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May 29, 2017

Where Are the Nonviolent Palestinian Activists? Actually, They’re Not Hard to Find

Chevre, I’m back from a life-changing trip to the Holy Land, with a lot to tell you. Here, before we step into Shavuot, is installment the first.

At a time when the Israel/Palestine situation appears to be stuck in a permanent deathdance, a group of diaspora Jews, Palestinians and Israelis did something new. Instead of trying to untangle the knot of two states/one state or improve on the existing plethora of peace proposals, we created a space on the ground to simply live together.

In the south Hebron hills, a land of militant settlers and impoverished disenfranchised Palestinians, we built Sumud (steadfastness) Freedom Camp, a space for nonviolent coexistence. We put up tents, handed out water, and began to restore the village of Sarura which had been summarily dispossessed by a military firing zone (the illegal settler outpost of Ma’on right next door has not been bothered by the military and is hooked into the water and electrical infrastructure). We smoothed roads and renovated dwellings. We ate together, danced together, and we prayed together. Until the Israeli army came and tore the camp down. And then—the camp was re-established. And torn down again. And again. The army stole confiscated the generators and tents. Last time, they took even the mattresses. But the story of Sumud Camp isn’t finished. Quite literally, the campfire burns still.

We truly were a diverse bunch, politically, ethnically, generationally. The group included JStreeters, If Not Now members, Youth Against Settlements (a Palestinian group of nonviolent activists), the Holy Land Trust which is a Palestinian nonviolence organization, and other local committees. Sami Awad of the Holy Land Trust addressed us, reminding us that we were in a “land of stories,” of mutually exclusive narratives existing in the same space—sometimes within individuals. There are those for whom 1948 represents a miracle and others for whom it remains a naqba–catastrophe. Key to our project is a refusal to wait for those stories to change—or to insist that they do–or to collapse them into one master narrative. The idea is that we can move forward now in what the Center for Jewish Nonviolence (CJNV, the group that organized the group with whom I traveled) calls, “Belief in the shared humanity and full equality of Palestinians and Israelis alike.”

Strange and wonderful that this grass roots movement to create relationships on the ground (hoping that from genuine engagement, political solutions might emerge) should come out of the south Hebron hills. It’s hard to imagine a less Edenic setting. This dusty semi-desert, home to snakes and scorpions, bakes you by day and shivers you at night. There is not an inch of soil unlittered with jagged rock. This place has as almost many ways to kill you as does Florida and cares about you even less. (It is also, of course, very beautiful in its way, with a changeable roiling sky and soil rocks that gleam carnelian and umber in the setting sun. With the right boots, nice hiking country—but a homestead?)

And remember—the south Hebron hills are in Area C which is entirely under Israeli military control. Sarura is one of many villages that has simply been declared non-existent by decree.  Palestinian villages are almost never allowed to file master plans, and without a master plan, any building and any improvement—from a playground to solar paneling to paving—is subject to demolition at any time. And settlers? Well, as we’ve observed, they have access to all the water it takes to create a strange semblance of suburban woods. They have paved roads and cell phone towers and internet and greenhouses in which to raise crops. While Palestinian herders raise truly free-range animals, settlements set up huge sheds for chicken farms (which can’t be nice for the chickens) and allow their run off to pollute neighboring—pre-existing! —villages without penalty.

Why do Palestinians insist on staying here? Not from any organicist romance of blood and soil. One of our guides, a member of Ta’ayush, a grass-roots group of Israelis and Palestinians, made it clear: to leave this land would be, literally, to leave everything they have. They have learned to wrest a living from herding and agriculture on this stingy soil. They could show even the micro-irrigators of the Negev a thing or two. Where else could they go and qualify as skilled? Also, well, there’s such a thing as home. People get tired of being dispossessed and driven. As our own people might remember.

And they were such gracious hosts to us soft, weird outsiders, feeding us and sharing our Shabbat. (More on that later—extraordinary stories there.) Until the army came and shoved some folks around and broke up the party. Most of us had to leave soon after. But some people stayed and some others arrived, and, tented or not, Sumud Freedom Camp is still a thing.

So, the next time someone says, “Well, where are all the nonviolent Palestinian leaders?” you know about some of them. The questions now are, “Why is the Israeli government suppressing these people instead of working with them? Don’t they truly want partners in peace after all?”

Where Are the Nonviolent Palestinian Activists? Actually, They’re Not Hard to Find Read More »

Israeli Bright Light #8 – Yad b’Yad (Hand in Hand) Bi-Lingual Jerusalem High School

As we walked the halls of the Max Rayne Hand in Hand Jerusalem School for students grades kindergarten through 12th grade (the school was founded in 1998 with 20 students and today has 696 students enrolled), the students were passing together between classes, laughing and talking as one might expect in any high school in Israel or America. But this is a different kind of school and there was much more than meets the eye here.

The students all appeared alike, but this is not a normal secular Israeli high school. It is a bi-lingual school, an experiment in bringing the diversity of students that live in Jerusalem together to learn about each other, to hear each other’s narratives, to discover the beauty in each other’s respective cultures, to work through stereotypes and prejudices, and to become friends and partners in a shared society.

The school is a microcosm of Jerusalem’s urban diversity and has students coming from Jewish and Arab neighborhoods all over East and West Jerusalem and includes Arab Christian, Muslim, Armenian Christian, Druze, Mizrahi, Ashkenazi, and Ethiopian Jews, and increasingly more religiously observant Jewish students.

The high school is like all good academic Israeli secular high schools, but Yad b’Yad includes what the directors describe as “a unique and supportive environment as our students become teenagers and prepare for life as adults after school, with dialogue groups, expressive arts, volunteering, and extensive civic studies.”

In the elementary school, all classes are taught by one Jewish and one Arab teacher. The kids learn Hebrew and Arabic, and the reality of racism and violence that characterize so much of the contact between Israelis and Palestinians does not exist here. It is what Mohammed Darawshe, the Director of Givat Haviva, told us is “a perfect model of a school in a shared society.”

Yes, Palestinian Arab citizens and Palestinians living in East Jerusalem have different perspectives and experiences than do Israeli Jewish citizens. But they talk and argue and listen and become friends.

I was moved deeply when I heard that during tense times such as the recent knife terror and the crossing points between East and West Jerusalem closed, Palestinian students living in East Jerusalem could not get home from school that is located in the southern area of West Jerusalem within sight of the Israeli neighborhood of Gilo beyond which is Bethlehem. So, what did they do? The Israeli Jewish students invited the East Jerusalem Palestinian students to stay in their homes until the checkpoints opened again. This could last days to weeks.

The school’s founders and leadership describe its mission as follows:

“Our Mission at Hand in Hand is to create a strong, inclusive, shared society in Israel through a network of Jewish-Arab integrated bilingual schools and organized communities. We currently operate integrated schools and communities in six locations with 1,578 Jewish and Arab students and more than 8000 community members. Over the next ten years, we aim to create a network of 10-15 schools supported and enhanced by community activities, altogether involving more than 20,000 Jewish and Arab Israeli citizens. Jews and Arabs – learning together, living together – and inspiring broad support for social inclusion and civic equality in Israel.”

Yad b’Yad is yet another grassroots effort to bring peace to the land of Israel/Palestine. Truly a bright light in our journey as a Temple Israel of Hollywood Leadership mission to Israel.

See the Yad b’Yad website for more information – https://www.handinhandk12.org/inform/why-we-exist

 

 

 

Israeli Bright Light #8 – Yad b’Yad (Hand in Hand) Bi-Lingual Jerusalem High School Read More »

Jared-Kushner

Kushner reportedly encouraged to step aside as FBI investigates Russia contacts

Jared Kushner reportedly has been encouraged to take a leave of absence from his White House adviser position because of FBI scrutiny of his contacts with Russia.

Administration officials close to President Donald Trump have been pushing Kushner to step aside while the FBI investigates meetings that Kushner he had with Russian figures during the transition period following the November election, The Hill reported. Kushner is Trump’s Orthodox Jewish son-in-law.

The news website Politico called Kushner the White House’s ” lead distraction” following what is being seen as Trump’s mostly successful first foreign trip, which featured a stopover in Israel.

“It’s clear that Jared Kushner will be under intense scrutiny at a time when his father-in-law has named him everything but chief cook and bottle washer,” Democratic strategist David Axelrod, a former top White House adviser to President Barack Obama, told Politico. “It’s bad for the prospects of calm at the White House.”

Kushner reportedly flew home Thursday from Rome with his wife, Ivanka Trump, and arrived in his West Wing office on Friday to meet with White House Chief of Staff Reince Priebus to discuss the presidential trip.

Though under scrutiny by the FBI, Kushner has yet to be accused of  unlawful behavior, and he has offered to share any information about meetings with Russian officials.

The Washington Post and NBC each reported late Thursday that Kushner’s interactions with Russian figures were of interest to the FBI, but that this did not mean he was a target of the investigation.

Kushner, is one of Trump’s closest advisers. He met separately last December — after the election but before Trump assumed office — with Sergey Kislyak, the Russian ambassador to Washington, and Sergey Gorkov, the head of the government-owned Vnesheconombank, which has been subject to U.S. sanctions because of its role in Russia’s occupation of a part of Ukraine.

Kushner in March said he was ready to testify about his Russia meetings to the Senate Intelligence Committee.

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Political bits and pieces: Bibi forever (for now)

1.

Israeli polls indicate that the in the last few weeks Israel’s political landscape has changed a little in favor of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The Likud Party is getting stronger, centrist Yesh Atid is losing power. The coalition is maintaining its current strength. The opposition is not in a better position to take over than it was two years ago.

What’s the reason for this? Trump might have helped Netanyahu by having a good and friendly visit. The opposition is relatively silent, because there’s no election in sight. It is also fractured. The Labor Party will be having a primary election in a month, and eight candidates are challenging the leader of the party – a fact that does not instill much confidence in the ability of this party to seriously challenge the dominance of Netanyahu.

2.

Elections? Netanyahu has no reason to push for another round of elections. Other parties in the coalition hardly have any incentive to initiate elections. The opposition does not have the power to force elections. This means no elections any time soon, unless Trump makes it impossible for the coalition to keep functioning by advancing a peace process of the kind that some parties can’t live with.

The chances of this happening? The visit makes it seem less likely. The polls makes the threshold of an intolerable peace process less clear. In other words: with a meager nine seats predicted by the polls, is it more appealing for the Jewish Home to quit the coalition (in the hope of having the opponents of a peace process coalesce around it) – or maybe the nine seats all but guarantee that the Jewish Home will not take the risk of leaving the coalition and becoming an almost marginal party?

3.

Looking at the race in the Labor Party, one can subscribe to one of four schools of thought:

A. It does not matter, the Labor Party is no longer important (11-12 seats in recent polls).

B. With the right leader the party can bounce back – so it actually does matter.

C. The Labor primaries are a first step in a long journey of building a united anti-Bibi front (hence it needs a leader that is willing to take part in building such a coalition, disregarding his own personal role in the ultimate political arrangement).

D. The primaries are a first step in an even longer journey of rebuilding the party – a process that is not about the next election, but rather about the more distant future.

4.

Another party is in trouble. The leader of the Haredi Shas party, Aryeh Deri, is under investigation. Deri is a convicted felon. In the past he was tried, convicted, served time in jail, and made a comeback. In fact, it was an impressive comeback of one of the most impressive natural leaders we have. Deri is not a small politician with a lowercase P. He is a leader of people, a symbol. He is the man preserving Shas following the death of its founder, Rabbi Ovadiah Yosef.

Of course, it is much too early to speculate on the future of Shas if Deri’s legal problems become impossible to overcome. Shas in not like Avigdor Lieberman’s Israeli Beiteinu (no Lieberman, no party). It is also not like the Likud Party (without Netanyahu, the Likud would still have the best chance to come on top). Shas is a question mark. It might survive without Deri, but this is not a certainty.

5.

Open questions:

Is Ehud Barak running for Prime Minister? (He is probably looking for an opening.)

Will anyone within the Likud Party challenge Netanyahu? (Doesn’t seem like it for now.)

Can Yair Lapid maintain his good ratings for another two years of relative silence? (Netanyahu wants him to dry for as long as possible, for now.)

Will we see a new left-of-center party? (Ego and chances for success will make or break such an option.)

Will there be a large anti-Bibi bloc? (Lapid could be the key, and currently he does not want to be a part of it.)

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