will follow, till whenever. The evening is $26; call (310) 391-7995 for more information.

As for Rabbi Leder, he will celebrate Friday, Dec. 31 the only way he knows how.

“How am I going to celebrate? I am going to celebrate around the Shabbat table, with my family, and do what we do every Shabbat: Express our hopes and love for each other. That is a Jewish way of recognizing the passage of time .”

Where Korbel Meets Manischewitz Read More »

But Can Barak Convince the Israelis?

At first blush it seemed like a done deal. If Syria and Israel were returning to the negotiating table, and President Bill Clinton was leading them, then it was surely just a matter of time until the two sides reached agreement and declared peace. American, Syrian and Israeli officials sounded confident to a fault, saying a deal might be just a short distance away.

But they forgot about the folks back in Israel. So far neither the Knesset nor the public is giving Prime Minister Ehud Barak the “landslide” support which he predicted a peace treaty would receive. Already the Israeli “street” is heating up with demonstrations of up to 10,000 people protesting the treaty that is shaping up. Not only are the opposition parties vowing to stop the deal, but parties within Barak’s own governing coalition are joining them.

“I don’t think Barak has this one in his pocket; in fact I think the opposite is the case,” said Aharon Domb, the former head of the Judea, Samaria and Gaza settlers council who is now involved in planning the “No” campaign for the referendum.

The sticking point in the peace with Syria is, of course, the Golan Heights — the hill-and-mountain range in Israel’s northeast corner which Israel captured from Syria in the 1967 Six Day War, and where some 17,000 Israeli settlers now live.

Until the 1993 Oslo Accord revolutionized Israeli thinking about peace, war, land and enemies, the Golan Heights was sacrosanct. The popular consensus on keeping all of it, forever, under Israeli sovereignty was almost as solid as the consensus on Jerusalem. The Golan settlers, unlike those in the West Bank and Gaza, were largely politically moderate, secular Israelis, mainly from the kibbutz and Labor movements; the general Israeli public identified strongly with their cause.

But as it became clear that Syrian President Hafez al-Assad would not agree to peace without getting back the entire Golan, and as it further became clear that Israel could not end its 17-year war in Lebanon until it made peace with Lebanon’s de facto ruler — which is Syria — the national consensus on the Golan began breaking up.

Following the announcement of the resumption of peace talks, the authoritative Dahaf Poll found that 57 percent of Israelis were willing to part with “nearly all of the Golan” in return for peace with Syria and Lebanon, with only 38 percent opposed.

But neither the Americans nor the Israelis are trying to hide the near certainty that peace with Syria will require withdrawal from not nearly all, but rather, all of the Golan. This would mean that every one of the 17,000 settlers would have to leave their homes. Dahaf found that only 45 percent of Israelis were willing to go all the way and relinquish the Golan in its entirety, while 54 percent were unwilling.

These are early previews of the referendum; public sentiment could, and likely will, change by the time it is held — if Israel and Syria first reach agreement at the negotiating table. The Likud-led opposition wants to force the pro-peace camp to win a 60 percent majority in the referendum to ratify any peace treaty. A 60 percent threshold would neutralize the Israeli Arab vote, which would likely go nearly unanimously for peace.

Likud and other right-wing politicians don’t deny their conviction that withdrawal from the Golan must first win a “Jewish majority”; the 60 percent threshold is an elegant way of banning Israeli Arabs from voting. Justice Minister Yossi Beilin said that in such circumstances, the term “Jewish majority” would effectively mean “racist majority.”

Besides winning public ratification in a referendum, a peace agreement with Syria will require an absolute, 61-vote majority in the Knesset, and so far Barak doesn’t have it. He left for the opening of talks in Washington with a vote of confidence that went 47 Knesset Members in his favor, 31 against and 24 abstaining.

Barak’s ruling coalition includes right-wing parties like the National Religious Party and Natan Sharansky’s Russian immigrant party Yisrael B’Aliya. Both have announced they will oppose giving back the Golan.

The prime minister’s hopes of winning Knesset approval for a peace treaty may well rest on the ultra-Orthodox party Shas, whose ranks account for fully one-quarter of his coalition. If Shas’ 17 MKs vote for a treaty, it will almost surely pass; if Shas votes against, it will almost surely fail. A poll of the Shas legislators found three in favor of a Golan-for-peace pact, with 14 against. In the Knesset vote, the entire Shas faction abstained.

With its endless demands for state money to fund its religious school and social services network, which is swamped in debt and corruption, Shas appears capable now of getting anything it wants from Barak. Shas’ absolute ruler is Rabbi Ovadia Yosef. Barak, like Shimon Peres and Yitzhak Rabin before him, is an old hand at courting Yosef’s favor. Barak recently prevailed on his friend, British Prime Minister Tony Blair, to host Yosef at Downing Street during the rabbi’s recent visit.

Yet the Golan settler leadership is also adept at playing up to Yosef. The Shas spiritual leader is likely to become the most widely flattered man in Israel until the peace with Syria either succeeds or fails.

If Barak is to win the public’s support for withdrawal from the Golan, he is going to have to find a symbol to neutralize the emotional power of the Golan settlers. They are burning with righteous indignation, and opposition politicians — chiefly Barak himself — are offering the settlers their sympathy, their respect, and, eventually, the state’s money, as compensation for being forced to quit their homes.

The government’s referendum campaign will focus on the gains to be made from peace with Syria. The most immediate, tangible gain foreseen is the end to the bloody war in Lebanon. The image of parents of slain soldiers, for instance, expressing their support for a peace agreement, saying they don’t want any more Israeli soldiers to die like their sons, could be as or even more powerful than the image of Golan children, for instance, tearfully asking their parents why they must leave their homes.

Still another headache for Barak is where to find the money to pay to compensate the 17,000 settlers for their lost homes, businesses and/or jobs, and psychological effects of forced dislocation. While the Clinton administration has said it would ask Congress to help pay the cost of peace, estimates of this cost run from $3 billion to $13 billion and even higher. Congress is not nearly that generous.

One of the key arguments in favor of peace with Syria is that it will bring great benefits to Israel’s economy, but the cost of compensating the settlers — part of which will almost unavoidably have to come out of Israelis’ pockets — should undermine that argument.

The Clinton administration is cautioning that the Syrian-Israeli negotiations will be grueling. Yet as grueling as they might be, they could prove to be a stroll in the park compared to the Israeli-Israeli wrestling match that is only now beginning.

But Can Barak Convince the Israelis? Read More »