fbpx

June 11, 2020

Rivlin Tells U.S. Jewish Leaders to Fight Anti-Semitism, Racism

Israeli President Reuven Rivlin told United States Jewish leaders on June 10 that it’s important for the Jewish community to fight anti-Semitism and racism since they’re similar to each other.

Speaking on a live stream from his home in Jerusalem, Rivlin said, “We must stand together in fighting all forms of anti-Semitism. We must stand together in fighting all forms of racism. Anti-Semitism and racism are two sides of the same coin, and we must fight them wherever they appear.”

Rivlin added that it was important for Israelis and Diaspora Jews to continue to partner with one another and engage in dialogue, especially given the challenges brought by COVID-19.

“We still have not solved all of the difficult questions of the Jewish people,” Rivlin said. “But this is the spirit of true dialogue between Israel and the Diaspora that we need today.”

Israeli Foreign Minister Gabi Ashkenazi spoke after Rivlin, saying that the Israeli-Diaspora partnership is important and praising U.S. Jewish leaders for their handling of the pandemic.

“I salute the leaders of the American Jewish community for their leadership as they confront the coronavirus pandemic,” he said. “We share the same fate and we must work together to get through this crisis.”

Among the U.S. leaders reportedly on the call included Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations CEO William Daroff, Jewish Federations of North America CEO Eric Fingerhut and IKAR Rabbi Sharon Brous.

Rivlin Tells U.S. Jewish Leaders to Fight Anti-Semitism, Racism Read More »

Playwright Pulls Back the Curtains of His Life in New Memoir

Born in Brooklyn and now living in Los Angeles, award-winning playwright David Adjmi (“Stunning,” “Marie Antoinette” and “The Evildoers,” among others) is a shining exemplar of a certain variant of the American Dream. A clue is given at the very outset of “Lot Six: A Memoir” when he refers to both “my shrinks” and “classmates and teachers from my yeshiva” and when he recalls how his childhood experience of the Broadway stage inspired a longing to achieve “intensity and greatness” in his own life.

From an early age, his mother was his “ambassador to the outside world,” driving him into Manhattan to visit museums, theaters and “the lobbies of great hotels.” (Indeed, she figures prominently and crucially throughout Adjmi’s account of his own life story: “I schlepped you everywhere with me,” she tells him during a half-tragic, half-comic argument about whether he had a happy childhood.) Thanks to his mother, Adjmi soon recognized what mattered most to him: “Nature affronted me; I wanted culture,” Adjmi writes. “I developed an almost worship craving for anything urban, which I associated with God.”

All of these experiences are recalled in an extraordinary rich narrative that runs along parallel tracks —  Adjmi describes both what he saw and what he felt with equal mastery. For example, he describes a performance of “Sweeney Todd” at length and with the detail and precision of a seasoned theater critic. He confesses that the “raw grief and desperation” he saw on the stage “sickened and terrified” him. And yet he learned something about himself: “ ‘Sweeney Todd’ made me physically sick, but somehow the ugliness in it was exquisite,” he writes. “It was like a magic trick: the ugliness was made into something achingly beautiful.”

At the heart of Adjmi’s identity was his sense of being an outsider, which is a loose translation of the Arabic word that is the root of his last name. He vaguely understood that his ancestors had been exiled from Spain and found refuge in the Middle East, but “I could never grasp where I was from, what I was, and no one in my family bothered to explain my own provenance to me.” He came to understand that his family may have belonged to the Syrian-Jewish community of New York but only its “wafting margins.” The title of his book refers to a term used in among discount retailers (and applied to David by his family), a term that he understood to mean “something freakish …, someone who had no place in the world.”

At the heart of Adjmi’s identity was his sense of being an outsider, which is a loose translation of the Arabic word that is the root of his last name.

“Lot Six,” then, is the wholly compelling and endearing account of Adjmi’s struggle to find his place in the world. He wondered why the Bible was so highly regarded when “it didn’t make me want to bolt up and start singing or dancing or sobbing the way I did watching ‘The Wiz’ and ‘42nd Street.’ ” The old men in the synagogue “loved hashem so much they seemed like they might combust into flames,” but Adjmi realized that he felt only “potentially holy.” He turned to television to “[locate] myself in identifiable fragments from various shows, forging a sentient life in the kiln of popular culture.”

Adolescence presented even more vexing mysteries. “The line between religious etiquette and natural sexual curiosity felt unclear,” he explains. On his first date, “I knew I was supposed to initiate a kiss or hug, but I had no impulse to do it.” By this point in the book, we are not surprised to learn that the author was more interested in his male classmates: “I fantasized about Ralph during class and hated myself for my fantasies.” A new Broadway play attracted his attention: “The whole ‘La Cage’ scenario seemed a bellwether of something, but I wasn’t sure what.”

Adjmi enrolled at USC, where he found that he “hated the broad boring lectures in giant corporate amphitheaters” but enjoyed the movies he watched in a class called “Introduction to Film.” He also discovered the gay sex scene in West Hollywood whose “severity and brutality” attracted him: “[I]t felt like life,” he confides. Rejecting the “stupid football games and vapid Californians with their tinted sun visors,” he moved back to the East Coast to attend Sarah Lawrence College, but his search for an authentic self was not over yet. “I collected new traits and mannerisms: an empty series of gestures I could unpack at will, the way a child unpacks toys from a chest,” he writes. “I wore my arrogance like an insignia.”

The book reaches its apogee when Adjmi embraces the destiny that was predicted in early childhood: “I officially decided to become a playwright.” His problems did not evaporate, and the chronic stress and dysfunction within his family only grew worse, but he had come to know himself. “I didn’t need to relax, and in fact prized my agitation as a kind of survivalist wakefulness.” And the very act of writing a play was revelatory.

“I felt myself surrender to the chaos, the cacophony of surging detail,” he writes. “it was like a flame was lit from inside me that burned away the mundane borders of the self, the particulate matter I identified as me.”

Adjmi’s new play, “Stereophonic,” will premiere on Broadway in 2021. In “Lot Six,” we understand what that signal success really means to the author. “I believed my life was meaningless, that I was worthless in the eyes of the world,” he concludes. “But maybe the task of my life was to make a story, so I could give it to [my mother] — like one of those sword-bearing travelers from mythology, returning back home bearing a gift.” 

At one moment in his beautiful book, he describes how he “could feel my own flame of integrity burn brighter and brighter.” The reader, too, will discern the “flame of integrity” that Adjmi seeks and ultimately finds. From the first page, and on every page, Adjmi’s candor and good humor wins us over completely.


Jonathan Kirsch, author and publishing attorney, is the book editor of the Jewish Journal.

Playwright Pulls Back the Curtains of His Life in New Memoir Read More »

Washington State Synagogue Calls Police Department to Apologize for Defending Officer with Nazi Tattoo

A synagogue in Walla Walla, Washington, is calling on the town’s police department to apologize for defending an officer who sports a tattoo resembling the insignia of the SS, the feared Nazi paramilitary force.

“The WWPD’s response has been reactionary and defensive, eroding the trust of our community,” said the letter posted Wednesday by Congregation Beth Israel. “We would like a public apology from the WWPD, Chief Bieber, and Officer Small, acknowledging our concerns about the symbol’s history and their dismissal of its connection to genocide.”

Nathan Small is the officer who sports the tattoo, a relic of his service in the U.S. Marines. His sniper unit in Afghanistan adopted the insignia until the military brass shut it down in 2012. The unit said it thought the symbol represented as two lightning bolts stood for “sniper scouts” and was not aware of its Nazi origins.

Photos of the tattoo appeared last week on social media. The police department posted a defense of Small’s tattoo on its Facebook page, noting his service. Following expressions of outrage, the department said it understood the connotations of the symbol and said that Small wears long-sleeved shirts to cover it.

This week, Chief Scott Bieber shut down the department’s social media accounts, saying “we had trolls and zealots trying to scream as loudly as they can for their own cause,” the Walla Walla Union-Bulletin said in a report Tuesday. He said he would reach out to minorities, including the Jewish community, for face-to-face conversations.

Evan Heisman, a synagogue board member who signed the letter, said the synagogue would have complained in any case, but the insensitivity was especially jarring given the national conversation over police brutality.

“This is not one instance of a tattoo, it’s symbolic of how police forces treat their communities where they say they don’t think they’re wrong,” said Heisman, who added that when he first made a call to the police to inquire about the tattoo, a police officer yelled at him for five minutes.

The synagogue’s letter stops short of demanding action, but a Jewish person in the town of nearly 33,000 sought the assistance of the Military Religious Freedom Foundation, the organization that pressed the military to ban the use of the symbol in 2012. The foundation wants the police to make Small remove or disguise the tattoo, or to fire him if he resists.

The person who brought in the religious freedom group spoke to the Jewish Telegraphic Agency on condition of anonymity.

“Just knowing a police officer was sporting the SS insignia was frightening,” this person said. “We don’t feel that an officer covering his arm is enough.”

Washington State Synagogue Calls Police Department to Apologize for Defending Officer with Nazi Tattoo Read More »

AIPAC Tells Lawmakers It Won’t Push Back if They Criticize Annexation

The leading pro-Israel lobby in the United States is telling lawmakers that they are free to criticize Israel’s looming annexation plans — just as long as the criticism stops there.

Two sources — a congressional aide and a donor — say the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, or AIPAC, is delivering that guidance in Zoom meetings and phone calls with lawmakers. The message is unusual because the group assiduously discourages public criticism of Israel.

But these are unusual times: Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has set a July 1 deadline to annex parts of the West Bank, over the criticism of people at home and abroad who say the move would set back any efforts to bring peace to the region.

With anxiety pervading the U.S. Jewish community ahead of that deadline, AIPAC faces a thorny question: Does it support Israel’s leadership at all costs, or does it draw a line on actions it believes endangers the Jewish state’s future?

In a statement to the Jewish Telegraphic Agency sent after this story was published an AIPAC spokesman said that AIPAC does not encourage criticism of Israel.

“AIPAC does not encourage members of Congress to criticize the government of Israel,” Adam Harris said. “Our role is to strengthen the relationship between the two allies.”

Telling lawmakers that they were free to criticize Israel, while short of encouraging them to do so, was nonetheless a departure from past practice.

So far, the group has remained publicly silent about annexation. But in private, AIPAC is telling lawmakers that as long as they don’t push to limit the United States’ aid to Israel, they can criticize the annexation plan without risking tensions or a clash with the lobby group.

How far AIPAC is urging lawmakers to go is unclear. A spokesman would not comment except to point to a May 11 statement warning against proposals to reduce ties with Israel should annexation take place. “Doing anything to weaken this vital relationship would be a mistake,” AIPAC said then.

Buried in the same statement, however, is explicit support for a two-state solution, which annexation would inhibit, and a suggestion that criticizing Israel is valid. “It is inevitable that there will be areas of political or policy disagreement between leaders on both sides — as there are between America and all our allies,” the statement said.

But AIPAC’s lobbyists are famously fastidious: No conversations would be taking place without express approval from the group, which recently called off its 2021 conference because of the ongoing coronavirus pandemic.

The donor, who is deeply involved in lobbying Congress, said AIPAC was making it clear that it would not object should lawmakers choose to criticize annexation. “We are telling the senators ‘feel free to criticize annexation, but don’t cut off aid to Israel,’” said the donor, who spoke on the condition of anonymity.

The congressional staffer, a Democrat who is the target of AIPAC’s lobbying, described the same message from AIPAC. “They want to make sure members of Congress understand this is the time to warn Israel but not to threaten the Memorandum of Understanding,” the deal signed in 2016 between the Netanyahu and Barack Obama governments guaranteeing Israel $3.8 billion annually in defense aid for a decade, the staffer said, “not to threaten assistance.”

What was clear, the donor said, was that AIPAC had shifted its tactics in part because the Netanyahu government had long ceased to take seriously behind-closed-doors warnings from AIPAC and other American Jewish groups, once the preferred means of conveying differences.

“They listen,” the donor said. “But they do what they want.”

The revelation of AIPAC’s greenlight comes after weeks of public pleas to Israel by U.S. Jewish leaders, some on the left but others with deep roots in AIPAC and the centrist pro-Israel community, and warnings by senators of both parties that annexation would endanger Israel’s international standing.

Groups on the pro-Israel right, preeminently the Zionist Organization of America, have embraced the annexation proposal, and have the backing of some Republican senators. (That group is currently under fire for its leader’s response to the Black Lives Matter movement.) The Trump administration, which created the space for annexation by releasing in January a peace plan that allows for it, has been sending mixed messages.

The White House and the State Department have said that annexation should, at least within the next four years, come only as part of a deal with the Palestinians. But the U.S. embassy in Jerusalem has signaled that annexation could precede a deal.

Mike Pompeo, the U.S. secretary of state, is invested in regional stability in the Middle East, especially as the United States intensifies its pressure on Iran and appears to be concerned about the broader destabilizing effects of annexation. Jared Kushner, President Trump’s son in law who authored the peace vision is preoccupied with Trump’s reelection and does not need a foreign policy distraction.

On the other hand, David Friedman, the U.S. ambassador who has a long relationship with the settler movement’s right wing, appears to be invested in annexation; he has scheduled a meeting next week with Netanyahu and Benny Gantz, the leader of the Blue and White Party and deputy prime minister who has indicated he wants to go slow on annexation. According to o Israeli media reports, Friedman wants the men to resolve their differences on annexation.

Gantz, a former army chief of staff and a former military attache in Washington, is attuned to the sensitivities of the American political establishment, said David Makovsky, a senior fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy who worked on Israeli-Palestinian peacemaking for the Obama administration.

“Anyone who has been chief of staff of the Israeli army understands Israeli dependence on American weaponry, even with Israel with all of its indigenous capability,” Makovsky said, “if you ever want to identify what part of Israeli system is most sensitive to the U.S.-Israel relationship, it’s security people — it’s not just $3.8 billion, it’s the technology, it’s the personal relationships, they feel it.”

Annexation could in the long term threaten those very fundaments of the U.S.-Israel relationship, including the military assistance, said the Democratic congressional aid. Lawmakers have read with interest a report by the Commanders for Israel’s Security, a grouping of retired security leaders, and distributed here by the pro-two states Israel Policy Forum, and were taken aback by the estimated cost of annexation. Separating Palestinians from the newly annexed areas will require moving the security barrier, the report says, at a cost of $7.6 billion.

“The current leadership is not interested in discussing changes to the Memorandum of Understanding, but that is not an enduring prospect,” said the congressional aide. “But if annexation goes ahead and there’s differences in the leadership in Congress then we’re looking at possible changes in in the Memorandum of Understanding package, not in cutting assistance, but members of Congress want to make sure the money does not go to the massive budget to pay for annexation.”

The aide was referring to the leftward drift among Democrats, which could manifest in more leadership roles for left-wingers should Democrats keep the U.S. House of Representatives and win back the Senate in November.

Jeremy Ben-Ami, the president of J Street, the liberal Middle East lobbying group that is sometimes seen as AIPAC’s rival, said that if Democrats sweep the November elections, his group would not advocate for cuts in aid, but for tougher oversight to make sure that the assistance not go to upholding the annexation. He would also expect a Democratic administration to join others in the international community pressuring Israel to roll back annexation.

Ben-Ami said that annexing the West Bank would be inherently destabilizing and threaten Israel. “The aid that the United States provides Israel is intended to help Israel deal with meaningful security threats, weapons systems, missile defense systems, to deal with the serious threats they face,” he said. “Why would you provide money to enhance threats?”

AIPAC Tells Lawmakers It Won’t Push Back if They Criticize Annexation Read More »

Rosner’s Torah Talk: Parshat Behaalotcha with Rabbi Lily Solochek

Rabbi Lily Solochek serves in the Adas Yoshuron Synagogue in Rockland, Maine. They  worked as a Jewish educator for more than a decade. Prior to starting rabbinical school, they served as the Director of Jewish Student Life at the University of Wisconsin-Madison Hillel and the Education Director at Beth Israel Center in Madison, WI.

This week’s Torah Portion – Parashat Beha’alotcha (Numbers 8:1-12:15) – begins with the lighting of the menorah and then goes on to describe the cleansing of the Levites and the first celebration of Passover in the desert. The Torah subsequently describes a series of bitter complaints made by the people of Israel about life in the desert, and the portion concludes with Moses’ sister Miriam speaking slander about Moses to their brother Aaron and getting punished for it with a terrible skin disease. Our discussion focuses on the people and their complains, on eating meat and on the story of Miriam and Moses.

Previous Talks on this Parsha

Rabbi Charyl Jacobs

Rabbi Jonathan Case

Rabbi Rick Winer

Rabbi Irwin Kula

Rabbi Irwin Kula

Rabbi Amichai Lau-Lavie

 

 

Rosner’s Torah Talk: Parshat Behaalotcha with Rabbi Lily Solochek Read More »