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April 9, 2015

Gaza police seize Banksy painting in legal row

Palestinian police confiscated a bombed-out doorway bearing a Banksy painting  from a Gaza graffiti artist on Thursday after the original owner complained of being swindled into selling it cheap.

The artist Belal Khaled had paid 700 shekels ($175) for the image of a goddess holding her head in her hand, which had been spray-painted on Rabea Darduna's iron-and-brick doorway as it stood among the ruins of his home, destroyed in the July-August war with Israel.

Banksy, a British street artist famed for his ironic murals in unexpected places, visited Gaza this year and left several paintings on the outside walls of buildings, some of them ruins. His pieces regularly sell for more than $500,000.

Khaled, 23, told Reuters that police seized the painting from his home in Khan Younis, southern Gaza. They were accompanied by Darduna, a civil servant.

“The policemen took the door away and they told me it would be held in accordance with a court order because there was a lawsuit against me,” Khaled said. “I am the true owner of the door now, and I will seek to establish this in court.”

A police spokesman had no immediate comment, but Darduna's lawyer, Mohammed Rihan, confirmed the claims to the Bansky painting were under court review.

“I will seek to return the door to its true owner, Rabea Darduna. My client was cheated,” Rihan said.

After buying the painting from Darduna, Khaled said last week he had wanted to protect the Banksy mural from neglect and that he had always wanted to own a work by the reclusive artist, who is from Bristol in the west of England and has never revealed his true identity.

Khaled has said he had no plans to sell the doorway “at the present time”. A Banksy mural painted on a shop in London in 2013 sold at a private auction for $1.1 million.

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Clergy march to LAPD headquarters, City Hall to protest skid row killing

On April 8, group of local Jewish and African-American leaders spotlighted the increase in police-involved deadly shootings in areas such as Skid Row during a press conference outside the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) headquarters.

“We wanted to reinforce that the Jewish community is standing together with the black community on this issue,” Rabbi Aryeh Cohen, a board member at Clergy and Laity United for Economic Justice-Los Angeles (CLUE-LA), told the Journal in an interview.

He, along with members of the Black-Jewish Justice Alliance, a program of community organizing groups CLUE-LA and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, participated. Prompted by the May 1 killing in Skid Row of Charly “Africa” Leundeu Keunang, an unarmed black man, as well as the policing methods toward the homeless of the area, according to press materials. 

Rabbi Jonathan Klein, executive director at CLUE-LA; Rabbi Heather Miller, a rabbinic fellow at Beth Chayim Chadashim and b’nai mitzvah educator at Temple Israel of Hollywood; and Temple Beth Hillel of North Hollywood Rabbi Emeritus Jim Kaufman also attended.

The event took place to coincide with the fifth day of Passover.

The group staged a press conference at 10 a.m. outside the LAPD headquarters at Main street and 1st. Afterward, armed with jars of bitter herbs and charoset, they marched into LAPD headquarters and  into Los Angeles City Hall to deliver letters addressed to LAPD Chief Charlie Beck and Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti. They gave the letters and the Passover foods to LAPD Detective Meghan Aguilar and Garcetti Westside Representative Daniel Tamm. Beck and Garcetti were not available to meet with the group.

“We demand that there be an independent prosecutor appointed to investigate all cases of police-involved shootings,” the letters read.

After the press conference, Cohen poured Clamato juice, a tomato juice meant to resemble blood – representing one of the Ten Plagues — into a hedge outside the LAPD headquarters. This was to symbolize bloodshed, he said.

“It’s all bound together,” Cohen told the Journal. “The message of Passover is that liberation is an unfolding story. As deep as it is, there’s more liberation that has to be done.”

Additional participants were Reverend Cue Jn-marie of The Row LA, Pete White, director of the Los Angeles Community Action Network and Pastor William D. Smart of the Christ Liberation Ministries.

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Real estate scion Durst pleads not guilty to Louisiana gun charges

Real estate scion Robert Durst pleaded not guilty on Thursday in Louisiana state court to firearms charges, as prospects for his swift extradition to California to face a murder charge appeared increasingly remote.

Prosecutors in California have been seeking Durst's return to Los Angeles County, where he stands accused of the 2000 slaying of a longtime friend, Susan Berman, in a case recently chronicled in the HBO documentary series “The Jinx: The Life and Deaths of Robert Durst.”

The final episode of the series aired one day after his March 14 arrest at a New Orleans hotel, where authorities said he was staying under an assumed name with $42,000 in cash, a revolver, a stash of marijuana and a latex mask.

A grand jury in New Orleans indicted Durst on Wednesday on charges of possessing a weapon as a felon and carrying a firearm with a controlled substance.

A federal criminal complaint filed a day earlier similarly accused him of possessing a weapon as a felon. His attorneys on Thursday attended a closed-door hearing on that case, in which he has not been indicted.

“I feel like we're being tag-teamed, and I feel like we need to be in California where the main case is so we can try the case,” Dick DeGuerin, an attorney for Durst, told reporters.

Durst's attorneys have argued that FBI agents who arrested him and initially searched his hotel room did so improperly.

Durst is next due in court on the Louisiana state charges on May 7.

Also on Thursday, the Los Angeles Times published a letter apparently from Durst, in which the writer fondly recalled living in Los Angeles, expressed enjoying professional football and opera and said he left California for Houston for a medical procedure, but made no mention of the charges against him.

The HBO series documented several police investigations of Durst over the years, including the dismemberment killing of a male neighbor in Texas in 2003 for which he was tried and acquitted of murder, and the 1982 disappearance of his wife, Kathleen, in New York.

Toward the end of the series, he was presented with evidence his handwriting appeared to match that of Berman's likely killer. Durst's voice was subsequently captured on a microphone as saying he had “killed them all.”

Durst has long been estranged from his powerful family, known for its significant New York real estate holdings.

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Lassana Bathily: The Muslim who saved French Jews in Hyper Cacher

Let’s put ourselves in the shoes of Lassana Bathily, a French-speaking African-born Muslim, just 24, whom I met on his recent visit to Los Angeles.

It’s early Friday afternoon on Jan. 9, and Bathily is at work at the Hyper Cacher market in Paris, where he has been living since 2006. He’s in the basement inspecting a delivery. This is the job that saved his life. After years of limbo — much of it as an illegal immigrant living in fear of being deported — he’s finally found a home, working with Jews. Normally at this hour, he would be saying, “Shabbat shalom,” to his co-workers before heading out to say his Friday prayers at a nearby mosque.

But on this particular Friday, something broke the rhythm. As he was wrapping up for the week, he heard the sound of people rushing down the stairs to the basement. They were coming down so fast, they collided with a case of wine. A few bottles broke. Wine started to spill. He looked up and saw a dozen or more panicked customers. Some of them were familiar to him — one woman held a baby.

“Les terroristes sont là,” he heard a customer cry out. “The terrorists are here.”

He heard noises upstairs. It could have been gunfire; he wasn’t sure. He was thinking fast. He loved these people. They were the shoppers who kept the store in business — the store where he had this great job and where he felt so at home. And now, they were all in serious trouble.

Les terroristes sont là.
The terrorists are here.”

It hadn’t been easy getting this job. A Muslim friend of a cousin had a longtime relationship with the store’s kosher meat supplier, and he’d been able to get Bathily an interview. When the people doing the hiring asked for his qualifications, he’d answered honestly: “I’ve never done this before,” he told them. “Try me and see if you like me.” Well, they did, and they liked him so much, they promoted him. Now, whenever supplies came in and had to be inspected, he was the man in charge.

On that Friday afternoon in the basement he knew so well, as a scene of terror unfolded upstairs and a group of panicked customers faced him, he was also the man in charge.

How did his life come to this improbable moment?

Who would think that during those long years of wandering through Paris, trying to be invisible, he would end up a central player in the biggest news story in the world? And that all those years of feeling so vulnerable would culminate in this moment of feeling so needed, with people looking to him to help them survive a life-or-death situation?

“How do I get them to safety?” was the only thought in his mind. Taking the service elevator and letting them out the back exit was out of the question. The terrorists would probably see them leaving.

There was only one place to hide them: the freezer.

Quietly, he shepherded the group inside as he turned off the lights and refrigeration. The baby was crying. He asked the mother to do her best to keep him quiet. He walked into the freezer with them and immediately called the police. There was no cell connection inside the freezer. He walked out and tried again. The police line was busy. He called a few times, but no luck.

That is when he called Dennis Mercier.

Mercier is the Frenchman who’d really changed Bathily’s life. France has a mentoring program through which people volunteer to help immigrants stay in the country. For years, Bathily had attended night schools and trade schools in the hope of building a life for himself. He studied mosaic tiling, and then plumbing, but without legal status, he couldn’t find work. He slept on the floor between the beds of two Muslim friends from Mali and ate sparingly. If his roommates had food, they would share it; if not, he drank water and went to sleep.

Mercier had volunteered to be his mentor. He was especially helpful after Bathily’s application for working status was declined. Mercier found an error in the dossier and arranged for an appeal. But on the day of Bathily’s hearing, Mercier was in Casablanca doing human-rights work, so he couldn’t be there to help. Instead, he had a law professor write out a statement that Bathily could read to the judge.

Three weeks later, in November 2010, Bathily read these long-awaited words on a registered letter: “Carte de séjour avec aucun delais,” authorizing “a work permit without any delay.” He couldn’t believe his good fortune. He called Mercier right away and read him the letter. Mercier couldn’t believe it either, so he asked Bathily to come over with the letter. He did. It was true. Bathily was now a free man in France — free to work and send money back to his mother and other family members in Mali. And, for the first time in a long time, he could walk the streets of Paris without fear of being stopped and deported.

When Bathily called Mercier on Jan. 9, he was desperate for help. He had to find his way out of the store. Whispering so he wouldn’t be heard, Bathily told his mentor what was going on and that he couldn’t get ahold of the police. Mercier quickly hung up and called the police, but he, too, couldn’t get through. So he went out on the street and flagged down a policeman. Within minutes of the call to Mercier, shrieking police sirens were the only sound anyone could hear.

Now the real ordeal began: What to do?

It didn’t feel safe for everyone to just stay in the freezer, all huddled up. Who knew how many terrorists might be upstairs? They could simply come down, maybe hear the baby crying, blow open the door and kill everyone. As Bathily discussed options with the group, a co-worker named Zari came down with a demand: The terrorist wanted the key to the main entrance so he could lock it. Bathily gave her the key, but noted one piece of good news: If the terrorist was using Zari to deliver messages, he was probably working alone.

A short while later, Zari returned with a second demand: The terrorist wanted everyone to come upstairs. Now it got complicated. There was no way Bathily would allow the 15 or so people he was hiding to go up, possibly to be slaughtered. But he knew, too, that he couldn’t just say no to a terrorist with guns, especially when the terrorist had warned Zari that he’d kill everyone upstairs if the people downstairs didn’t come up.

Bathily had been thinking about that terrorist since the ordeal began. This was just a few days after Islamic terrorists had gone on a rampage at the offices of the satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo. So he figured the guy upstairs was probably a Muslim, like him.

That Charlie Hebdo attack was a big source of shame. Responding with violence to insults is not what Bathily was taught by his parents or by his Muslim teachers in the African village where he grew up. Of course, he was offended when someone insulted his prophet, but he believed violence was the wrong response. He’d learned that punishment was God’s domain, not man’s. How could fellow Muslims have strayed so far from that message?

In any event, the crisis was heating up, and a decision had to be made: Which hostages would go upstairs? Bathily decided to stay with the group, while two men volunteered to return with Zari. It wasn’t an easy call. The terrorist surely knew there were more hostages downstairs, but Bathily was hoping that these two would satisfy him for now and buy some time to plan their next move.

At this point, with the possibility that the terrorist might come down at any time and wreak havoc, Bathily didn’t see any choice: He had to make a run for it to let authorities know what was going on. A few hostages pleaded with him not to risk his life that way, but he left anyway.

He took the service elevator and prayed that the terrorist would not see him as he walked out. That was the second bit of great fortune in his life — the terrorist didn’t see him. He got out through the back exit. He was now outside, breathing the Parisian air, about to be greeted by police commandos who had no idea he was one of the good guys.

One of the commandos screamed at him to get his hands up, while another ordered him to get down on the ground. He tried to do both, awkwardly. He sensed that they might shoot him at any second. He was almost relieved when they handcuffed him. They kept him handcuffed for a good 90 minutes.

Meanwhile, he tried telling them what was going on inside, but because they couldn’t trust that he wasn’t one of the terrorists, he didn’t get very far. It was only after a co-worker from a second store identified him that the police began to listen to him.

Consider the contrast: While a terrorist was upstairs killing people, Bathily was downstairs trying to liberate them. He countered the worst human depravity with the highest level of nobility.

By now, several hours into the ordeal, Bathily was finally able to give the police information they would need to eventually rescue the hostages. He provided a detailed layout of both floors of the market, right down to which windows were broken, as well as the crucial information that it was likely only one terrorist was inside.

It was a bittersweet ending after the hostages were rescued in a daring raid. Bathily learned that four hostages upstairs had been shot dead at the very beginning of the crisis, including his good buddy and co-worker Yohan Cohen. Bathily was disheartened when some of the upstairs hostages at first called him “un lache,” a coward, because they assumed he had run for safety and abandoned the others.

But when the hostages from downstairs showed up, their reaction was completely different. They embraced him and thanked him. Many of them were in tears. They all hugged. The ordeal was finally over, and his new life was about to begin.

 

The story of Lassana Bathily I’ve described here came directly from a conversation I had with him when he was in town to be honored by the Simon Wiesenthal Center. As I reflected on his story, which touched me deeply, it struck me that during these days of Passover, when we look back on the Jews’ ancient story of liberation, Bathily’s story is also one of liberation — two liberations, in fact.

The first is the story of liberation we all heard about that was broadcast around the world — the story of a Muslim man who helped to liberate a group of Jews held hostage by a crazed gunman inside a kosher market.

The second story is less publicized and more personal. It’s Bathily’s own story, a tale of one man’s journey from an African village to a cosmopolitan city and his struggle to be accepted and build a life for himself. This was his liberation, and to reach it, Bathily needed the virtues of patience and perseverance and the help of guardian angels like Mercier.

He also needed a reverence for life. It’s true that life at any moment may be dark and unhappy, but life itself holds the promise of the deepest joy, no matter how deep the struggle. Bathily’s struggle to make it in a foreign city, and the simple joy he eventually found in his job, made him appreciate the very promise of life.

It was this appreciation that guided him on that infamous January day. Consider the contrast: While a terrorist was upstairs killing people, Bathily was downstairs trying to liberate them. He countered the worst human depravity with the highest level of nobility. He understood that nothing is more worthy of liberating than life itself. 

But Bathily’s story holds another lesson of liberation — it’s the lesson of liberating ourselves from our own prejudices. 

The “upstairs survivors” who initially called Bathily a coward did what many of us do in the heat of emotion — we react only to what we see. Shaken as they were by their ordeal, the survivors could see only an African Muslim who had escaped a hostage crisis, and they assumed he had abandoned his Jewish hostages.

It’s only when they looked beneath the surface and freed themselves from prejudices that they realized Bathily was a hero, not a coward.

How poignant that such a life lesson should express itself so clearly and metaphorically in one place. Here was the very visible stereotype of the violent Muslim terrorist on the main floor of a kosher market, while just below, on the lower floor, was the opposite — a quiet, religious Muslim man who was doing everything he could to save lives.

When I spoke to Bathily by phone a few days after meeting him, he was back in Paris, pondering his future. Right after that fateful day of Jan. 9, a petition to grant Bathily French citizenship was signed by more than 300,000 people and was immediately adopted by the French government.

He’s now on disability leave from the market, visiting with doctors to overcome the trauma of his experience. He said he misses the camaraderie of his beloved grocery store, which reopened with all new employees two months after the attack. The memories are too intense, he said, for him or any of his former colleagues to return to that same place.

As Bathily spoke, I heard party noises in the background. I thought about his newfound celebrity, and I hoped it wouldn’t go to his head and that people wouldn’t try to exploit him. I asked him whether he’d ever thought about working for an organization that promotes peace and coexistence among different religions.

His voice rose up against the background noises: “If you hear of such an organization,” he said to me in French, “please tell them I’m interested.”

I hope Lassana Bathily finds that organization and finds that new job. It would be one more step in his improbable journey of liberation.


David Suissa is president of TRIBE Media Corp./Jewish Journal and can be reached at davids@jewishjournal.com.

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Taken for a Multi-million Dollar Ride

Last week the Los Angeles City Council approved a “>resolution praising the demonstrators that had set up an encampment on the grounds of City Hall, as a “peaceful and vibrant exercise in First Amendment rights.” When the Council acted Occupy LA had been camping on City Hall for nearly two weeks, they remained for an additional six.

In the weeks of the occupation, as reported by the press, the sanitary conditions, the drug violations and the general demeanor of the “occupiers” deteriorated. Nevertheless, during that period the police and governmental officials went out of their way to accommodate the demonstrators and evidence concern about their well-being (some LAPD officers even delivered turkeys to them).

News “>reported that, “At some points, police seemed to be overly cautious. Officers moved slowly to make arrests when a group of two dozen activists sat down with arms linked on Figueroa Street…..a march organized in conjunction with Occupy LA.”

When LA officials’ patience wore thin after nearly two months of “occupation” Chief Beck urged demonstrators to heed the order to disperse when issued. He warned that those who chose to stay behind and be arrested ought to realize that it wouldn’t be like summer camp, an arrest is an arrest and can be unpleasant.

On November 30th, at midnight, the LAPD began to “>cleared, with nearly 300 arrests made.

Subsequently, a lawsuit was “>recommended that the city settle the case for $2,450,000.

The substance of the City Attorney’s argument to the Council was not made public; the case was discussed in “closed session.” One can imagine that the potential liability of the case, were it lost, was the most compelling argument for settling at this sizeable amount.

It’s hard to imagine, given the facts of the case, that a reasonable trier-of-fact would find that LAPD and the City could have been more accommodating than they were for 58 days of occupation and one night of resistance; civil disobedience is rarely pain free, those arrested should have expected a few hours of unpleasantness for violating the law. The trier-of-fact would likely have offset any recovery against the “>toxic trash Occupy LA left behind, to resod the lawn, to replace the damaged irrigation system, to restore the landscape to proper conditions and for the added costs of policing the site for 58 days.

If the City coffers are more than an ATM machine for plaintiffs with a cause, one would think that a staff of over five hundred attorneys in the City Attorney’s office might give the Occupy LA lawyers a run for their money and stand for some principles, even if there is some legal risk involved.

The sympathy that the Council expressed for the Occupy LA protestors in 2011 remains; it had a near unanimous vote for expending $2.45 million of taxpayer dollars to protestors for whom they had earlier expressed “support” and the people’s “solidarity.”

In the real world, away from the headlines and the public eye, there are countless cases of people who are genuinely injured by the City’s malfeasance and nonfeasance (whether in accidents, damaged sidewalks, or bureaucratic screw ups) who have to overcome procedural hurdles—from administrative hearings to lawsuits to appeals to mediation—before getting recompensed with a few thousand dollars for real medical and other expenses.

Occupy LA had it much easier, a few hours of inconvenience ended up in a windfall for the plaintiffs and their lawyers—they are laughing all the way to the bank. And the funds available to reimburse the genuinely aggrieved in our city will be less.

Chief Beck offered the protestors office space Downtown and space to grow food; they wisely didn’t accept that offer. Now they can probably purchase a building near Downtown, with a garden to boot; all of which we have bought them.

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Leon Panetta criticizes Obama for non-activism at Pearl lecture

With some 50 years of public service as an eight-term California congressman, as President Clinton’s chief of staff and President Obama’s Secretary of Defense and CIA director, Leon Panetta believes in the value of experience.

So it came as no major surprise when he endorsed two old political hands as his favorites in the 2016 presidential race – Hillary Clinton for the Democrats and Jeb Bush for the Republicans.

Panetta advanced his choices at the annual Daniel Pearl Memorial Lecture, established by the Pearl’s parents, Professor Judea and Ruth Pearl, at UCLA on March 30. The event commemorates the life of the Wall Street Journal reporter who in 2002 was murdered by Islamic extremists in Pakistan.

The lack of such experience, and civility, by many of today’s political incumbents has led to a state of affairs described in stark words by Panetta.

“In 50 years, I never saw Washington as bad as it is now. There are no rules anymore, so that 47 senators decided to write to our enemy [Iran],” he said,  though adding that even in the best of times “governing is not a pretty-please process. It’s essentially a kick-ass process. You have to fight for every vote. You have to roll up your sleeves and engage.”

Although Panetta got his political start in 1966 as legislative assistant to California Senator Thomas Kuchel, a Republican, Panetta subsequently became a Democratic stalwart, and he apportioned most of the blame for the current Washington gridlock to Republican legislators in the House and Senate.

However, he did not spare President Obama entirely. During questioning by journalist and moderator Jim Newton, Panetta praised his former boss as “supremely intelligent” and responsible for important progress in some areas, But he faulted the president for “lacking fire” and, until recently, not fully using his executive power when his policies were stymied on Capitol Hill.

By contrast, Panetta cited previous presidents Theodore Roosevelt, Lyndon Johnson and Bill Clinton as activist chief executives.

“It would be wonderful if political decisions were made by logic alone, but if that doesn’t work, you have to go out and fight for every vote,” Panetta said.

Leon Panetta (right) was interviewed by journalist Jim Newton during the Daniel Pearl Memorial Lecture at UCLATodd Cheney/UCLA

He devoted little time to American foreign policy, but called for a “comprehensive policy on the Middle East, rather than responding to each new crisis separately.”

While endorsing recent moves by Saudi Arabia and Egypt to form a combined force confronting ISIS and other terrorist groups, Panetta warned that as new Arab coalitions are formed, “You never know what the hell they are going to do.”

Regarding the current rift between Obama and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Panetta warned that “the security of the Middle East is too important to allow these divisions to go on.”

A capacity crowd of some 500 in UCLA’s Schoenberg Hall reacted with frequent applause and laughter to Panetta’s outspoken political points and his reminiscences of growing up as the son of struggling Italian immigrants in California’s Monterey area.

After the lecture, a lengthy line formed to purchase autographed copies of Panetta’s book “Worthy Fights: A Memoir of Leadership in War and Peace.”

The event was sponsored by UCLA’s Burkle Center for International Relations, Luskin School of Public Affairs, and Yitzak Rabin Hillel Center for Jewish Life, joined by the Daniel Pearl Foundation

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Glass Half Full: Community

Glass Half Full: Jewish Responses to Life’s Challenges with Rabbi Zoe Klein, Rob Eshman, Rabbi David Woznica, Rabbi Amy Bernstein and Rabbi Elazar Muskin

Date: Sunday, April 26, 2015

Time: 4:00 pm — 6:00 pm

Place: Harvey Morse Auditorium Cedars-Sinai Medical Center

8700 Beverly Blvd. – South Tower, Los Angeles, CA, 90048

Can Judaism bring new insight and hope to life’s challenges? Join four distinguished rabbis as they explore the impact of Jewish wisdom on modern life.

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Hebrew word of the week: Bne-Horin

In the haggadah, bne-Horin, literally “sons of freeborn, noblemen” (Nehemiah 2:16), are contrasted with avadim “slaves.” The mishnah recognizes cases of half-slave, half-freeman — for instances when a slave who had two masters is freed by one but not by the other (Gittin 4:5).

The root H-r-r “be/become/be born free” is well-known from Aramaic and Arabic as well.* Passover is known also as Hag ha-Herut, the “Liberation Holiday”; the Statue of Liberty is Pesel ha-Herut.** Israel’s Liberation (Independence) War in 1948 is known as milHemet ha-shiHrur.

*As with Hurr, meaning “free person, noble.” Hürriet (“freedom”), a loanword from Arabic, is the name of a famous Turkish daily and a magazine.

**The idiom bne-Horin appears in the Hebrew translation of Emma Lazarus’ poem the Big Colossus  (engraved on the base of the Statue of Liberty):

Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free
חורין כבני לנשום כמהים המונים של רב ערב

Yona Sabar is a professor of Hebrew and Aramaic in the department of Near Eastern Languages & Cultures at UCLA.

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An extensive history of the Holocaust

On Holocaust Remembrance Day, we are confronted by a bitter irony. The vast and ever-expanded scholarship of the Shoah has never been greater, and yet, at the same time, we still hear insistent voices that minimize or even deny that it happened. That’s why the most crucial form of remembrance is not a eulogy but a history.

“KL: A History of the Nazi Concentration Camps” by Nikolaus Wachsmann, newly published by Farrar Straus and Giroux, is an especially distinguished and important example. Wachsmann’s fellow historians have lauded the book precisely because it can be regarded as a benchmark immediately upon publication. “It is hard to imagine that Nikolaus Wachsmann’s superb book, surely to become the standard work on Nazi concentration camps, will ever be surpassed,” Ian Kershaw declared, himself a distinguished historian of Nazi Germany.

Wachsmann, a professor of modern European history at Birkbeck College at the University of London, starts with the first Nazi concentration camp, Dachau, and proceeds to document how the camp system was conceived, constructed and operated over the 12-year history of Nazi Germany. “The concentration camps embodied the spirt of Nazism like no other institution within the Third Reich,” he writes. “They form a distinct system of domination, with its own organization, rules, and staff, and even its own acronym: in official documents and common parlance, they were often referred as KL (from the German Konzentrationslager).”

Approximately 1.7 million men, women and children died in the concentration camps, 1 million of them in Auschwitz alone. But Auschwitz was only one of 27 main camps and more than 1,100 “satellite” camps that were operated by the SS at sites across Europe. Who remembers the camps at Ellrich, Kaufering, Klooga or Redl-Zipf? It is the author’s mission to look beyond the black hole of Auschwitz and chronicle the vast constellation of camps that have been eclipsed in so many other works of Holocaust literature. 

Indeed, the number of deaths that took place behind the walls and fences of the concentration camps points to another often-overlooked fact of history, the concentration camps were not the only places where victims of the Nazis were put to death. Wachsmann makes a careful distinction between the concentration camps, where some were murdered and some were put to slave labor, and the death camps (Belzec, Sobibor and Treblinka), which were “built for one purpose only: the rapid mass extermination of deported Jews.” Millions of other Jews died in the ghettos, the mobile killing vans, and — above all — by the simple if brutal expedience of a bullet to the back of the neck fired by one of Hitler’s willing executioners.

“The significant majority of up to six-million Jews murdered under the Nazi regime perished in other places, shot in ditches and fields across eastern Europe or gassed in distinct death camps like Treblinka, which operated separately from the KL,” Wachsmann explains.

While Wachsmann holds himself to highest standards of scholarship, he is also a gifted author whose eye frequently falls on the telling or surprising detail, which makes “KL” not only an important work of history, but also, even at 865 pages in length, a rich and highly readable book, full of incident and irony.

He shows us, for example, the wedding of the commandant of Sachsenhausen and his wife, “a ghostly nighttime ceremony surrounded by uniformed Camp SS men holding torches.” He reminds us that “the largest group of religious prisoners in the mid-1930s were Jehovah’s Witnesses,” a cohort so large “that the Camp SS gave them a special insignia: the purple triangle.” And some victims were chosen for purely cosmetic reasons, as in 1936, when Dachau received a shipment of some 300 “beggars and vagabonds” in an effort to “smarten up the streets before the Olympics.”

At first, the camps were used to confine and punish the various enemies of the Third Reich, but not for the principal purpose of murdering them. In fact, camp inmates in Heinrich Himmler’s SS-operated camps were identified as a convenient source of free labor for the grandiose building projects that Hitler’s master architect, Albert Speer, was overseeing: “Hitler, Himmler and Speer agreed that KL prisoners would supply vast amounts of building materials,” Wachsmann writes. By 1938, however, when Kristallnacht resulted in the mass arrest of Jews, the KL system began to serve as a “motor of radicalization,” in the words of historian Jürgen Matthäus, in the war against the Jews.

The camp system grew relentlessly and expansively throughout the Nazi era, as Wachsmann shows us, but the escalation into industrialized mass murder began in earnest after the outbreak of World War II. Barely six months later, work on the new camp at Auschwitz was already underway, and experiments in more efficient methods of killing were in progress at several other concentration camps. “While the immediate extermination of European Jews had not yet been decided by early summer 1941, the death of Jews in concentration camps was an almost foregone conclusion by then,” the author writes. “Although Auschwitz played an increasingly important part in the Holocaust from the summer of 1942, it was a junior partner early on, far surpassed by other sites of terror.”

Significantly, Wachsmann begins with a haunting quotation from a letter that was sealed in a flask and buried on the grounds of the crematorium at Auschwitz-Birkenau in 1944: “May the world at least behold a drop, a fraction of this tragic world in which we lived,” wrote Salmen Gradowski, one of the doomed victims of the camp. “KL” is much more that a fraction of that world; it allows us to behold the world of the concentration camp in its heartbreaking entirety. 

Jonathan Kirsch, author and publishing attorney, is the book editor of the Jewish Journal. His latest book is “The Short, Strange Life of Herschel Grynszpan: A Boy Avenger, a Nazi Diplomat, and a Murder in Paris.” (Norton/Liveright).

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