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May 11, 2016

Water autonomy: From Israel to California

On the eve of Israel’s 68th anniversary, it is important to remember water’s vital role in the success and continued independence of the Jewish state. The drought in the Middle East is the worst in 900 years, and it played a key role in the collapse of Israel’s neighbor Syria while threatening to overwhelm entire regions of the world. Yet Israel has solved its water problem through persistence, education and innovation, freeing it from the climate constraints plaguing the Middle East.

[RELATED: How Israel’s water solutions can save California]

As we celebrate our water independence, the drought California faces is the worst on record. Hundreds of thousands of farm acres have been left uncultivated, driving up food prices and inhibiting growth. The economic impact has skyrocketed into the billions of dollars. Gov. Jerry Brown has enacted the first mandatory water use reductions in state history and sought assistance from the federal government. How should California respond to this major crisis? The state’s leaders are increasingly turning their gaze toward a tiny desert nation some 7,000 miles to the east. 

In water resource management, Israel’s experience is unparalleled. One of the driest nations on earth, the Jewish state declared independence 68 years ago with dilapidated infrastructure, nascent institutions and almost no water to sustain a population swelling with new immigrants. Today, Israel not only produces enough water for itself, it is a hydro-exporter to its neighbors. 

California is now leveraging a memorandum of understanding (MOU) signed two years ago between Brown and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to tap into Israel’s vast experience in turning its limited resources into a water surplus. 

California’s leaders are now visiting Israel on a regular basis to learn more about the country’s water innovation. 

What has been the result? Israeli water innovations are taking root in the Golden State from the Bay Area to Beverly Hills. Municipal utilities looking to cut usage have turned to Israeli companies like TaKaDu, which uses algorithms and big data to detect and prevent leaks in the water grid, dramatically reducing waste. Farmers in the Central Valley are deploying Israeli drip-irrigation systems to increase crop yields using far less water. While 75 percent of Israeli farmers rely on drip irrigation, California, while second to Israel, is only at 38 percent. 

California policymakers are looking to replicate Israel’s success in reclaiming 90 percent of its wastewater — the highest ratio in the world by far. They’re also examining Israel’s uniquely successful public awareness and education programs on water conservation. 

Israeli know-how has been a driving force behind California’s major new investments in desalination. IDE Technologies, the Israeli company that currently operates the most energy-efficient desalination plant on earth, to date has designed two plants in California, including the Carlsbad Desalination Project, the largest of its kind in the Western Hemisphere. The facility provides water for 300,000 people in San Diego County. 

The unique benefits of this partnership are mutual. Access to California’s vast market enables Israeli companies to partner, refine their technologies and scale up their businesses in new ways. And while California reaps the benefits of Israel’s know-how on water, Israel is leveraging the MOU to harness California’s expertise in areas from biotech to renewable energy. 

In today’s world, there is no greater resource than human capital. By working together to fight drought, Israel and California are demonstrating how thoughtful partnerships can facilitate the flow of knowledge between countries, cultures and continents to solve big problems. 

The new era of collaboration spurred by the Israel-California MOU is just beginning. By pairing our knowledge, talents and limitless imaginations, Israel and California will become even more innovative and significant to the world. 

Who would have believed 68 years ago that in a matter of decades, the nascent State of Israel would soon be helping America’s Golden State achieve its water independence?


David Siegel is Consul General of Israel to the Southwestern United States.

Water autonomy: From Israel to California Read More »

Letters to the editor: E-bikes, Al Gore and minimum wage

Cycling the City

I really enjoyed Rob Eshman’s column (“L.A., Meet My E-Bike,” May 6). I’ve ridden that route as well and am also concerned that there isn’t a big effort to allow bicycle riders a path to cross Los Angeles safely. I live on the Westside and would love to ride to downtown and back without worrying about getting hit. I have participated in CicLAvia and also in the Tour de Summer Camps ride, where last year there were three riders involved in a serious accident just ahead of me. I don’t know the answer, but we have to keep trying to make L.A. bike-friendly.

Ralph Hattenbach, Los Angeles

The Non-Gore Presidency Lesson

Regarding Danielle Berrin’s column “What If Al Gore Had Won?” (May 6), I completely agree. (There is still a Gore sticker on my car!) My family had the honor of spending Passover at a program that featured Sen. Joseph Lieberman and it was a sad reminder of how our democracy was hijacked, leading to the dissatisfaction of many people and the (justified) distrust of our system, which may have disastrous results this November. We will never know how the Gore-Lieberman presidency would have played out, but we should be ever vigilant to participate in the system and listen to what the candidates are saying.

Linda Rohatiner via email 

A hearty thank you to Danielle Berrin for her column “What If Al Gore Had Won?” Al Gore’s message is more important and timely than ever. Climate change deniers spread their lies and misinformation because of the almighty dollar and to the detriment of us all. I just hope we haven’t missed the boat on saving our Earth. I don’t care who says I’m exaggerating: The facts are there, and we need to be scared into taking real action before it’s too late.

Joshua Lewis Berg, Glendale

In Favor of $15 An Hour

Dennis Prager (“Why Do Jews Support a $15 Minimum Wage?” April 29) is wrong on both the facts and the values. His letter is a virtual catalogue of the misinformation that is disseminated about raising the minimum wage. Two hundred economists recently signed a letter in support of raising the minimum wage to $15 an hour. They wrote: “ … the weight of evidence from the extensive professional literature has, for decades, consistently found that no significant effects on employment opportunities result when the minimum wage rises in reasonable increments. … The economy overall will benefit from the gains in equality tied to the minimum wage increase and related policy initiatives. Greater equality means working people have more spending power, which in turn supports greater overall demand in the economy.” Prager’s unfounded concern for the loss of jobs should be focused on the actual moral issue of corporations earning high profits while simultaneously depriving employees of sustainable wages and the resulting struggle to survive — exacerbated by lowering the wage floor and denying access to the middle class.

Jewish tradition understands a worker’s ability to live in dignity as being equal in importance to an employer’s ability to turn a profit. For this reason, rabbis of every denomination, worldwide, have supported workers’ rights to organize for wages and benefits, which allow them to live with dignity.

Rabbi Jonathan Klein, Executive Director, Clergy and Laity United for Economic Justice

Rabbi Aryeh Cohen, Rabbi in Residence, Bend the Arc: A Jewish Partnership for Justice

I wrote my UCLA dissertation on Katherine Philips Edson, who helped to pass California’s 1913 minimum wage law and then for 18 years sat on the state Industrial Welfare Commission to administer it. Dennis Prager’s misuse of history to argue against a raise in the federal minimum wage law is astounding.

The Davis-Bacon Act applied the principle of “prevailing wage,” which called for bidders seeking federal government contracts to match their workers’ wages to rates where the job would be fulfilled. Minimum wage is different in concept and execution, and the origins, motives and historical paths of each policy are distinct. Minimum wage law established a floor, or a bottom value below which workers could not sell their labor. The first U.S. state laws passed in California and Massachusetts in 1913, and by 1926, 16 more followed, in spite of the Supreme Court’s spurious ruling they interfered with the “liberty of contract” protection. Strategists who sought minimum wage (and hours) laws for all workers were forced to narrow their goals and create a sex- (or gender-) based argument in order to at least seek coverage for the most vulnerable workers who were ignored by organized labor, i.e., women and children. Contrary to Prager’s assertion, organized labor did not support minimum wage laws because union leaders feared the minimum would become the maximum and weaken their fledgling influence.

Jacqueline R. Braitman, Valley Village

Letters to the editor: E-bikes, Al Gore and minimum wage Read More »

Would President Donald Trump be good for Israel?

Here’s a question worth asking as Israel celebrates its 68th birthday: Would President Donald Trump be good for Israel?

If you listen to Trump, the answer is a resounding yes. He will be so pro-Israel, it will make your head spin. 

If you listen to his detractors, among whom are many leading Republican Jews, as Jewish Journal reporter Jared Sichel reports (see article on page 16), Trump would be a disaster.

The reason Trump gives for why he would be good for Israel is the same reason he gives for why he’ll be a great president, period: Because he says so.

To some, that confidence is hypnotic. It likely explains why, in an Israel Democracy Institute poll this week, fully 62 percent of Israeli Jews believe a President Trump would be committed to safeguarding Israel (though in a matchup with Hillary Clinton, 40 percent said Hillary would be better for Israel, versus 31 percent for Trump).

But American Jews on the right, center and left remain unconvinced by Trump’s endorsement of Trump’s excellence. Trump has no track record in diplomacy or government. For much of the campaign, he used the fact that he served as grand marshal of New York’s Israel Parade as his most serious bona fide. Seriously.

But now the man who, in Republican commentator David Frum’s words, is “second most likely to be the next president of the United States,” has to be taken very, very seriously. So perhaps the best way to answer the question of whether Trump would be good for Israel is to break it down into three specific questions that address what kind of president is needed for a successful American-Israeli relationship.

1. Does the president recognize Israel’s unique history and the special connection it has to the United States?

There’s no evidence in any speech Trump has given that he has any understanding of Israeli history or the history of the American-Israeli relationship. The speech he gave at the AIPAC convention in March is by far the most comprehensive record we have of Trump’s understanding of Israel and of what a Trump approach to Israel would be.  

The speech managed to avoid using the words Zionism or  Zionist.  The only way Trump was able to explain the importance of Israel to America was in his speech’s raucous conclusion: “I love the people in this room,” he said. “I love Israel. I’ve received some of my greatest honors from Israel.” In other words, Israel is important because Trump loves it, and Israel loves him back. With Trump, the personal is always political. But every administration has faced ups and downs and significant pushback and confrontation from Israel. The relationship has survived those rough patches precisely because U.S. presidents have understood there is a deeper, historic and values-based reason to protect Israel.  Nothing in what Trump said makes it clear he gets that.

2. Does the president recognize the unique external and internal threats to Israel’s security?

Trump’s AIPAC speech listed as the main threats to Israel the Iran deal, Palestinian incitement and terror, with the United Nations and President Barack Obama also competing for the top spots.

He did not mention the internal demographic threat to Israel and Israeli democracy arising from its occupation of the West Bank — a concern that has consumed Israeli and U.S. governments for 50 years.

As for what he would do about the Iran deal? He’ll make a better one. How? “We will, we will,” Trump said in his major policy address. “I promise, we will.”

Many Republican Jews are unwilling to take an untested businessman at his word.   When Trump announced that he thinks Israel should expand its West Bank settlements, the right-wing Zionist Organization of America sent out a press release trumpeting the statement. A Republican Jewish leader in Los Angeles told me he sent the ZOA a reply. “Don’t get so excited,” he wrote. “Who knows what Trump will say next week?”

3. Is the president able to use American power, influence and resources to help Israel face its threats?

The story is told that when newly elected President John F. Kennedy asked Israel’s first prime minister, David Ben-Gurion, how he could be the best president for Israel, Ben-Gurion told the young man, “Be the best president for the United States.”

As the only democracy in the Middle East, Israel depends mightily on the most powerful democracy in the world. A strong America makes for a strong Israel, period.

If President Obama, for instance, had not been able to bring the American economy back from collapse in 2008, imagine the conversation this country would be having now about a generous Israel aid package.

The bottom-line reason so many Republican Jews oppose Trump is precisely that: They believe he will weaken and divide America. And a weak, divided America makes for a weak Israel.

It’s why so many Republican Jews are saying #NeverTrump.  And you have to wonder: If Trump can’t even make a deal with Israel’s best friends, how’s he going make one with Israel’s worst enemies?


Rob Eshman is publisher and editor-in-chief of TRIBE Media Corp./Jewish Journal. E-mail him at robe@jewishjournal.com. You can follow him on Instagram and Twitter @foodaism and @RobEshman.

Would President Donald Trump be good for Israel? Read More »

The Israeli twins — Independence and Nakba

Independence Day is also the Day of the Nakba (in Arabic, the Day of the Catastrophe). There is no escaping it. Whether we like it or not, Israel’s story includes the Jewish story as well as the Palestinian one. Hence, the question that faces Israel today is a simple one: Can Nakba and Independence live together under the same roof? If the answer is no, there is an automatic result: We have to cancel the words and spirit of our Declaration of Independence (“ … Israel … for the benefit of all its inhabitants; it will be based on freedom, justice and peace. … it will ensure complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or gender,” and so on), to significantly re-legislate our constitutional, basic laws and then walk sadly into the sunset. Because an Israel for Jews only is automatically less democratic, more race-based and discriminatory.

But if there is a feasible positive answer, it is one of coexistence that entails respect and appreciation and acknowledgement of our happy and our sad stories together. For this acknowledgement to occur, Israel and the Israelis must develop a completely different way of thinking than what has been indoctrinated into us for almost seven decades. The Nakba must become a part of the Israeli daily actuality.

For a very long time, I think, the main problem between the Israelis and the Palestinians has not been a matter of politics, but rather psycho-politics. Each side tries to beat the other in the regional “Traumas Competition.” They cite the Nakba, and we answer with the Holocaust. And each side struggles to prove “mine is worse.” Neither side really listens to the pain, or witnesses the wounds, fears and tears of the other. We live in a binary reality — my trauma or nothing. And the result is — nothing. No peace will ever occur until we can undertake a real, sensitive and inclusive dialogue that includes both histories.

There are many ways to acknowledge history within contemporary life. Take, for example, the brass “stumbling blocks” that are memorials to victims of the Holocaust (stolpersteines) set into the stone sidewalks in German cities, a quiet and poignant, non-provocative reminder of the losses of a painful past. A commemoration to those who lived there and are gone forever. In Warsaw, small, multilingual signs cue us to specific histories from the Holocaust. No large, alienating monuments, just a silent presence that becomes part of the daily life of all pedestrians and bystanders

In Israel, such gestures can be done quite simply. Our own history will not be harmed by the acknowledgement of the reality of a time before 1948, as well. We need to recognize a shared history that incorporates Jews and Palestinians together.

It may be impossible to roll back history, to correct yesterday’s wrongdoings. But wherever possible, why not try? The situation of Palestinian refugees has been one of the most powerful propaganda arguments for Israel, almost from its first day of existence. “See the difference?” Israeli propagandists have claimed. “While we have absorbed millions of our refugees from the Arab countries, they never lifted a finger to help their own refugees.” To date “they” (the Palestinians) still live in wretched camps, eternal clients of the United Nations Relief and Work Agency (UNRWA). And while this sounds like a knockout argument, in actuality, it is a hollow one because Jewish Israel did nothing to help its own Palestinian refugees, its own non-Jewish citizens. We must remember: According to the Zionist dogma, Olim (Jewish immigrants) are, by their very definition, not refugees. To make aliyah is a positive ideological decision, while the status of refugees and fugitives is the negative result of expulsion, escape and defeat. Consequently, the Israeli Palestinians are our refugees, in every respect.

More than 250,000 formal Israeli citizens are 1948 refugees and their descendants. They live among us, not in a remote camp on the outskirts of Beirut, Jordan, West Bank or Gaza. At the end of the War of Independence, about 160,000 Palestinians survived the cleansing policies of the time. Of them, about 40,000 were displaced people deported from their local communities and forced to move into temporary living conditions in neighboring villages and communities within the borders of the newly born Israel. For these people, Israel did nothing, or less than nothing. Despite endless court judgments and oversight by public and governmental committees, our leaders did their utmost to breach state promises repeatedly given to the poor residents on the deportation day.

Promises assuring them that they would be able to return to their land when the fighting ended were never fulfilled. Desecrated cemeteries and holy places became warehouses and livestock sheds; entire villages were wiped off the face of the land. The mourning places of one became the recreational parks for the others, and it is not over yet. This is how “the only democracy in the Middle East” denies the history of some of its citizens, and thereby, its own history, as well.

It could have been different. And it still can be. 

Israel can still make a huge contribution to itself, its citizens and to the entire region by making the rights of its Palestinian refugees living inside Israel its highest priority. This would be a worthy and true realization of the right of return — wherever it is possible and practical. This would not alter the demographic balance so sanctified by the establishment because it is an internal Israeli matter. After we have made a place for all of Israel’s other ethnic groups and colors, it’s time to make room for the remaining one-fifth of the country’s citizens — the Palestinians.

In my view, wherever possible, people should be allowed to return to the homes they lost decades ago — or be compensated accordingly. After all, not only were there ancient synagogues and classical mosaics in all of these places — but people, churches and mosques, as well. All backed up by explicit Supreme Court decisions. Israel for all Israelis and all their histories combined — even when it hurts, maybe especially when it hurts. 

Because without this, Israel will never experience a true independence. It will continue to exist in ongoing servitude to fears, delays, hostility and a perpetual thirst for war. There is no independence without reconciliation, just as there is no Nakba healing without forgiveness. 

So why are we so surprised on this Independence Day of 2016 that we have still more Nakba and much less independence?


Avraham “Avrum” Burg is an Israeli author and social activist, a former speaker of the Knesset and former chairman of The Jewish Agency.

The Israeli twins — Independence and Nakba Read More »

Calendar: May 13-19, 2016

FRI | MAY 13

“EVA HESSE”

This documentary film by Marcie Begleiter shares the story of one of the few women recognized as a vital part of the New York art scene in the late 1960s, Eva Hesse, who died from a brain tumor at 34. Her sculptures used latex, fiberglass and plastics to help establish the post-minimalist movement. With dozens of new interviews, high-quality footage of Hesse’s artwork and a wealth of newly discovered archival imagery, the documentary also investigates the creative community of ’60s New York and Germany. All of the narration is taken from writings and interviews of Eva Hesse, her father, Wilhelm Hesse, and her mentor, Sol LeWitt. 1:30, 4:20, 7:10 and 9:55 p.m. $12 for adults, $9 for kids, seniors and at matinees. Laemmle Monica Film Center, 1332 Second St., Santa Monica. (310) 478-3836. ” target=”_blank”>wbtla.org.

SADIE TURNER AND COLETTE FREEDMAN

Come meet the authors of “Anomalies,” Sadie Turner and Colette Freedman. This young adult novel explores a future where there is no disease, no war and no discontent, as all citizens are complacent members of the Global Governance. This all changes one summer when the main character, Keeva Tee, is about to make the trip to Monarch Camp, where she will be imprinted with her life partner, and she begins to hear about anomalies — citizens who can’t be imprinted. When Keeva learns she is an anomaly, she starts to doubt everything she has ever believed. 7 p.m. Free. Book Soup, 8818 Sunset Blvd., West Hollywood. (310) 659-3110. ” target=”_blank”>templeetzchaim.org.

SAT | MAY 14

LECTURE ON 40TH ANNIVERSARY OF RAID ON ENTEBBE

Celebrate Israel’s independence and remember the men and women who jeopardized their lives to save Israelis and other Jews by attending this lecture by Israeli paratrooper Sassy Reuven. He was one of the rescuers in 1976 when Israel freed hostages from Entebbe, Uganda, and he will share his account of this historic military operation, from preparing the rescue mission to the safe landing of the hostages. 1 p.m. Free; donations welcomed. Ahavat Torah, 343 S. Church Lane, Los Angeles. (310) 362-1111. SUN | MAY 15

CELEBRATE ISRAEL FESTIVAL

Come enjoy a cultural day in the park in honor of Israel’s Independence Day. There will be activities galore — arts and crafts to make, food to eat, carnival rides to enjoy and information booths to learn from. Various DJs will keep the party going, and there will be a special Yom Ha’Atzmaut ceremony hosted by Mike Burstyn at 3:15 p.m. Community nonprofits and businesses will have booths, too, including the Jewish Journal. 11 a.m. $10 online; $15 at the door (no cash). Cheviot Hills Recreation Center (Rancho Park), 2551 Motor Ave., Los Angeles. ” target=”_blank”>museumoftolerance.com.

SUNDAY MORNINGS LIVE!

Kehillat Ma’arav has paired up with the Schechter Institute in Jerusalem to bring you this three-part, interactive lecture series streaming live from Israel. This is the second class of the series and the topic is “Lag b’Omer — The Loss of Center, from Jerusalem to Bethar: Rabbinic Tales of Destruction and Renewal” by Paul Mandel. The last session of this series will take place on June 5. 9 a.m. $36 for members; $50 for non-members. Kehillat Ma’arav, 1715 21st St., Santa Monica. (310) 829-0566. ” target=”_blank”>aosocal.org.

SWEAT. SMILE. SUPPORT.

Come sweat it out with Lev Chayal and SoulCycle Beverly Hills to benefit Israel Defense Forces (IDF) soldiers. All funds raised will support an upcoming “Trip of a Lifetime” for wounded IDF soldiers. Each ticket includes shoe rental, water, raffle ticket and Pressed Juicery drinks. 2 p.m. check-in; 2:30 p.m. class. $50. SoulCycle Beverly Hills, 9465 Wilshire Blvd., Beverly Hills. ” target=”_blank”>wbtla.org.

THURS | MAY 19

SMART AND SUSTAINABLE CITIES

Come learn about the most innovative new ideas in urban sustainability. Experts from the United States and Israel will present the latest in urban design, technology and public policy. Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti will deliver the keynote address. Panel sessions include energy, water, transportation and more. 8:30 a.m. $35; $25 for nonprofit/university faculty and staff; $5 for students. Pre-registration required. Includes continental breakfast and lunch. DeNeve Commons, UCLA, 351 Charles E. Young Drive West, Los Angeles. (310) 825-9646. Calendar: May 13-19, 2016 Read More »

Elder statesman of Palestinian film directs true story of Gaza’s ‘Arab Idol’

Hany Abu-Assad was cheering in a crowded square in his hometown of Nazareth, Israel, when Mohammad Assaf — a youth from the southern Gaza Strip — earned overnight stardom by winning “Arab Idol,” the region-wide televised singing contest.

In fact, if you watch “The Idol,” Abu-Assad’s newest film, you can just barely see the director in a split second of news footage shown in the film’s final montage, amid the throngs that gathered across the Palestinian world to watch Assaf win.

When Abu-Assad learned this reporter hadn’t heard Assaf’s story before seeing the docudrama, he was perplexed that the singer’s sudden mega-celebrity hadn’t penetrated Western and Jewish circles.

The 23-year-old won the competition in 2013 and was appointed a United Nations youth ambassador on the spot.

“CNN, BBC, everywhere,” Abu-Assad, 54, said of the young man’s fame, speaking in animated English with an Arabic accent. “It was so huge — why Israelis, just so close, why don’t they want to see this story?”

During an interview in Los Angeles last week with the Jewish Journal, the de facto elder statesman of Palestinian film sat back on a couch, eight stories up inside an art-deco tower on Wilshire Boulevard. Abu-Assad likes L.A. — “there’s space, there’s ocean” — even though he considers it among the “ugliest cities in the world, as buildings, as architecture.”

Asked where he lives these days, he said, “Officially in Nazareth, but practically in my suitcase.”

The filmmaker is touring with his newest film. He started the year in Nazareth, before flying to the Netherlands, where earlier in life he lived for 25 years and worked as an airplane engineer, then to London, Los Angeles, Minneapolis, New York and back to L.A.

The film opens in six theaters across Southern California on May 27, including venues in Beverly Hills, Irvine and Palm Springs.

Drawing on the limited pool of Palestinian actors, “The Idol” portrays Assaf’s childhood as a would-be musician in the Khan Yunis refugee camp before flashing forward seven years to show his unlikely flight from Gaza to Cairo, where auditions for the television show were held.

It tells a heartbreakingly sad story of how cramped life in Southern Gaza intrudes on Assaf’s dreams, as well as those of his sister, Nour. Circumstances far outside Assaf’s control continually conspire against the singer.

The movie is also highly acclaimed, as is Abu-Assad’s previous work. Two previous films by Abu-Assad have been entered as Palestinian submissions for Academy Award consideration as best foreign-language film — once in 2005 on behalf of the Palestinian Territories and again in 2013 for Palestine — and both films received the nomination, though neither won the award. He is the only Palestinian filmmaker ever to claim that honor.

The filmmaker understands his celebrity, along with Assaf’s, is one answer to a concerted effort to discredit and erase the Palestinian identity.

“By just saying you are still Palestinian after 60 years of [Israel] trying very hard to vanish the word Palestinian, already you are political, even if you do just music,” he said.

Assaf can be explicitly political; The New York Times reported that his winning number, “Raise the Keffiyeh,” was a favorite of Fatah leader Yasser Arafat and thus something of a black eye for Hamas, the faction that rules Gaza.

Abu-Assad, though, described his upcoming film as “post Israel” — a designation he bases on his belief that the Jewish state is a failed experiment headed for the dustbin of history.

“The situation as it is now, I think it’s impossible to keep a Jewish state in that region,” he said. “You can [keep it] maybe another five years, 10 years, 50 years — it’s impossible to keep it for an unlimited time.”

He said he would be a proponent of a two-state solution, if he thought it was workable.

“Some people were born in the settlements,” he said. “You want to throw them out? Are you kidding me?”

Abu-Assad’s forecast for the land, if somewhat apocalyptic, is little more than his worst-case extrapolation of the situation there since 2005, the year the story of “The Idol” begins.

He had to work directly with the Israel Defense Forces to coordinate his two trips to Gaza for the film. The first time his production manager called the military to arrange entry into the militarized enclave, he said they told her, “What are you talking about, you want to shoot a movie in Gaza? Are you crazy?”

The production manager persisted. (“She’s a very tough woman,” the director said.) Eventually, she succeeded and he managed to gain entry — two days for research and another two for filming, restricted to a small crew. The balance of the movie was filmed in the Jenin refugee camp in the West Bank.

“I was amazed that people from Gaza did not lose their humanity,” he said of his research trip there in 2014. “Because you expect with this siege and destruction, you expect people will be angry, people will be like what you see in the media. They were so humble, human, sharing the little food they have with you, sharing their story, sharing their laughs, sharing their singing.”

For the most part, he said, the story hews to the facts of Assaf’s meteoric rise. Small details have been altered; his sister, Nour, plays guitar in the film rather than keyboard, as in real life, because “guitar is more, you know, it’s sexier,” Abu-Assad said.

When he showed the film to Assaf, the pop star called it 80 percent fact, 20 percent fiction, “but the 20 percent fiction makes [him] realize the importance of the 80 percent. He realized, ‘It’s not what I did, but this is what I felt,’ ” Abu-Assad said.

Though the protagonist is Gazan, Israel is not explicitly cast as the antagonist. When Assaf is nearly apprehended at the border, the troops trying to stand in his way are Hamas Black Shirts, not Israeli soldiers.

Abu-Assad’s other films have taken a more confrontational approach in their portrayal of the Jewish state.

In “Omar,” the 2013 Oscar nominee, the title character is coerced into cooperating with IDF military police. “Paradise Now,” the 2005 Oscar nominee and a Golden Globe winner, tracks two would-be suicide bombers planning an attack on Tel Aviv. Abu-Assad gets screenwriting credits for all three films; for “The Idol,” he said he did a “complete rewrite” of an earlier script.

“The movie is actually not about Israel at all,” he said. “It’s about people in difficult situations, yet they can create their own circumstances.”

This time, Abu-Assad set out to tell a story not directly about politics but rather the transcendence of art and the power of determination.

“What I saw from this phenomenon, Mohammad Assaf, is that you don’t need to wait for somebody to come and help you, you have to help yourself,” he said. “That was an amazing message that I just wanted to share with everybody.”

The director said he hopes members of the Israeli and Jewish communities will come see his film. Given his grim outlook on the future of the Jewish state, he believes they would benefit in particular from the movie’s hopeful message.

“Israelis need more hope than Palestinians,” he said. “Really, I truly think Israelis almost totally lost their hope. They are acting as if there is a lot of frustration.”

However, he has no aspersions about how his film will go over with some elements in the Jewish world.

“If you want my honest opinion, this movie is a nightmare for anybody who will think that they can erase the Palestinian as an identity,” he said.

Elder statesman of Palestinian film directs true story of Gaza’s ‘Arab Idol’ Read More »

Documentary asks: Just what is Israeli cuisine?

In the opening sequence of the documentary “In Search of Israeli Cuisine,” chef Michael Solomonov walks into a Yemenite grill in Tel Aviv and asks for “something grilled, something special” in American-accented Hebrew.

As a starter, the waiters bring him 17 small plates with different salads.

“Notice,” he says to the camera, pointing at one dish after another. “Yemenite, Palestinian, Iraq, Moroccan, Moroccan, this is Russian … Turkish, Moroccan, I don’t even know. Greek. How many countries are represented in one place?”

The film asks a question Solomonov has been asking nearly his entire life: “What exactly is Israeli food?”

Solomonov, who co-owns two Israeli restaurants in Philadelphia and in 2011 won a prestigious James Beard Award, traveled up and down Israel to pose that question to a diverse group of restaurateurs and cooks.

“I don’t pretend to have all the answers,” he said in an interview. “I’m constantly educated or intrigued or humbled by Israeli cuisine.”

The documentary, which claims the Jewish Journal as a sponsor, will air on PBS next year. In the meanwhile, it’s being shown at dozens of film festivals around the world.

On May 19 and May 22, the film can be seen in Beverly Hills and Encino, respectively, as part of the Los Angeles Jewish Film Festival. Panels will follow both screenings, the first moderated by Jewish Journal Publisher Rob Eshman along with cookbook author Amelia Saltsman, and the second featuring Jewish food blogger Elana Horwich and Israeli chef Ofir Arbel.

The panels will address the same issue as the film: How can a hodgepodge of cuisines from around the world, brought together within the last century, become a unique and coherent food tradition?

“Depending on who you talk to, and how you count it, 100 to 150 cultures have either come to Israel or never left Israel and are informing and influencing the food that is there,” Roger Sherman, the film’s director, said in an interview.

“The food scene is, I would say, the most dynamic food scene in the world.”

The documentary is a frenetic tour of that scene, interspersed with serious interviews attempting answer the film’s central question in all its controversy.

“Yes, there is Israeli cuisine,” journalist and farmer Hedai Offaim says five minutes into the film. “Yes, there is an Israeli kitchen.”

“Israeli cuisine is a nonexistent idea,” culinary journalist Gil Hovav asserts in the very next shot. “We’re too young to have our own cuisine. That would be just ridiculous.”

“It’s not a cuisine yet,” food writer Janna Gur concludes in a third consecutive interview. “It’s perhaps a nascent cuisine, a baby cuisine — but a very precocious baby.”

One thing the interviewees seem to agree on is that Israel offers a variety of delicious food — whether it’s Israeli in origin or not — and the film has the feel of a 97-minute Anthony Bourdain special.

“Warning: don’t watch hungry,” Sherman wrote in an email.

Sherman, who was raised a Reform Jew in New York, had no intention of going to Israel before he was invited by Joan Nathan, author of a number of Jewish cookbooks, to join a press trip she was leading.

“Israel was not on my top 10 list,” he said. “It was not on my top 20 list. I wanted to go to Paris.”

Nonetheless, he consented to go. “I didn’t have a project [at the time], and I said, ‘Oh, well, let’s go check it out,’ ” he said.

What he saw truly impressed him.

“We’re so hot on ‘locavore’ and sustainable and a small footprint and everything like that,” he said. “To them, that’s just natural.

“Couple that with incredible olive oil, with world-class, award-winning wine and cheese, and you’ve got the makings of this remarkable place.”

In some cases, Israeli cuisine takes the idea of local eating to an extreme. One of the interviewees, Rama Ben Zvi, a restaurateur in the Judean Hills, is militantly local: For many years, she refused to serve fish, because it had to be shipped from Tel Aviv.

“It’s 45 minutes from here, it’s not local,” she says in the film, laughing. “Then I understood that, you know, I can be a little bit more flexible, and we started serving also fish. But this is the farthest we go.”

As with any topic in the Middle East, food in Israel can be political, and the film doesn’t avoid controversy.

“The falafel is ours, the maqluba is ours, the hummus is ours,” Husam Abbas, a Palestinian chef who runs a restaurant in the village of Umm al-Fahm, says in the movie. “What do you have? Where is it from?”

“Where is the kitchen that you call the Israeli kitchen?” the stocky, mustachioed cook demands. “Where is it? Come, let’s create an Israeli kitchen together.”

But perhaps the greater controversy the film addresses, at least for some viewers, is about Ashkenazi food: Can a culinary tradition historically associated with guilt, penury and Polish blandness actually be tasty?

For Solomonov, the answer to this question is a solid yes. After eating kugel in the Jerusalem kitchen of food guide Shmil Holland, he decided to add the traditional noodle dish to the menu at his flagship restaurant, Zahav.

It’s not your grandmother’s kugel: After vermicelli noodles are cooked in chicken stock with egg, sunflower seeds, ground coffee and orange rinds, the dish is baked and served with green almonds.

Solomonov, soft-spoken with close-cropped gray hair, sees the blurred lines of Israeli cuisine as liberating rather than limiting, enabling him to adapt dishes to whatever ingredients are found locally in eastern Pennsylvania.

The film turned him and Sherman into unwitting ambassadors for Israeli culture.

“The ministry of tourism is jumping up and down about this, because they say this is the [best] brand ambassador[ship] you could possibly imagine,” Sherman said. “And I don’t mind that at all.”

Starting this month, Florentine Films, Sherman’s production company, will be offering food tours of the country led by Avihai Tsabari, a guide who’s featured in the documentary. The next trip leaves in January.

For his part, Solomonov is an earnest evangelist for the supremacy of food over politics.

“It’s so cliché, saying, like, peace through food,” he said in the interview. “On the other hand, traditional means of diplomacy have not worked very well.”

In the film, Abbas, the Palestinian restaurateur, speaking in broken English, sums up what may be the film’s most uplifting message: “Food make peace.”

Documentary asks: Just what is Israeli cuisine? Read More »