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December 8, 2020

How Anti-Zionists Manipulate Mizrahi Narratives

This past November was Mizrahi heritage month, a time to recognize and uplift the​ narratives of Mizrahi Jews across the globe. The acknowledgement of Mizrahi history has grown in popularity in the United States, particularly after Israel passed a law in 2014 that designated November 30 as a national day of recognition of the 850,000 Jewish refugees from Arab countries — most of whom found refuge in the Jewish state. My grandparents were among those 850,000; they fled violent anti-Semitism in Iraq alongside 120,000​ other Iraqi Jews as part of Israel’s Operation Ezra and Nehemiah.

It has been incredible to watch Mizrahi Jewish narratives finally receive the respect and recognition they deserve in the United States. But what breaks my heart now is how quickly anti-Zionists have manipulated these narratives for the sole purpose of demonizing the Jewish state. UC Berkeley’s Bears for Palestine is the latest group to join this trend, as part of their Palestine 101 curriculum.

To be clear, I do not wish to erase or whitewash Israel’s shortcomings with the Mizrahi community, especially during its early years. Israel is not perfect, and many Mizrahi activist        s speak openly and honestly about issues of discrimination and inequality between Mizrahi and Ashkenazi communities in Israel. But anti-Zionist groups do not seek to advocate for Mizrahi Jews or even include us in their conversations. They only wish to use us as pawns for Israel-hatred, promoting a narrative that erases the very identity of Mizrahi Jews in order to paint Israel as the ultimate oppressor, a symbol of “white colonialism.”

The Palestine 101 curriculum, available to the public on Instagram, outlines lesson plans for Bears for Palestine’s student-run UC Berkeley course on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict (or, as they refer to it, “the occupation”). There has been significant controversy over the course in recent years — it was originally approved by faculty, then suspended in 2016, only to be reinstated once again that same year.

Although much of the curriculum plays on routine anti-Zionist arguments and tropes, Bears for Palestine’s lesson materials for week five (“The Character of the Zionist Settler-State”) take a more creative approach to demonizing Israel by including an article by Ella Shohat titled, “Sephardim in Israel: Zionism from the Standpoint of Its Jewish Victims.” The article proceeds to tell a story of “Arab Jews,” a majority of whom now seek to form a “Palestinian-Sephardi alliance” in order to combat the evils of Zionism.

The article attempts to make an argument about settler-colonialism while indulging colonialist language. In the piece, Shohat routinely refers to Mizrahim as “Arab Jews” or even “Jewish Arabs,” terms that are themselves a product of Arab imperialism. Mizrahi Jews had been living in the Middle East long before the Arabization of the region, and pushing the use of the term “Arab Jew” over our preferred indigenous title is itself an act of colonization. As a result, a vast majority of Mizrahim today reject the term “Arab Jew” in favor of “Mizrahi Jew.” The irony of using this​ language of erasure for a unit entitled “The Character of the Zionist Settler-State” cannot be understated.

Pushing the use of the term “Arab Jew” over our preferred indigenous title is itself an act of colonization.

Shohat also dodges the topic of the Jewish exodus from Arab lands in favor of a narrative that paints Israel, the place of refuge, as the ultimate oppressor. If we wish to have an honest discussion about the oppression of Mizrahi Jews, should we not begin with the Farhud in Iraq? The internment of Jews in ​Egypt? Nazi-inspired concentration camps in Libya? To gloss over all of these atrocities in favor of an argument that demonizes the country that gave my family and the families of the 850,000 refugees a future is disingenuous at best.

But it is Shohat’s suggestion that there is a “Palestinian-Sephardi alliance” against the existence of Israel that is indicative of just how disconnected from reality and incredibly manipulative the article is. The mainstream Mizrahi perspective is a Zionist one. It is true that, as with any community, Mizrahim are not a monolith — but as Hen Mazzig writes in his article for JNS, “Mizrahi activism is not exclusively a pro-Israel movement, but it acknowledges that the safety of the majority of Mizrahi Jews is reliant on the existence of the Jewish state where we found refuge.” Today, Mizrahim make up 45% of Israel’s population, making us the largest Jewish group in the country over Ashkenazim, who make up 32%. Much of Mizrahi culture has become synonymous with Israeli culture at large — from listening to Eyal Golan to eating sabich on Shabbat. To imply that 45% of Israel’s population is rooting for its destruction is an unbelievable falsity.

Bears for Palestine’s inclusion of this article in their curriculum — tokenizing a fringe Mizrahi perspective solely to demonize Israel — speaks to the emptiness of their allyship and their true motivations in using Mizrahi narratives. I hope that next November 30, we continue to center the voices of those from the Mizrahi community, not those who seek to use us as pawns.


Maya Reuven is a third-year student at UC Berkeley and 2019-2020 fellow for the Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting and Analysis.

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david suissa podcast curious times

Pandemic Times Episode 110: Unpacking the Jewish Future with Noam Weissman

New David Suissa Podcast Every Tuesday and Friday.

A conversation with educator Noam Weissman on some of the urgent and timeless issues in Jewish world.

How do we manage our lives during the coronavirus crisis? How do we keep our sanity? How do we use this quarantine to bring out the best in ourselves? Tune in and share your stories with podcast@jewishjournal.com.

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His Poem, My Dream: On Anniversary of My Father’s Murder

Through the force of my father’s will, my face was always turned towards America. I knew that whatever questions I had were going to be answered in America and by America, and eventually indeed they were. Even for my father’s murder there was an answer in America.

With time I also learned, through academic and personal triumphs and disappointments, that America was a country of questions, not answers. Presenting your own point of view is the most primitive form of freedom of speech; provoking questions and seeking answers which you may never get is the real key to freedom of speech. Questions allow tolerance, acceptance of all sorts of answers and opinions and the free exchange of ideas. This very notion was Soviet society’s poison. Questions were the magnet with which America pulled people like me out of our Eastern swamp.

And yet, in recent years America, both deliberately and negligently, has let go of its Socratic sanctity of intellectual freedom upon which it once so courageously and nobly founded its  liberalism. Instead, it is being replaced by some utopian progressive ideology that recognizes only answers and shies away from questions. Tired of its magnificently lush and successful past, today’s America is trying to refurbish itself, very ineptly, with dangerous dogmatism by way of indoctrinating school children with single-minded philosophies.

So, is America still a maverick? Are people who live here still pioneers? After all, it is the people who make our country — not the presidents and not the politicians. Or perhaps it depends on the country, on how strong the people of that country are! So far, I have observed that many people, too many people, have been afraid to ask questions. What is even more alarming, because it is more deceiving, people only ask safe questions, they ask questions that won’t brand them unpopular, that won’t get them in trouble, that won’t get them fired, that won’t darken their political record or embarrass them. These people never ask uncomfortable, provoking, Socratic questions, they never ask questions that will disturb and alter the mind of their peers, only the kind of questions which will cause concurrence, inevitable stagnation and possibly the ultimate collapse of free speech.

Today, faced with a cataclysmic presidential election, inconvenient truths on race, gender, sex, views on religion and attitude towards mask-wearing, America has become a perfect fertile ground for nothing but answers comprised of attacks, assaults, and limited information.

I am a very lazy person. I am accustomed to my Manhattan lifestyle; despite the gruesomeness of the past few months and the toll they have taken on the city, I find it inconceivable to imagine myself anywhere else. But sometimes, when I fall under the spell of my Russian gloom, I wonder if I should be questioning America. My entire childhood, I was looking West. Where should I turn to now? Shall I look to the East again? One should never turn back. It’s the same everywhere anyway…

Perhaps questioning America is what’s essential. That’s where poetry lies. For as long as I am allowed to question the country my Father selected for me, I shall continue to read New York as a poem, and I shall always have the vision of America as my first unquenchable dream.

For as long as I am allowed to question the country my Father selected for me, I shall continue to read New York as a poem.

America! For some, you shall forever remain but a shadow of the unrequited promise of freedoms, miracles and magnificent audacity. The mythical, gawky city on the Manhattan island, proclaimed to me as a dream that I would inhabit one day by my father, years and years ago, has eventually become not only the realization of my shameless vision, but also  the source of the most embarrassing heartbreak, insatiable allure, recurring disappointments and most of all, in spite of it all, the most persistent, deafening sound of poetry.

This year marks 30 years since my father, the Soviet Jewish physician Arkady Novikov, came to this beloved country of his, to this beguiling New York, only to be murdered here on the fifth day of his stay. He was only 47 years old. I was 13.

No one ever talks about America; everyone screams about it. In the Soviet Union they hissed at it, but what my father taught me enlightened me about it.  Since I was about five, we were still engulfed by the winds of Soviet hypocrisy, its impermeable oppressiveness and by the glamour of its lies. My father and I looked up to the West, always to the West, to its freedom, to its notion of human independence. In the 80s, it was our idea of modern excellence.

What was it to my father — the person who defined for me the paradigm of freedom, of individualism, of independence, the person who audaciously created for me the dream and made me fall in love with it?

On the one hand, my father had the mind of a true free thinker with the spirit of a true capitalist. but on the other hand, he was not a conservative type of capitalist but a true adventurer, for he knew no boundaries. He was not afraid of anything; his interests were vast, his knowledge of things was intricate, dangerous, uncomfortable for others to live with, his questions were limitless and seductive. He spoke fluent English. He despised the Soviet regime. He adored his Russia. He was a Jew, the fundamental importance of which he passed on to me proudly, irrevocably and courageously. He was the man for all seasons, for all countries, for all people. The humiliating system of the Soviet stagnation was unable to break his spirit; he never stopped flying because his wings were within him.

But still, it took him almost forty-six years to get to the streets of free Europe, where he could finally rest his eyes on things he could only fantasize about. It took him even longer to finally breathe in the air of his beloved America, the dream which he nursed, cherished and preserved so dearly and so bravely.

The summer was all planned out. The Summer of 1990. It was the dawn of new Russia. People were beginning to travel abroad, at least those who had money and some connections in air travel and visa offices. My family was unusually fortunate in that we had both connections and money. My father’s dream of visiting America was finally about to be realized.

But one whole month! So far away, a whole blue ocean away, away from my parents, away in America which I adored but which I feared! My father was travelling to New York, the only city in the world I had settled on to spend the entirety of my life. It was as if we had conspired that he was going to travel there to prepare the city for my eventual arrival, and yet I wasn’t prepared to have my parents swallowed up by that tall seductive monster made of glass and wondering immigrants. My father didn’t just make America real for me (and for our whole family); he made sure that the reality of its image was magical, forever alluring and infinitely inspiring. He created my America for me during the time when my birth country explicitly and categorically denied America. To my father, it seemed to me, going to America, seeing America, bringing America to me, explaining to me the substance of its morality upon which its freedom was born (or, at least, the most sincere belief that it can exist) was his ultimate goal.

He taught me that it was America that was a pioneer, a maverick. The vision of America was a benchmark against which I was supposed to measure the virtues of all societies, all nations. But as eloquent as his stories were, America was still a vision, and at thirteen it was only a dream for me. And when my father talked to me about America’s pioneering spirit, it was his life-force and his spirit that I understood in the words he attributed to America.

My father taught me that it was America that was a pioneer, a maverick.

My father practiced medicine illegally during the period of the suffocating Soviet stagnation. Our home served as his office. He did it openly. He charged money for it, although he never had a set fee. It helped, of course, that he was the only doctor who cured people from one of the most debilitating illnesses known as Bronchial Asthma. There was no cure for that illness. He was also a scientist, and he had worked out a method that combined a serious medical therapy with a special dietary regime, which he altered for his patients throughout the rather long course of their treatment. Under this method (and each method assumed that each patient had a slightly different approach based on that patient’s tolerance and general health), virtually all of my Dad’s patients began to feel better within ten days. He was also a specialist in other areas of cardiovascular illnesses. People from all over the Soviet Union flocked to our apartment to be seen by him. People waited months, sometimes years in order to be seen by him: old, young, infants, teens, invalids, people afflicted with blindness, peasants, the Soviet elite, diplomats, forsaken aristocrats with their sonorous voices full of regret and pride, Nobel Prize winners, mediocre apparatchiks, government clerks, policemen, firemen, former inmates, prostitutes, bad people, good people, priests, relatives, foreigners, very poor people and very wealthy people, former political prisoners, movie stars, writers, teachers and so many, many others.

My father spoke freely about the virtues of the West, about the goodness of America, about the notion of presumption of innocence. The phrase presumption of innocence, no matter how many times he explained its meaning to me, meant very little to me then, except that it was a good thing and that it belonged to freedom. Presumption of Innocence sounded poetic, although it was utterly abstract in its meaning; it had its own rhythm, its own music, and that alone was beautiful and therefore that seemed enough. It was enough for me to believe that my Dad was convinced that words like that thrived in America, which couldn’t be anything but magnificent.

He walked on the edge of the acceptable, and he did uncomfortable, awkward, strange things which were not only unfashionable but also outside the boundaries of Soviet law. It was not in vogue to be openly Jewish, and yet he proclaimed to me that we were Jewish. He told me about the existence of Israel. As much as naming that country out loud was enough to have your name backlisted, to have your past deleted and to see your future vaporized. He didn’t just mention Israel to me, he delivered it to me. Through the power of his intellect and his boldness, I was supposed to understand that there was a connection between my Jewishness and Israel, that my connection would always remain sacred and intact, as well as mine to control. My father had the audacity to make me fall in love with Israel during the times when it was the Soviet Union’s greatest enemy; his adamant support of Israel and the way he went on about it to me worried the rest of the family. He didn’t listen to anybody! He caused me to think that few things, and certainly no other country, stood for as much courage, pride, self-reliance, raw freedom, passion for life and survival as Israel did. He was never afraid to talk like that about Israel and what it meant to him in front of other people.

That summer of 1990, Papa and Mama left me and my sister in an exclusive resort nearby Moscow and flew to New York. He was murdered there five days later during a random robbery, while shielding my Mom from a 23-year-old attacker by the name Eric Wilson.

It was a quiet, starry night; my parents had just finished exploring the noisy Manhattan and returned to their friends’ home in Forest Hills. My mom remembers my father’s words as they were about to enter the building: “how peaceful it is here!” Then everything happened very fast; my mother saw very little in the darkness, but she felt that her purse had got caught on something behind her. She made an effort to free herself. It wasn’t “something,” but “somebody,” a man tugging on her purse, standing right next to my mom with a gun pointing at her. My father pushed him away, grabbed my mom and ran inside the building with her; the man followed. With the gun pointed at my parents and standing about six feet away from them, he fired his gun and ran away.

My father was laying on top of my mom, covering her completely with his body, holding her very tight, so tight that she ended up having bruises on her arms from his grip. It got quiet again, and she was almost surprised to discover that she was sitting in a pool of blood. She knew that she was not hurt, she felt that she wasn’t hurt, but the floor she was sitting on and the clothes she was wearing began to feel sticky and turned burgundy. And then she saw him, my father, her Arkady. She understood that it was his blood; that he was the one who was hurt. She began to scream in agony, in horror. The bullet went through his heart, lungs, liver, affecting all of his vital organs, finally stopping in his elbow, miraculously not entering my mom’s body. He was pronounced dead upon reaching hospital.

My mom lost her voice. She simply could not speak for the next week. She told me that she had only once before lost her voice like that, and that was the day she married my dad. She was happy then. My grandmother heard the announcement in the middle of the night on her beloved Voice of America. The news stayed hidden from my younger sister and me under my Mom’s strict order until her arrival. She returned to our resort, to us, without him, but with the broken promise for my enchanting future secured by freedom and independence, for my uncompromising Jewishness and for my path to the America he had painted for me.

Was I still supposed to like America? Was I allowed to want to come to New York? What use was American freedom to me when it was the America that tore him away from me? The experience of living in it was only worth something if I could face it together with my father. Without him, this grand notion of freedom was just a vacuous word.

And yet, my father had planted the worm inside my body, penetrating every barrier of logical reasoning, of what country I was allowed to like or be loyal to, even if it betrayed mine and my father’s trust. Despite it all, my eyes, my mind, my beating heart, all of me was turned towards America, the country which divested me of my father.

Despite it all, my eyes, my mind, my beating heart, all of me was turned towards America, the country which divested me of my father.

During his short stay in New York, my Dad had bought a small American flag for me in one of those insignificant gift shops. I have it still. On that day, on August 3 of 1992, I was flying to New York, towards his dream. His dream of New York and my stubborn desire, as a spoiled child, to live there was awe-inspiring. I didn’t know a single poem about New York, or about Manhattan, but I was convinced that those poems existed, otherwise my Dad’s uncompromisingly poetic mind would not have handpicked it for me. So even today, in the midst of this ruinous pandemic, when I walk through its tunneled streets, through its shameless neighborhoods, populated with single-minded people, across its crass avenues, when the pupils of my eyes pierce through the lace of its weightless bridges, when every brownstone with its mysterious internal life unwillingly whispers to me its messy stories, when the only pulses of the city are the cries and the laughter of those who still remain here, I see, despite the gluttony of the merciless sun and the city’s humorous rain, through the veil of its miraculous snow, the reddish-brown bricks of one noble Hall saluting me from afar, reminding me, perhaps only hinting, that New York’s poetry still exists. And that was exactly what my father saw in New York so many years ago. It was to this dream, to this unquenchable blue poem, that I was flying to on that day in August.

 

New York, November 2020

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Why Joe Biden is Good for Israel

“I am a Zionist. You don’t have to be a Jew to be a Zionist,” United States President-elect Joe Biden declared in April 2007, soon before Barack Obama chose him as vice president.

Thirteen years later, Biden’s views on Israel have become more nuanced but unchanged. “Israelis wake up every morning facing an existential threat from their neighbors’ rockets from Gaza, just like this past week,” he told over 18,000 Americans at the 2020 AIPAC Policy Conference. “That’s why I’ve always been adamant that Israel must be able to defend itself. It’s not just critical for Israeli security. I believe it’s critical for America’s security.” Palestinians, he added, “need to eradicate incitement on the West Bank and end the rocket attacks from Gaza…They need to accept once and for all the reality and the right of a secure democratic and Jewish state of Israel in the Middle East.”

For Biden, even attending the 2020 AIPAC conference took more guts than usual. The conference had been the subject of controversy among other Democratic candidates — Biden’s main competitors, Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren, both boycotted the policy forum. When publicly announcing his boycott, Sanders even lamented AIPAC’s existence, saying that the organization creates a platform to “express bigotry and oppose basic Palestinian rights.” Sanders’ surrogate, Congresswoman Ilhan Omar, also stirred a frenzy when she claimed that American support for Israel was “all about the Benjamins” and namechecked AIPAC as the source of Zionist bribery. Although Jewish institutions proclaimed Omar’s remarks were laced with anti-Semitic tropes, many on the left rushed to her defense. “Is AIPAC Too Powerful?” probed The New York Times, and The Nation outright declared, “What Ilhan Omar Said About AIPAC Was Right.”

U.S. Vice President Joe Biden addressing the American Israel Public Affiars Committee’s annual policy conference March 4, 2013 in Washington, DC. (Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)

We are living in polarized times. President Trump has not made it easier for the global Jewish community. The divide between Israeli and American Jews only grew through his presidency: Many Israelis are fond of Trump, but over 75% of American Jews voted against him. And Trump’s support for Israel made it a more partisan issue than it should have been. In 2019, for example, American support for Israel fell to its lowest point in a decade (Republican support for Israel declined by 13% and Democratic support went down by six percent).

Trump did create some historic gains for Israel. The Abraham Accords, for example, were a positive step toward cementing Israel’s place in the world, symbolically breaking decades of deadlock and making more believe that peace is still possible. With Israelis now able to travel to the United Arab Emirates, there is room for cultural exchange, which will hopefully fight ignorance between Israel and the Arab world. Trump’s peace deals also revealed that despite Arab propaganda to never normalize relations with Israel, the shared threat of Iran is a force that can unify beyond indoctrination. That’s some accomplishment.

But despite the historic nature of the gifts Trump bestowed upon Israel, they have not carried as much impact on Israeli lives as he might have hoped. Trump’s recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, moving the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem and recognizing Israel’s sovereignty over the Golan Heights meant little in practice. Like many of Trump’s endeavors, symbolism was the point.

And the areas where Trump intended wholesale policy changes have yet to fully bear their fruit. The Abraham Accords, which were widely praised as a significant step forward, suffered a blow a few weeks ago when the Emirates, Sudan and Bahrain lambasted the Jewish state in the United Nations. And although Trump did propose a peace plan that right-wing Israelis liked, liberal Israelis and diaspora Jews were disappointed by it, and Palestinians saw it as a nonstarter, if not a slap in the face. To make matters worse, after cementing the Abraham Accords, Trump walked away from negotiations, leaving no real path towards a peace deal between the Israelis and Palestinians. President-elect Biden has already committed to work for a just solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Biden, however, has made it clear that he will rejoin the nuclear deal with Iran and lift sanctions only if Tehran returns to “strict compliance with the nuclear deal.” This might be the only point of Biden’s against which I must advocate. Although I am clearly an adherent supporter of President-elect Biden, I cannot get behind returning to the Iran Deal.

Even so, both Israelis and Americans are heading to a much better future with President-elect Biden and Vice President-elect Harris. They will pursue a future in which meaty — rather than symbolic — negotiations can begin. Biden will be an American leader who is willing to work with all Israelis, rather than only working with those that align with his partisan base. And although Trump may market himself as a great dealmaker, in truth, it is Biden who has the diplomatic chops for this task through his work as vice president and chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.  It is Biden who understands the ethnoreligious roots of the conflict and the fact that the only “winner” in the conflict is peace.

Israelis and Americans are heading to a much better future with President-elect Biden and Vice President-elect Harris.

Despite how desperately Biden’s opponents seek to paint him as a puppet for the likes of Representative Rashida Tlaib — who recently took a Twitter jab at Biden’s secretary of state pick on Israeli policy — Biden supports normalization efforts and opposes BDS. Biden is not a “Squad” Democrat (remember when Representative Alexandria Ocasio Cortez announced that she and Biden shouldn’t even be in the same political party?). He also isn’t Barack Obama. If anything, Biden has a long-term respect, if not affection, for the Israeli people that resembles that of Bill Clinton.

We need responsible adults and stop foolishly clinging onto fantasies of unilateral support for Israel as if the Palestinians will just disappear. We need American leaders not to get in bed with partisan Israeli politicians who pressure Israelis to vote for them because “Uncle Sam said so.” We need leadership that will be able to say, as Biden did at AIPAC, that annexation will “choke off any hope for peace” and will take “Israel further from its democratic values, undermining support for Israel in the United States, especially among young people in both political parties, and that’s dangerous.” “We can’t let Israel become another issue that divides Republicans and Democrats,” he continued. “We can’t let anything undermine the partnership.”

Joe Biden loves Israel. Occasionally it will be tough love, but no less true.


Hen Mazzig is an Israeli writer, speaker and a senior fellow at the Tel Aviv Institute. Follow him: @HenMazzig

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Contemplating Your Legacy? Endowments Provide a Meaningful Way to Give Charity Forever.

“How do I want to be remembered?”

“How do I ensure that the causes which are meaningful to me are sustained beyond my lifetime?”

At some point, many of us have asked ourselves these very questions in one form or another: What can we do to create a lasting legacy that endures in perpetuity?

In a drastically changed world, we are taking stock of our lives, evaluating what’s important to us and, for those blessed with good health and prosperity, reassessing priorities.

As executive vice president of the Jewish Community Foundation of Los Angeles (The Foundation), it’s my good fortune to work with donors who are blessed with compassionate hearts, as well as the resources to act charitably.  I’ve been hearing quite a bit about this reappraisal from many people since the onset of this once-in-a-lifetime pandemic, and it was confirmed when I recently saw a compelling statistic on Google Trends: Before COVID-19 more than two-thirds of all Americans did not have a will.  By this past September, interest in creating an estate plan was the highest it has ever been.

That is where creating a legacy figures in, and one of the most enduring ways is via an endowment fund established at The Foundation, which since 1954, has grown into the largest manager of charitable assets for Los Angeles’s Jewish philanthropists.

Endowment “Nuts and Bolts” Are Straightforward

At its core, an endowment is a charitable fund created to provide perpetual support for the donor’s chosen charities or causes. The donated assets are managed both prudently and professionally, enabling a certain percentage of the income to be distributed each year to those charities while preserving the principal. The donor can direct the proceeds to a specific organization, such as a hospital, school, foodbank or another nonprofit, or to a field of interest, such as medical research or the arts.

Funding Endowments Takes Many Forms

At The Foundation, an endowment can be funded immediately, or through a bequest in a will. It can be funded with cash, securities, real estate, life insurance policies, charitable gift annuities, artwork, jewelry and intellectual property, as well as through the sale of a business. All donations are tax deductible.

For individuals 70½ and older, an ideal way to fund an endowment is with IRA assets, especially by using the annual Required Minimum Distribution that can be “rolled over” directly to an endowment. A rollover gift will be counted toward your minimum distribution requirement for the year, plus it has significant tax benefits over withdrawing cash from your IRA, paying tax on it, and then donating it to charity.

Donors may also make ongoing gifts to build up their endowment and can establish multiple endowments in the names of family members, to pass on their philanthropic values and celebrate life-cycle events. A memorial endowment may honor a loved one in an area important to that individual, for example, as scholarships or for medical research.

Endowments in Action

In life, Mickey Ross brought laughter to millions of people. A comedy producer and writer from television’s Golden Age, Mickey’s hits included “All in the Family,” “Three’s Company,” and “The Jeffersons.” Yet, as prolific as his professional legacy was, Mickey’s most meaningful accomplishment before passing away in 2009 is arguably the charitable legacy that he created to endure forever: the Michael and Irene Ross Endowment Fund, established in his and his wife’s memory at The Foundation.

A man of exceptional humility, Mickey Ross had a deep interest in helping people in need—shaped by his own impoverished childhood during the Great Depression. In keeping with Mickey’s wishes, the Ross Endowment annually supports organizations assisting Southern California’s most vulnerable residents to meet critical human needs, including food, shelter and medical care. The endowment was funded with a sizable contribution from their estate along with some of the residuals from Mickey’s television shows.  In the decade since it was established, the Ross Endowment has awarded in aggregate nearly $6 million in grants to support basic human need causes locally, including for pandemic relief this year.  Most notably, it will continue do so in perpetuity.

Other examples of people creating lasting legacies through endowments abound. In one case, a couple devoted to education and the arts established an endowment at The Foundation to support cultural programming throughout Los Angeles. It has funded such things as an arts festival at the Skirball Cultural Center and a media center at Los Angeles Valley College, both named in their honor, as well as a Jewish history program that was broadcast on the PBS network.

Another family created a Foundation endowment to memorialize their beloved matriarch. It sustains causes that were dear to her: coronary and orthopedic health programs at Cedars-Sinai and UCLA medical centers, respectively, as well as to raise public awareness for Jewish genetic disease testing, among other causes. A third donor’s endowment supports The Foundation’s own grant initiatives that seed new programs throughout Los Angeles and worthy initiatives in Israel.

The Foundation: Stability and Stewardship

The Foundation manages nearly 350 endowments established by donors who felt this was the ultimate form of giving back and who placed deep trust and confidence in us. Each year, Foundation endowments provide millions of dollars in grants to benefit a wide range of charitable causes locally, nationally and internationally—Jewish and otherwise.

Our enduring stability, strength and continuity give donors the confidence that The Foundation will always be here to fulfill their wishes and support their specified causes in perpetuity. Since The Foundation enjoys strong working relationships with countless charitable agencies and programs, one of our most vital missions is to ensure that the legacy you establish will endure.

Establishing an endowment via The Foundation is an easy, straightforward and meaningful process. Our team of experts has a deep understanding of complex federal and state statutes and reporting requirements, and extensive experience managing a portfolio of assets intended to last in perpetuity. For these and other reasons, establishing an endowment fund with The Foundation is often the easiest, most practical, and lowest-cost path to fulfilling your charitable legacy.

To explore how a charitable endowment or another of our giving vehicles may be suitable for you, please visit www.jewishfoundationla.org, call 323.761.8704, or email development@jewishfoundationla.org. We welcome your inquiry.


Dan Rothblatt is executive vice president of the Jewish Community Foundation of Los Angeles, which manages more than $1.3 billion in charitable assets entrusted to it by 1,300 families seeking to magnify the impact of their giving. The Foundation distributed $129  million in grants in 2019 to causes locally, nationally and around the world.

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